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Organizing Your Social Sciences Research Assignments

• Annotated Bibliography
• Analyzing a Scholarly Journal Article
• Group Presentations
• Dealing with Nervousness
• Using Visual Aids
• Grading Someone Else's Paper
• Types of Structured Group Activities
• Group Project Survival Skills
• Leading a Class Discussion
• Multiple Book Review Essay
• Reviewing Collected Works
• Writing a Case Analysis Paper
• Writing a Case Study
• About Informed Consent
• Writing Field Notes
• Writing a Policy Memo
• Writing a Reflective Paper
• Writing a Research Proposal
• Generative AI and Writing
• Acknowledgments

A case study research paper examines a person, place, event, condition, phenomenon, or other type of subject of analysis in order to extrapolate  key themes and results that help predict future trends, illuminate previously hidden issues that can be applied to practice, and/or provide a means for understanding an important research problem with greater clarity. A case study research paper usually examines a single subject of analysis, but case study papers can also be designed as a comparative investigation that shows relationships between two or more subjects. The methods used to study a case can rest within a quantitative, qualitative, or mixed-method investigative paradigm.

Case Studies. Writing@CSU. Colorado State University; Mills, Albert J. , Gabrielle Durepos, and Eiden Wiebe, editors. Encyclopedia of Case Study Research . Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 2010 ; “What is a Case Study?” In Swanborn, Peter G. Case Study Research: What, Why and How? London: SAGE, 2010.

How to Approach Writing a Case Study Research Paper

General information about how to choose a topic to investigate can be found under the " Choosing a Research Problem " tab in the Organizing Your Social Sciences Research Paper writing guide. Review this page because it may help you identify a subject of analysis that can be investigated using a case study design.

However, identifying a case to investigate involves more than choosing the research problem . A case study encompasses a problem contextualized around the application of in-depth analysis, interpretation, and discussion, often resulting in specific recommendations for action or for improving existing conditions. As Seawright and Gerring note, practical considerations such as time and access to information can influence case selection, but these issues should not be the sole factors used in describing the methodological justification for identifying a particular case to study. Given this, selecting a case includes considering the following:

• The case represents an unusual or atypical example of a research problem that requires more in-depth analysis? Cases often represent a topic that rests on the fringes of prior investigations because the case may provide new ways of understanding the research problem. For example, if the research problem is to identify strategies to improve policies that support girl's access to secondary education in predominantly Muslim nations, you could consider using Azerbaijan as a case study rather than selecting a more obvious nation in the Middle East. Doing so may reveal important new insights into recommending how governments in other predominantly Muslim nations can formulate policies that support improved access to education for girls.
• The case provides important insight or illuminate a previously hidden problem? In-depth analysis of a case can be based on the hypothesis that the case study will reveal trends or issues that have not been exposed in prior research or will reveal new and important implications for practice. For example, anecdotal evidence may suggest drug use among homeless veterans is related to their patterns of travel throughout the day. Assuming prior studies have not looked at individual travel choices as a way to study access to illicit drug use, a case study that observes a homeless veteran could reveal how issues of personal mobility choices facilitate regular access to illicit drugs. Note that it is important to conduct a thorough literature review to ensure that your assumption about the need to reveal new insights or previously hidden problems is valid and evidence-based.
• The case challenges and offers a counter-point to prevailing assumptions? Over time, research on any given topic can fall into a trap of developing assumptions based on outdated studies that are still applied to new or changing conditions or the idea that something should simply be accepted as "common sense," even though the issue has not been thoroughly tested in current practice. A case study analysis may offer an opportunity to gather evidence that challenges prevailing assumptions about a research problem and provide a new set of recommendations applied to practice that have not been tested previously. For example, perhaps there has been a long practice among scholars to apply a particular theory in explaining the relationship between two subjects of analysis. Your case could challenge this assumption by applying an innovative theoretical framework [perhaps borrowed from another discipline] to explore whether this approach offers new ways of understanding the research problem. Taking a contrarian stance is one of the most important ways that new knowledge and understanding develops from existing literature.
• The case provides an opportunity to pursue action leading to the resolution of a problem? Another way to think about choosing a case to study is to consider how the results from investigating a particular case may result in findings that reveal ways in which to resolve an existing or emerging problem. For example, studying the case of an unforeseen incident, such as a fatal accident at a railroad crossing, can reveal hidden issues that could be applied to preventative measures that contribute to reducing the chance of accidents in the future. In this example, a case study investigating the accident could lead to a better understanding of where to strategically locate additional signals at other railroad crossings so as to better warn drivers of an approaching train, particularly when visibility is hindered by heavy rain, fog, or at night.
• The case offers a new direction in future research? A case study can be used as a tool for an exploratory investigation that highlights the need for further research about the problem. A case can be used when there are few studies that help predict an outcome or that establish a clear understanding about how best to proceed in addressing a problem. For example, after conducting a thorough literature review [very important!], you discover that little research exists showing the ways in which women contribute to promoting water conservation in rural communities of east central Africa. A case study of how women contribute to saving water in a rural village of Uganda can lay the foundation for understanding the need for more thorough research that documents how women in their roles as cooks and family caregivers think about water as a valuable resource within their community. This example of a case study could also point to the need for scholars to build new theoretical frameworks around the topic [e.g., applying feminist theories of work and family to the issue of water conservation].

Eisenhardt, Kathleen M. “Building Theories from Case Study Research.” Academy of Management Review 14 (October 1989): 532-550; Emmel, Nick. Sampling and Choosing Cases in Qualitative Research: A Realist Approach . Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 2013; Gerring, John. “What Is a Case Study and What Is It Good for?” American Political Science Review 98 (May 2004): 341-354; Mills, Albert J. , Gabrielle Durepos, and Eiden Wiebe, editors. Encyclopedia of Case Study Research . Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 2010; Seawright, Jason and John Gerring. "Case Selection Techniques in Case Study Research." Political Research Quarterly 61 (June 2008): 294-308.

Structure and Writing Style

The purpose of a paper in the social sciences designed around a case study is to thoroughly investigate a subject of analysis in order to reveal a new understanding about the research problem and, in so doing, contributing new knowledge to what is already known from previous studies. In applied social sciences disciplines [e.g., education, social work, public administration, etc.], case studies may also be used to reveal best practices, highlight key programs, or investigate interesting aspects of professional work.

In general, the structure of a case study research paper is not all that different from a standard college-level research paper. However, there are subtle differences you should be aware of. Here are the key elements to organizing and writing a case study research paper.

I.  Introduction

As with any research paper, your introduction should serve as a roadmap for your readers to ascertain the scope and purpose of your study . The introduction to a case study research paper, however, should not only describe the research problem and its significance, but you should also succinctly describe why the case is being used and how it relates to addressing the problem. The two elements should be linked. With this in mind, a good introduction answers these four questions:

• What is being studied? Describe the research problem and describe the subject of analysis [the case] you have chosen to address the problem. Explain how they are linked and what elements of the case will help to expand knowledge and understanding about the problem.
• Why is this topic important to investigate? Describe the significance of the research problem and state why a case study design and the subject of analysis that the paper is designed around is appropriate in addressing the problem.
• What did we know about this topic before I did this study? Provide background that helps lead the reader into the more in-depth literature review to follow. If applicable, summarize prior case study research applied to the research problem and why it fails to adequately address the problem. Describe why your case will be useful. If no prior case studies have been used to address the research problem, explain why you have selected this subject of analysis.
• How will this study advance new knowledge or new ways of understanding? Explain why your case study will be suitable in helping to expand knowledge and understanding about the research problem.

Each of these questions should be addressed in no more than a few paragraphs. Exceptions to this can be when you are addressing a complex research problem or subject of analysis that requires more in-depth background information.

II.  Literature Review

The literature review for a case study research paper is generally structured the same as it is for any college-level research paper. The difference, however, is that the literature review is focused on providing background information and  enabling historical interpretation of the subject of analysis in relation to the research problem the case is intended to address . This includes synthesizing studies that help to:

• Place relevant works in the context of their contribution to understanding the case study being investigated . This would involve summarizing studies that have used a similar subject of analysis to investigate the research problem. If there is literature using the same or a very similar case to study, you need to explain why duplicating past research is important [e.g., conditions have changed; prior studies were conducted long ago, etc.].
• Describe the relationship each work has to the others under consideration that informs the reader why this case is applicable . Your literature review should include a description of any works that support using the case to investigate the research problem and the underlying research questions.
• Identify new ways to interpret prior research using the case study . If applicable, review any research that has examined the research problem using a different research design. Explain how your use of a case study design may reveal new knowledge or a new perspective or that can redirect research in an important new direction.
• Resolve conflicts amongst seemingly contradictory previous studies . This refers to synthesizing any literature that points to unresolved issues of concern about the research problem and describing how the subject of analysis that forms the case study can help resolve these existing contradictions.
• Point the way in fulfilling a need for additional research . Your review should examine any literature that lays a foundation for understanding why your case study design and the subject of analysis around which you have designed your study may reveal a new way of approaching the research problem or offer a perspective that points to the need for additional research.
• Expose any gaps that exist in the literature that the case study could help to fill . Summarize any literature that not only shows how your subject of analysis contributes to understanding the research problem, but how your case contributes to a new way of understanding the problem that prior research has failed to do.
• Locate your own research within the context of existing literature [very important!] . Collectively, your literature review should always place your case study within the larger domain of prior research about the problem. The overarching purpose of reviewing pertinent literature in a case study paper is to demonstrate that you have thoroughly identified and synthesized prior studies in relation to explaining the relevance of the case in addressing the research problem.

III.  Method

In this section, you explain why you selected a particular case [i.e., subject of analysis] and the strategy you used to identify and ultimately decide that your case was appropriate in addressing the research problem. The way you describe the methods used varies depending on the type of subject of analysis that constitutes your case study.

If your subject of analysis is an incident or event . In the social and behavioral sciences, the event or incident that represents the case to be studied is usually bounded by time and place, with a clear beginning and end and with an identifiable location or position relative to its surroundings. The subject of analysis can be a rare or critical event or it can focus on a typical or regular event. The purpose of studying a rare event is to illuminate new ways of thinking about the broader research problem or to test a hypothesis. Critical incident case studies must describe the method by which you identified the event and explain the process by which you determined the validity of this case to inform broader perspectives about the research problem or to reveal new findings. However, the event does not have to be a rare or uniquely significant to support new thinking about the research problem or to challenge an existing hypothesis. For example, Walo, Bull, and Breen conducted a case study to identify and evaluate the direct and indirect economic benefits and costs of a local sports event in the City of Lismore, New South Wales, Australia. The purpose of their study was to provide new insights from measuring the impact of a typical local sports event that prior studies could not measure well because they focused on large "mega-events." Whether the event is rare or not, the methods section should include an explanation of the following characteristics of the event: a) when did it take place; b) what were the underlying circumstances leading to the event; and, c) what were the consequences of the event in relation to the research problem.

If your subject of analysis is a person. Explain why you selected this particular individual to be studied and describe what experiences they have had that provide an opportunity to advance new understandings about the research problem. Mention any background about this person which might help the reader understand the significance of their experiences that make them worthy of study. This includes describing the relationships this person has had with other people, institutions, and/or events that support using them as the subject for a case study research paper. It is particularly important to differentiate the person as the subject of analysis from others and to succinctly explain how the person relates to examining the research problem [e.g., why is one politician in a particular local election used to show an increase in voter turnout from any other candidate running in the election]. Note that these issues apply to a specific group of people used as a case study unit of analysis [e.g., a classroom of students].

If your subject of analysis is a place. In general, a case study that investigates a place suggests a subject of analysis that is unique or special in some way and that this uniqueness can be used to build new understanding or knowledge about the research problem. A case study of a place must not only describe its various attributes relevant to the research problem [e.g., physical, social, historical, cultural, economic, political], but you must state the method by which you determined that this place will illuminate new understandings about the research problem. It is also important to articulate why a particular place as the case for study is being used if similar places also exist [i.e., if you are studying patterns of homeless encampments of veterans in open spaces, explain why you are studying Echo Park in Los Angeles rather than Griffith Park?]. If applicable, describe what type of human activity involving this place makes it a good choice to study [e.g., prior research suggests Echo Park has more homeless veterans].

If your subject of analysis is a phenomenon. A phenomenon refers to a fact, occurrence, or circumstance that can be studied or observed but with the cause or explanation to be in question. In this sense, a phenomenon that forms your subject of analysis can encompass anything that can be observed or presumed to exist but is not fully understood. In the social and behavioral sciences, the case usually focuses on human interaction within a complex physical, social, economic, cultural, or political system. For example, the phenomenon could be the observation that many vehicles used by ISIS fighters are small trucks with English language advertisements on them. The research problem could be that ISIS fighters are difficult to combat because they are highly mobile. The research questions could be how and by what means are these vehicles used by ISIS being supplied to the militants and how might supply lines to these vehicles be cut off? How might knowing the suppliers of these trucks reveal larger networks of collaborators and financial support? A case study of a phenomenon most often encompasses an in-depth analysis of a cause and effect that is grounded in an interactive relationship between people and their environment in some way.

NOTE:   The choice of the case or set of cases to study cannot appear random. Evidence that supports the method by which you identified and chose your subject of analysis should clearly support investigation of the research problem and linked to key findings from your literature review. Be sure to cite any studies that helped you determine that the case you chose was appropriate for examining the problem.

IV.  Discussion

The main elements of your discussion section are generally the same as any research paper, but centered around interpreting and drawing conclusions about the key findings from your analysis of the case study. Note that a general social sciences research paper may contain a separate section to report findings. However, in a paper designed around a case study, it is common to combine a description of the results with the discussion about their implications. The objectives of your discussion section should include the following:

Reiterate the Research Problem/State the Major Findings Briefly reiterate the research problem you are investigating and explain why the subject of analysis around which you designed the case study were used. You should then describe the findings revealed from your study of the case using direct, declarative, and succinct proclamation of the study results. Highlight any findings that were unexpected or especially profound.

Explain the Meaning of the Findings and Why They are Important Systematically explain the meaning of your case study findings and why you believe they are important. Begin this part of the section by repeating what you consider to be your most important or surprising finding first, then systematically review each finding. Be sure to thoroughly extrapolate what your analysis of the case can tell the reader about situations or conditions beyond the actual case that was studied while, at the same time, being careful not to misconstrue or conflate a finding that undermines the external validity of your conclusions.

Relate the Findings to Similar Studies No study in the social sciences is so novel or possesses such a restricted focus that it has absolutely no relation to previously published research. The discussion section should relate your case study results to those found in other studies, particularly if questions raised from prior studies served as the motivation for choosing your subject of analysis. This is important because comparing and contrasting the findings of other studies helps support the overall importance of your results and it highlights how and in what ways your case study design and the subject of analysis differs from prior research about the topic.

Consider Alternative Explanations of the Findings Remember that the purpose of social science research is to discover and not to prove. When writing the discussion section, you should carefully consider all possible explanations revealed by the case study results, rather than just those that fit your hypothesis or prior assumptions and biases. Be alert to what the in-depth analysis of the case may reveal about the research problem, including offering a contrarian perspective to what scholars have stated in prior research if that is how the findings can be interpreted from your case.

Acknowledge the Study's Limitations You can state the study's limitations in the conclusion section of your paper but describing the limitations of your subject of analysis in the discussion section provides an opportunity to identify the limitations and explain why they are not significant. This part of the discussion section should also note any unanswered questions or issues your case study could not address. More detailed information about how to document any limitations to your research can be found here .

Suggest Areas for Further Research Although your case study may offer important insights about the research problem, there are likely additional questions related to the problem that remain unanswered or findings that unexpectedly revealed themselves as a result of your in-depth analysis of the case. Be sure that the recommendations for further research are linked to the research problem and that you explain why your recommendations are valid in other contexts and based on the original assumptions of your study.

V.  Conclusion

As with any research paper, you should summarize your conclusion in clear, simple language; emphasize how the findings from your case study differs from or supports prior research and why. Do not simply reiterate the discussion section. Provide a synthesis of key findings presented in the paper to show how these converge to address the research problem. If you haven't already done so in the discussion section, be sure to document the limitations of your case study and any need for further research.

The function of your paper's conclusion is to: 1) reiterate the main argument supported by the findings from your case study; 2) state clearly the context, background, and necessity of pursuing the research problem using a case study design in relation to an issue, controversy, or a gap found from reviewing the literature; and, 3) provide a place to persuasively and succinctly restate the significance of your research problem, given that the reader has now been presented with in-depth information about the topic.

Consider the following points to help ensure your conclusion is appropriate:

• If the argument or purpose of your paper is complex, you may need to summarize these points for your reader.
• If prior to your conclusion, you have not yet explained the significance of your findings or if you are proceeding inductively, use the conclusion of your paper to describe your main points and explain their significance.
• Move from a detailed to a general level of consideration of the case study's findings that returns the topic to the context provided by the introduction or within a new context that emerges from your case study findings.

Note that, depending on the discipline you are writing in or the preferences of your professor, the concluding paragraph may contain your final reflections on the evidence presented as it applies to practice or on the essay's central research problem. However, the nature of being introspective about the subject of analysis you have investigated will depend on whether you are explicitly asked to express your observations in this way.

Problems to Avoid

Overgeneralization One of the goals of a case study is to lay a foundation for understanding broader trends and issues applied to similar circumstances. However, be careful when drawing conclusions from your case study. They must be evidence-based and grounded in the results of the study; otherwise, it is merely speculation. Looking at a prior example, it would be incorrect to state that a factor in improving girls access to education in Azerbaijan and the policy implications this may have for improving access in other Muslim nations is due to girls access to social media if there is no documentary evidence from your case study to indicate this. There may be anecdotal evidence that retention rates were better for girls who were engaged with social media, but this observation would only point to the need for further research and would not be a definitive finding if this was not a part of your original research agenda.

Failure to Document Limitations No case is going to reveal all that needs to be understood about a research problem. Therefore, just as you have to clearly state the limitations of a general research study , you must describe the specific limitations inherent in the subject of analysis. For example, the case of studying how women conceptualize the need for water conservation in a village in Uganda could have limited application in other cultural contexts or in areas where fresh water from rivers or lakes is plentiful and, therefore, conservation is understood more in terms of managing access rather than preserving access to a scarce resource.

Failure to Extrapolate All Possible Implications Just as you don't want to over-generalize from your case study findings, you also have to be thorough in the consideration of all possible outcomes or recommendations derived from your findings. If you do not, your reader may question the validity of your analysis, particularly if you failed to document an obvious outcome from your case study research. For example, in the case of studying the accident at the railroad crossing to evaluate where and what types of warning signals should be located, you failed to take into consideration speed limit signage as well as warning signals. When designing your case study, be sure you have thoroughly addressed all aspects of the problem and do not leave gaps in your analysis that leave the reader questioning the results.

Case Studies. Writing@CSU. Colorado State University; Gerring, John. Case Study Research: Principles and Practices . New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007; Merriam, Sharan B. Qualitative Research and Case Study Applications in Education . Rev. ed. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, 1998; Miller, Lisa L. “The Use of Case Studies in Law and Social Science Research.” Annual Review of Law and Social Science 14 (2018): TBD; Mills, Albert J., Gabrielle Durepos, and Eiden Wiebe, editors. Encyclopedia of Case Study Research . Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 2010; Putney, LeAnn Grogan. "Case Study." In Encyclopedia of Research Design , Neil J. Salkind, editor. (Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 2010), pp. 116-120; Simons, Helen. Case Study Research in Practice . London: SAGE Publications, 2009;  Kratochwill,  Thomas R. and Joel R. Levin, editors. Single-Case Research Design and Analysis: New Development for Psychology and Education .  Hilldsale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1992; Swanborn, Peter G. Case Study Research: What, Why and How? London : SAGE, 2010; Yin, Robert K. Case Study Research: Design and Methods . 6th edition. Los Angeles, CA, SAGE Publications, 2014; Walo, Maree, Adrian Bull, and Helen Breen. “Achieving Economic Benefits at Local Events: A Case Study of a Local Sports Event.” Festival Management and Event Tourism 4 (1996): 95-106.

Writing Tip

At Least Five Misconceptions about Case Study Research

Social science case studies are often perceived as limited in their ability to create new knowledge because they are not randomly selected and findings cannot be generalized to larger populations. Flyvbjerg examines five misunderstandings about case study research and systematically "corrects" each one. To quote, these are:

Misunderstanding 1 :  General, theoretical [context-independent] knowledge is more valuable than concrete, practical [context-dependent] knowledge. Misunderstanding 2 :  One cannot generalize on the basis of an individual case; therefore, the case study cannot contribute to scientific development. Misunderstanding 3 :  The case study is most useful for generating hypotheses; that is, in the first stage of a total research process, whereas other methods are more suitable for hypotheses testing and theory building. Misunderstanding 4 :  The case study contains a bias toward verification, that is, a tendency to confirm the researcher’s preconceived notions. Misunderstanding 5 :  It is often difficult to summarize and develop general propositions and theories on the basis of specific case studies [p. 221].

While writing your paper, think introspectively about how you addressed these misconceptions because to do so can help you strengthen the validity and reliability of your research by clarifying issues of case selection, the testing and challenging of existing assumptions, the interpretation of key findings, and the summation of case outcomes. Think of a case study research paper as a complete, in-depth narrative about the specific properties and key characteristics of your subject of analysis applied to the research problem.

Flyvbjerg, Bent. “Five Misunderstandings About Case-Study Research.” Qualitative Inquiry 12 (April 2006): 219-245.

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What Motivates People to Give Generously—and Why We Sometimes Don't

Some people donate to get that warm-and-fuzzy feeling. Others do it to avoid being asked again. Christine Exley and Julian Zlatev delve into the psychology and economics of charity to explain why people give.

• 10 Nov 2022

Too Nice to Lead? Unpacking the Gender Stereotype That Holds Women Back

People mistakenly assume that women managers are more generous and fair when it comes to giving money, says research by Christine Exley. Could that misperception prevent companies from shrinking the gender pay gap?

• 04 Oct 2022

Have Managers Underestimated the Need for Face-to-Face Contact?

COVID-19 made remote work and instant delivery mainstays of life for many people, but will the need for community erode these concepts after the pandemic ends? asks James Heskett. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 14 Jul 2022

When the Rubber Meets the Road, Most Commuters Text and Email While Driving

Laws and grim warnings have done little to deter distracted driving. Commuters routinely use their time behind the wheel to catch up on emails, says research by Raffaella Sadun, Thomaz Teodorovicz, and colleagues. What will it take to make roads safer?

• 15 Sep 2021

Don't Bring Me Down: Probing Why People Tune Out Bad News

People often go out of their way to avoid unpleasant information, but not always for the reasons you might expect. Research by Christine Exley and colleagues. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 13 Jul 2021

Outrage Spreads Faster on Twitter: Evidence from 44 News Outlets

When it comes to social sharing, doom-and-gloom tweets beat sunshine and rainbows, says research by Amit Goldenberg. Is it time to send in the positivity police? Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 09 Jun 2021

How Tennis, Golf, and White Anxiety Block Racial Integration

White people often take steps to avoid interacting with people of other races, whether it's at home, work, or even on a golf course, says research by Jon Jachimowicz. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 08 Jun 2021

Tell Me What to Do: When Bad News Is a Big Relief

Why would anyone hope for the worst? Research by Serena Hagerty and colleague sheds light on just how far people will go to dodge a tough decision. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 16 Feb 2021
• Working Paper Summaries

Information Avoidance and Image Concerns

People avoid information that might compel them to behave more generously. While many people avoid information due to concerns about their self-image, there is a substantial role for other reasons, such as inattention and confusion.

• 06 Jan 2021

Unexpected Exercise Advice for the Super Busy: Ditch the Rigid Routine

Itching to get off the COVID couch? New research by John Beshears bucks conventional wisdom about what it takes to make exercise a habit. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

• 01 Jul 2020

Scaling Up Behavioral Science Interventions in Online Education

Online courses can lack support structures that are often bundled with traditional higher education. Short pre-course interventions can have short-term benefits, but more innovation throughout the course is needed to have sustained impact on student success.

• 19 May 2020

Global Behaviors and Perceptions at the Onset of the COVID-19 Pandemic

An online survey of more than 110,000 people in 175 countries conducted at the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic found that most respondents believe that their governments and fellow citizens are not doing enough, which heightens their worries and depression levels. Decisive actions and strong leadership from policymakers change how people perceive their governments and other citizens, and in turn improve their mental health.

• 14 May 2019

Ethics Bots and Other Ways to Move Your Code of Business Conduct Beyond Puffery

Digital technologies such as artificial intelligence and robotics allow companies to create more effective codes of business conduct, says Eugene Soltes. But technology isn't the only solution. Open for comment; 0 Comments.

LWDA Case Study: How to Redesign Communication to Boost Job Program Participation

Case studies.

Curious how behavioral science can improve product design? Dive into our case studies from tech, finance, health, and more.

Want to boost cryptocurrency adoption? Learn how our insights and ‘The Satoshi Experiment’ can help unlock behavioral science’s potential in product development.

How can we enhance communication to increase participation in the RESEA program and improve job seeker engagement in finding meaningful employment?

How do you help people repay loans faster? Common Cents Lab, a Duke University initiative co-led by Kristen Berman, Wendy Da La Rosa, and Mariel Beasley, worked with EarnUp to do this using behavioral insights.

How do you increase new patient engagement? We designed a suite of behavioral interventions for Belong Health that accomplished this. Read on to discover how we did it and what we learned.

How do you make physician reports easier to parse and more useful for providers? Learn how we worked with Belong Health to hone in on a critical source of data overload for physicians.

Could telling people when they’re spending more than others help them spend less? Common Cents Lab partnered with Arizona Financial Credit Union to learn how social proof can impact financial behavior.

How do you get more users to convert if you have a very long funnel? Common Cents Lab partnered with Kiva to find out—leading to $190K+ in additional credit for LMI small business owners.

How do you leverage tax refunds as an opportunity for long-term financial security? Common Cents Lab partnered with San Francisco fintech startup Digit to do just that.

How does a top business school transform student interaction and created a sense of belonging in a post-pandemic world?

The Common Cents Lab created an intervention that helps consumers to lower their interest on their credit card. They call it ‘Kill Bill.’

We designed interventions for the TytoCare device and user journey that drove a 120% increase in devices sold and a 65% increase in completed medical visits.

We leveraged behavioral design to improve member and product outcomes with Credit Karma Money Spend, Credit Karma’s checking account.

What’s your most irrational behavior?

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• v.3(3); 2013 Sep

How behavioral science can advance digital health

Sherry pagoto.

University of Massachusetts Medical School, Worcester, MA USA

Gary G. Bennett

The field of behavioral science has produced myriad data on health behavior change strategies and leveraged such data into effective human-delivered interventions to improve health. Unfortunately, the impact of traditional health behavior change interventions has been heavily constrained by patient and provider burden, limited ability to measure and intervene upon behavior in real time, variable adherence, low rates of implementation, and poor third-party coverage. Digital health technologies, including mobile phones, sensors, and online social networks, by being available in real time, are being explored as tools to increase our understanding of health behavior and to enhance the impact of behavioral interventions. The recent explosion of industry attention to the development of novel health technologies is exciting but has far outpaced research. This Special Section of Translational Behavioral Medicine, Smartphones, Sensors, and Social Networks: A New Age of Health Behavior Change features a collection of studies that leverage health technologies to measure, change, and/or understand health behavior. We propose five key areas in which behavioral science can improve the impact of digital health technologies on public health. First, research is needed to identify which health technologies actually impact behavior and health outcomes. Second, we need to understand how online social networks can be leveraged to impact health behavior on a large scale. Third, a team science approach is needed in the developmental process of health technologies. Fourth, behavioral scientists should identify how a balance can be struck between the fast pace of innovation and the much slower pace of research. Fifth, behavioral scientists have an integral role in informing the development of health technologies and facilitating the movement of health technologies into the healthcare system.

The efficacy of traditional health behavior change interventions has long been constrained by expense, patient burden, and variable adherence. Current models of health care which limit our access to patients to face-to-face visits reduce our ability to gain an accurate understanding of the antecedents and consequences of behavior and to intervene in moments when patients most need help. Digital health technologies, including mobile phones, sensors, and online social networks, by being available in real time, are being explored as ways to enhance our ability to understand health behavior and intervene upon it more effectively.

mHealth, a segment of the digital health market that leverages mobile technologies to solve health problems, has reached its tipping point. A rapidly growing body of evidence demonstrates the efficacy of mHealth approaches across a wide range of conditions, populations, and settings. mHealth has also attracted a explosion of industry attention. An extremely diverse group of companies are capitalizing on the mHealth market, which is projected to reach over $23 billion in revenues by 2018 [ 1 ]. Sensing technologies are also being rapidly developed to gather behavioral, physiological, and contextual data that can then be used to predict behavior and/or deliver “just-in-time” interventions to improve health. Online social networks which allow individuals to interact and communicate online thereby eliminating geographical, physical, and logistical barriers are now being used for health surveillance, dissemination of information and innovations, and health behavior intervention. The potential of all of these technologies to impact health behavior change has yet to be fully realized. The purpose of this Special Issue is to collate research on the development of digital health technologies, utilization of health technology to study behavior and/or attitudes, and/or efficacy testing of technology-delivered health promotion interventions. While this early collection of research studies is exciting, digital health research is in its infancy. Many questions remain unaddressed and the proliferation of commercial technologies continues to outpace research. We propose five key questions that are integral to maximizing the impact of technology-based innovations on public health.

DO mHealth APPS WORK?

In his 2012 keynote at the mHealth Summit—a gathering of industry, academic, and nonprofit mHealth stakeholders—NIH director Francis Collins praised mHealth innovations, but argued that the field desperately needs well-designed clinical trials to establish its evidence base [ 2 ]. Take mHealth weight loss apps as an example. Tens of millions of Americans have turned to the nearly 1,000 commercial mHealth apps to help them lose weight. The top five free weight loss/fitness apps (i.e., My Fitness Pal, Map My Run, Nike+, Runkeeper, Lose It) each have over 10 million users. In terms of dissemination and reach, these mobile apps have outstanding potential, far more than traditional behavioral weight loss interventions. However, none of these apps have been evaluated in a well-designed clinical trial. This is a major scientific limitation and will impede the integration of apps into clinical care—thereby reducing their clinical and public health impact.

Research is not only lacking on clinical outcomes, but also on whether apps actually increase adherence to the behaviors they target. For example, studies are mixed as to whether dietary tracking apps outperform traditional tracking strategies (i.e., paper and pencil) on measures of adherence and weight loss [ 3 , 4 ]. Another disconnect with the evidence base is that the behavioral strategies employed in apps have not been established as effective standalone interventions in their traditional forms. As an example, dietary tracking is a strong predictor of weight loss in randomized trials, but it has never been tested as a sole intervention strategy for weight loss. Effective weight loss interventions involve a package of behavioral and cognitive strategies designed to improve lifestyle behaviors and clinical outcomes. The efficacy of commercial apps might be limited given the narrow range of features they typically include [ 5 ]. In this special issue, we feature two systematic reviews—one for mobile apps that target obesity prevention and treatment in children and another targeting diabetes management. Both show that the use of evidence-based behavioral strategies in apps is very low relative to the strategies typically employed in traditionally delivered interventions. Schoffman and colleagues found that 61 % of mobile apps targeting childhood obesity did not include any evidence-based behavioral strategies [ 6 ]. Breland and colleagues found that 14 % of diabetes mobile apps did not include any evidence-based behavioral strategies and 33 % included only one of six possible strategies [ 7 ]. The lack of evidence is especially concerning because public opinion is beginning to coalesce in support of these apps. In a recent Consumer Reports' 2012 survey of dieting plans, MyFitnessPal received one of the highest ratings and earned higher satisfaction scores than Weight Watchers, a commercial program shown to be effective [ 8 ].

Rigorous evaluation of mHealth apps is essential not only to estimate the magnitude of their outcomes, but also to ensure that they do no harm. For example, we have strong evidence that traditional in-person weight loss interventions are not only efficacious, but do not appear to produce adverse psychosocial outcomes. Whether the same is true for mobile weight loss apps is unknown. By their very nature, mobile apps are designed to be used in a self-paced fashion. Unlike traditional interventions, which exert some control over the participant's exposure to intervention content (i.e., dose), mHealth interventions impose fewer constraints. Traditional interventions help patients navigate challenges and failures, mobile apps do not. A critical question is whether mobile weight loss app use produces deleterious impact on psychosocial functioning (e.g., mood, eating pathology).

HOW CAN ONLINE SOCIAL NETWORKS BE LEVERAGED TO POSITIVELY IMPACT HEALTH BEHAVIOR CHANGE?

Obesity [ 9 ] and tobacco [ 10 ] use have been shown to be “socially contagious,” such that we are more likely to have these issues if our friends and spouses do. Social support can have a powerful impact on both unhealthy and healthy behaviors [ 11 ]. The information technology revolution of the past two decades has changed the way we interact which presents increasing opportunities and means to exchange social support. The 2012 Pew Internet Survey found that people are increasingly seeking to connect with others about health [ 12 ]. They found that 34 % of internet users have read about another's health experience on the internet and 25 % of internet users with a chronic health condition have sought out others with that condition. As these numbers rise, research is needed to explore how online social networks can best be leveraged to improve health.

Online social networks can be used to understand and promote health behavior as well as disseminate health innovations. In the current issue, Black and colleagues study how peers influence one another on online social networks in terms of their perceptions of norms about sexual behavior [ 13 ]. Other studies have shown that users of online social networks report utilizing the networks as a source of information and emotional support regarding a behavior change [ 14 ]. Online social networks have also been used to inexpensively connect participants with one another and online engagement has been shown to be associated with better outcomes in health behavior interventions. For example, Facebook has been utilized to successfully deliver weight loss intervention content [ 15 ] and in this Special Issue, Turner-McGrievy and colleagues report that greater engagement in a Twitter social network for weight loss predicted greater weight loss [ 16 ]. Finally, hashtags, a word prefixed with a “#” and used to group messages, have also been used as a means of spreading health innovations [ 17 ]. In this issue, Vickey and colleagues developed a classification model to describe the type of information shared in tweets that contained hashtags relevant to fitness mobile apps [ 18 ].

We know little how online social networking can be leveraged to promote health behavior. In some online social networks, connections are made based on a shared interest, health condition, or goal; whereas other online social networks provide a context in which existing relationships can be leveraged for health promotion efforts. We know little about the nature of relationships formed in these different types of online social networks, how loose and tight social ties can each be leveraged to promote behavior change, how socialization occurs in these venues, and how to promote engagement. Theoretical models of online social behavior are needed to understand the factors that characterize effective versus ineffective interactions and relationships on online social networks. Emerging methodologies could also be leveraged, such as semantic analysis, to help us uncover how social interactions influence individuals and behaviors in these virtual communities.

WHO SHOULD BE INVOLVED IN THE DEVELOPMENTAL PROCESS OF EMERGING TECHNOLOGIES?

Prior to efficacy testing, technology development should be guided by both evidence-based behavioral strategies and user-centered principles. Key stakeholders should be involved ranging from the target user, the providers who treat them, third-party payers, and the technology development team. Another critical consideration is how to use interface designs to best engage the target population. In this special issue, Buller and colleagues [ 19 ] provide an excellent guide for academics on the formative user-centered development process they employed to create a smart phone mobile application for sun protection. They obtained feedback from end users throughout development to ensure that the final product met user needs, was easy to use, and designed in a way that ensures users trust the product's advice. Engagement of providers and third-party payers will ensure that development takes into account the process of clinical care as well as reimbursement structures.

HOW TO STRIKE A BALANCE BETWEEN THE PACE OF RESEARCH AND THE PACE OF INNOVATION?

Research and industry operate at very different paces [ 20 ]. The procession through intervention development, feasibility testing, and efficacy testing occurs far too slowly to allow researchers to keep pace with industry. Researchers are also further slowed by the grant funding process at the front-end and the publication process at the back-end. Estimates suggest it can take up to 17 years for a research innovation to be adopted in clinical practice. By the time a research-derived digital health tool reaches clinical practice it might be obsolete.

Industry's timing advantage is a major challenge for the science of mHealth. Commercial developers excel at development. They develop mobile apps swiftly and expertly, and with products that are often more engaging and user-friendly than those developed by researchers. For industry, dissemination usually follows development. Commercial developers often rush to release a minimally viable product and “just ship” has become the mantra of modern mobile software development. They extend this advantage by enhancing their product's features, functionality, and interoperability over time—frequently in response to customer feedback and utilization. The resulting products often look attractive, function well, and are tailored to the interests of customers. In research, dissemination is the final step, following development and efficacy testing. Researcher-developed apps are often grounded in behavioral theory and evidence, but do not benefit from the customer feedback-driven iterations that fine-tune design and functionality. Researcher-developed apps suffer from the absence of a team science approach that includes experienced commercial developers and designers. On the other hand, industry-developed apps suffer from the absence of a team science approach that engages scientists in development and efficacy testing. Unless team science collaborative models begin to coalesce, the result will be products that are esthetically pleasing but result in no meaningful outcome or products that effective but not appealing. Neither outcome is likely to achieve the maximum potential impact of digital health.

Randomized controlled trials remain the foremost option for detailing the efficacy and potential harms associated with mHealth interventions. However, some argue that time, cost, and flexibility constraints of the RCT may hamper the translational process. For example, commercial mHealth applications are rarely “finished.” They are frequently being enhanced and updated—often in response to user feedback and behavior. RCTs are not well suited to accommodate this type of change, but are better suited when an app is “mature.” [ 21 ] Several alternative approaches for efficacy testing exist, although these have received relatively limited attention. For example, regression-incontinuity, stepped-wedge designs, SMART trials [ 22 ], and pragmatic randomized controlled trials have been proposed as study designs that could efficiently yield some efficacy data and be more amenable to handling changes in technology features [ 21 ]. In this issue, Cobb and Poirer conduct a pragmatic controlled trial that demonstrates the ability to recruit, retain, intervene, and make data-driven intervention enhancements at low cost and on a rapid timeline [ 23 ]. A major challenge with alternative designs is that data produced by them is not traditionally included in meta-analyses and systematic reviews which tend to compile efficacy data exclusively from RCTs, because historically, RCTs have been the most rigorous efficacy testing design. Meta-analyses and systematic reviews are the basis for practice guidelines and policy decisions. To the extent that mHealth research sidesteps RCTs, it may be at a disadvantage in terms of the transition from research to clinical practice. While new designs are being generated to speed the pace of research, time shall tell whether such designs will match RCTs in methodological soundness. The opportunities and challenges associated with alternative methodological options have yet to be fully explored.

WHERE DOES BEHAVIORAL SCIENCE ADD VALUE IN A CONSTANTLY EVOLVING MARKETPLACE?

The large number of apps being pumped out of fast-paced industry can lead clinicians and consumers to become overwhelmed. Science cannot move as fast as new innovations hit the market, but it may not be necessary that science match the pace as the goals of science and industry are different. The goal of science is to establish the efficacy of products that will impact clinical care and ultimately public health. As such, focusing on technology innovations that have become ubiquitous is likely to have greater impact than focusing on those that have not. For example, market share for hardware more rapidly evolves than software (e.g., Facebook has been a market leader for years). Furthermore, leaders in many app markets have held their standing for years (e.g., My Fitness Pal and Lose It weight loss apps have been market leaders since 2009). Also, a focus on basic features of technologies that could be employed across iterations would increase the applicability over time. For example, while it is conceivable that Facebook could decline in usage over the next decade, it seems less likely that online social networking in general is going to fade over that same time period given the increasing trend of usage in social networks. Studies of uses of online social networks might benefit from utilizing features that are employed broadly across social networks rather than specific to any one social network. A similar approach could be taken for mobile app research by leveraging basic features that are not likely to become obsolete. Even in the case where a technology has become obsolete, to the extent that interventions could be enacted over a range of technologies, the research would still be useful. For example, the ubiquity of smartphones might seem to make web-based interventions less relevant, but lessons learned from web-based intervention research are translatable to the mobile environment.

Behavioral scientists can develop and test evidence- and theory-based mHealth applications, but the challenge is competing in a saturated market in which design, usability, infrastructure, support, and scale have already been established based on consumer preferences by companies that have honed this expertise. For example, over 1,000 mobile apps exist for weight loss, which means that the likelihood of even the most effective app of penetrating this market is low. Indeed, there are several areas of opportunity for behavioral science to leverage skills to improve and extend mobile health interventions.

First, we can develop and test features that employ behavioral strategies that have not yet been employed in mobile apps or in online social networks. This work could then inform app development on the industry side to enhance the efficacy of mobile apps, or in the case of online social networks, inform consumers of ways they can leverage online social networks to improve health. Second, we can test currently available “mature” mobile apps for efficacy on clinical outcomes. This data would guide consumer decisions about which apps are most likely to work. Providers and healthcare systems are likely to be especially interested in outcomes data to increase their comfort in recommending apps to patients. Such research could also guide developers, giving them a clearer sense of what works and allowing them the opportunity to use data as a marketing selling point. Even if consumers do not necessarily demand efficacy data when they download apps, when efficacy data exists, it will likely influence their decisions. Third, behavioral scientists can create health promotion platforms that integrate data collected via multiple mobile applications. Tens of thousands of mobile health applications are commercially available. Mobile health devices abound—tools are widely available to measure weight, blood pressure, glucose, and a host of health indicators. Generally speaking, people use these apps and devices in isolation—there are few evidence-based forms that integrate these various data streams. The possibilities are endless. Integrative platforms might aggregate multiple distinct sources of data collected in real time, apply algorithms to inform participant feedback, and make predictions about future health outcomes, send feedback data to providers or other clinicians, link contextual data to provide real-time guidance to participants in context, and store these data for future use.

Tailoring to improve feedback

For most health apps, feedback is not more sophisticated than a series of "atta-boys" and "atta-girls"—current formulations are unlikely to promote long-term engagement or behavior change. Behavioral science excels at devising effective feedback approaches and we have a wealth of evidence that could be leveraged to create feedback algorithms that consider a range of psychosocial, emotional, behavioral, and/or contextual circumstances. Feedback algorithms like these would be of great utility—in both the commercial and research realms—to improve participant engagement and behavior change outcomes, while reducing attrition.

Strategies to improve participant engagement/utilization

Patient engagement has been called "the blockbuster drug of the century." [ 24 ] Patient engagement is central to a range of health system reforms and is a primary target for most mobile health applications. Unfortunately, patient engagement remains a challenge for developers—both commercial and academic. However, behavioral scientists are well-positioned to make improvements on this important outcome. Despite declining engagement being a characteristic component of most mobile health application trials, our rates of engagement and attrition often outperform those of our commercial colleagues (e.g., [ 25 ]). With directed attention, use of more advanced feedback strategies and engagement strategy interfaces the research community might be positioned to make major improvements in engagement. This would be a boon for commercial-academic partnerships and likely improve outcomes.

Application rating schemes

At present there is no straightforward way for consumers or providers to choose among the myriad choices of mHealth apps. With so many health apps to choose from and pricing strategies that disallow free evaluations, consumers and providers have very little data with which to guide their app selections. Rating schemes are popular online for most services, but few such offerings exist for health applications. Organizations like Happtique have begun the process of collating and rating mobile health apps, but these do not yet include what is arguably most important to behavioral scientists—evidence. We need application rating schemes that can help guide consumers and providers selection of applications based on their efficacy and/or use of evidence-based strategies. No consensus exists as to the optimal means for rating apps. Given the absence of RCTs, apps can be rated by the degree to which they incorporate evidence-based strategies [ 5 , 26 ], incorporate health behavior theory [ 27 ], or reflect behavior change taxonomies [ 28 ]. Such a rating system might also inform researchers as to which apps would make the best candidates for rigorous testing. At present, the most popular apps might be selected for testing, but as one review of weight loss mobile apps showed, the app that had the highest number of evidence-based strategies was not the most popular app in the marketplace which suggests that selection by popularity and/or evidence alone might not be ideal [ 5 ].

Enhancing our impact

Many of the "innovations" in the burgeoning digital health market are built squarely on long-standing behavioral science findings. Among many examples—commercial smartphone apps are almost exclusively reliant on principles of self-monitoring, and social support. However, the range of behavioral strategies employed is narrow and oversimplified versions of behavioral strategies are often used. As the studies in this special issue illustrate, behavioral science is well-positioned to enhance its digital health impact. However, it will need to consider how to best contend with the industry's increasing involvement in the digital health market. Given the challenges of time, funding, and expertise, behavioral science and industry cannot afford to compete or work exclusively in parallel to one another. We have proposed four areas that might move behavioral science toward better clarity in its value proposition and shape its digital health research mission. The studies in this special issue illustrate many of the exciting areas for the next generation of behavioral science in digital health—industry partnerships, trial designs that match industry's speed, evaluation studies, and rating schemes, among many others. As these studies show, behavioral science can enhance its impact when we retool, partner, and adapt our questions and methods to match the demands of this market—and we can do this in a manner that upholds our scientific principles.

Conflicts of interest

Dr. Pagoto is on the advisory board of Mobile Wellbeing, Inc.

Implications

Policy: The only opportunity for digital health innovations to affect health policy is via rigorous efficacy research.

Research: Behavioral scientists are needed to facilitate the translation of digital health innovations from commercial enterprise to research to practice.

Practice: Practitioners need guidance as to which digital health innovations are appropriate and effective for their patients.

Behavioral Insights in the Global South

• Cross Cultural Differences
• Global Spotlight
• Inclusivity
• Public Health
• Social Behavior

Above: Speeches are a relatively normal part of life in Kenya, where a study using the Trier Social Stress Test proved “miserably suited.” Image courtesy of the Busara Lab .

More than 80% of the world’s population lives in countries other than the United States, Canada, and Europe, which dominate psychological science nonetheless. The  Global Spotlight series  is a small step toward closing that gap. Authors across the globe—including in regions that have long been underrepresented in the research community—share unique and personal perspectives  on  the issues affecting their work and careers. In providing these on-the-ground narratives, we hope to illuminate concrete challenges and opportunities alike involving this truly global science .

Busara’s field surprise  •  Save the Children medical incidence reporting   •  IRC social and emotional learning activities in North-East Nigeria • Risks and challenges of behavioral insights in the Global South • Metascience and the future of behavioral insights in the Global South

Why do people, even those at most risk, refuse to take the COVID vaccine? How does one increase children’s handwashing behaviors in vulnerable settings? What are the best ways to increase proenvironmental behaviors, especially in populations that will benefit most? In recent years, applied behavioral science (also often called behavioral insights) has emerged as a field that combines findings from psychology, behavioral economics, and other social sciences to answer these kinds of questions—that is, to explain why people behave the way they do. Whenever a problem involves human behavior, behavioral insights have the potential to help, especially when they were generated through a rigorous scientific process. 

Popularized by the concept of “nudge units” in the United States and the United Kingdom, which were charged with using behavioral principles to expand the usefulness of nonprofit, industry, and government programs, behavioral science has since expanded to a host of other countries, including Canada, Australia, India, and Singapore ( Afif, 2017 ). Most behavioral science teams today are within the for-profit sector, and many prominent organizations (such as Meta and Apple) have dedicated behavioral science teams. However, there are nearly five times as many behavioral science teams located in the Global North than the Global South ( Action Design Network, n.d. ). This concentration results in evidence, perspectives, and approaches disproportionately produced by and for contexts in the Global North ( Forscher et al., 2021 ; Henrich et al., 2010a ; IJzerman et al., 2021 ).

Given this disparity, the Global South is well poised to change this narrative by developing and applying locally informed behavioral science approaches and generating local knowledge that can then inform and benefit behavioral science as a whole ( Adetula et al., 2022 ; Mughogho et al., 2023 ). Applied behavioral science also stands to improve development and humanitarian programs, which have been traditionally critiqued as insufficiently sensitive to the needs and preferences of their ultimate beneficiaries ( Reimann, 2005 ). Applied behavioral science offers a toolkit for understanding those very needs and preferences to develop a locally informed science. 

Several organizations have pioneered this approach, including those where the authors work: the Center for Utilizing Behavioral Insights for Children (CUBIC), hosted by Save the Children International; the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), whose Global Office of Research and Foresight (Innocenti) has established a network of multidisciplinary Behavioral Insights Research and Design (BIRD) Laboratories; the Busara Center for Behavioral Economics (Busara); and the International Rescue Committee (IRC). Their efforts have focused on applied behavioral science in the Global South, mostly in development and humanitarian contexts. The Annecy Behavioral Science Lab (ABSL) is a metascience startup that connected the authors and organizations that contributed to this piece. 

What has been done so far? These organizations have tested interventions aimed at increasing various behaviors, for example, handwashing in elementary schools in the Philippines ( UNICEF, 2022 ), measles immunization in Lebanon ( Balsom, 2019 ), screening for childhood malnutrition in Mali ( Lopez et al., 2022 ), engaging refugee parents in their children’s development ( Wilton et al., 2017 ), and medical incidence reporting in refugee camps in Bangladesh and Rwanda ( CUBIC, 2023 ). Other interventions have aimed to, for example, enhance food security, well-being, and earnings for low-income families in Kenya ( Haushofer & Shapiro, 2016 ) and improve loan repayment rates in Nigeria ( Busara, 2022 ).

UNICEF, CUBIC, IRC, and Busara also extensively partner with local government units, private companies, and nonprofits to provide behavioral insights on projects relating to child protection and well-being, nutrition, immunization, child development, gender equality, adolescent empowerment, social protection, and sexual and reproductive health and rights. These organizations also work to build capacity within other organizations wanting to adopt behavioral science, which has led to the recent rapid increase of applied behavioral science projects in the Global South.  

Here are three case studies that illustrate both the potential of behavioral science to improve people’s lives and some of the unique challenges of applying it in Global South settings.  

Case study 1: Busara’s field surprise  

Headquartered in Nairobi, the Busara Center has more than its share of hard-won lessons on what it’s like to conduct behavioral science in places like Kenya. Consider the following story from Busara’s early days ( Jang et al., 2022 ), concerning its first-ever experiment in a field setting.

The year was 2013, and we studying the impact of stress on economic decision-making. To accomplish this, we needed a well-tested and well-validated manipulation to produce a bit of stress in the participants. Turning to the literature to see what other researchers were doing, we soon discovered a well-known research standard: the Trier Social Stress Test ( Allen et al., 2017 ), which has been used for decades in literally hundreds of studies. We thought we had hit the jackpot.

In the most common version of the Trier Social Stress Test, participants are required to complete a mock interview-style speech in front of a panel of judges. What’s more, the judges are dressed formally, often in white lab coats to give participants a feeling of being put under a veritable laboratory microscope. In study after study, this type of procedure provokes a reliable and substantial amount of stress ( Dickerson & Kemeny, 2004 ).

There was just one problem. The Kenyan participants were not stressed at all!

After discussing the matter with our Kenyan colleagues, we learned that the Trier Social Stress Test was miserably suited to the Kenyan context. Kenyans love giving speeches, even impromptu ones, and speeches are a relatively normal part of Kenyan life.

Moreover, the white lab coats that would conjure images of distant, judgmental scientists in the Western mind had a totally different association for Kenyans. Instead of scientists, Kenyan participants thought of the people they had usually seen wear white coats in the past: butchers. This prompted the remark from one of our participants: “Why are we being interviewed for a job by butchers?” 

This incident illustrates a hard-won lesson: We cannot assume that what works in the United States and Europe will also work in the Global South. Even if the psychology that drives behavior is the same—which it may not be —the context can be radically different. Doing behavioral science at Busara is therefore an exercise in consulting experts on the local context and synthesizing knowledge from those experts to develop an assessment of whether and how prior findings will apply in a new setting. 

Case study 2: Save the Children medical incidence reporting  

In late 2021, CUBIC launched a project focused on encouraging positive behavior change among Save the Children’s own staff, specifically our health workers working in refugee camps in Bangladesh and Rwanda ( CUBIC, 2023 ). This project focused on encouraging reporting of medical incidents, which Save the Children defines as “events caused by clinical or pharmacy services, which led or could have led to unintended and/or unnecessary physical or psychological harm to a patient and/or staff.” Reporting of medical incidents is expected in health facilities around the world (to identify issues and prevent similar problems in the future). However, medical incidents are, in general, severely underreported.  

For this project, we designed and tested different solutions in Bangladesh and Rwanda. In Bangladesh, a series of behaviorally informed SMS messages (and later emails) did not, unfortunately, lead to increased reporting of incidents in the global online system. However, in Rwanda, we introduced a simple paper form to help staff take the “first step” in reporting; this form also made reporting the default option since it was handed out at the end of each shift, and staff were expected to complete it on a daily basis. Compared with the 5-month period before the intervention was launched, when three incidents were reported, this form led to an approximately 10-fold increase in medical-incident reporting in the 5 months after its introduction, when 31 incidents were reported. 

Because CUBIC implemented different interventions in Bangladesh and Rwanda, it is difficult to compare them. However, we speculate that the intervention in Rwanda—the simplified paper form—was more effective because it removed the need for staff to remember they had witnessed an incident and to take their own initiative to report it.

Instead, they only needed to respond to the form that was handed to them each day. In addition, one question on the form let staff choose if they wanted help from a trained, trusted colleague to submit the incident on the global online system or if they preferred to do it themselves. Submitting an incident on the global system is somewhat complex, so the provision of help made reporting easier for staff in Rwanda. By contrast, the Bangladesh approach of using behaviorally informed emails and SMS prompted staff to report incidents, but reporting was not their daily, required default. Similarly, staff in Bangladesh were prompted to go directly to the global online system and complete the form themselves; they did not have the option of getting help from a trusted colleague. Therefore, we speculate that staff in Bangladesh were reluctant to engage with the online system, which many perceive as complicated and confusing.

This dual-context project allowed CUBIC to explore multiple hypotheses and highlights the value of testing approaches and identifying specific mechanisms of change. The practical support identified as effective in Rwanda (use of defaults, ease, and routine) has since been proposed for further testing in Bangladesh and application to other contexts. 

Case study 3: IRC social and emotional learning activities in North-East Nigeria 

In 2021, the IRC aimed to improve social and emotional skills, such as emotional regulation and conflict resolution, in children affected by the decade-long conflict in North East Nigeria. Although the teaching of social emotional skills has provided benefits for vulnerable children in the Global North, recent attempts to introduce these approaches in humanitarian settings have had little or no impact on children’s social and emotional outcomes. One of the hypotheses was that the activities were too unfamiliar and difficult to implement in North East Nigeria. To improve the desirability and uptake of these activities, the IRC team complemented the use of applied behavioral science with a human-centered design approach, starting with a period of qualitative research followed by multiple rounds of iterative testing with teachers, parents, and local government (Bailey et al., 2021).  

A behavioral science evidence review indicated that, among other interventions, SMS messages could be an effective strategy for encouraging uptake. Teachers said they would be excited to receive these types of SMS messages. In behavioral science projects in stable Global North contexts, we might have moved directly to an experiment or evaluation. However, we focused on contextualization and iterative testing because we did not have sufficient behavioral science evidence in similar contexts and therefore did not know how well behavioral interventions like SMS reminders would work in our context. We needed to learn what ideas are desirable and feasible for clients to use in their lived reality. 

After the team tested the SMS messages over a period of several weeks, the findings were not as expected. Some teachers told us they had spent every night writing out each SMS message by hand onto paper or tried to have the messages printed for classroom use. They said it was important for a teacher in this community to have a book or physical reference material when teaching a class. In the end, we delivered core interventions on paper cards, but used SMS messages as complementary support, in addition to other interventions such as goal-setting prompts and gamification. As we incorporated more local feedback into the solutions from testing, we saw greater uptake of the interventions. 

The end package of solutions was not only entirely contextualized, integrating both localized and evidence-backed content and framing, but included a set of locally tested behavioral solutions. After the prototyping was completed, a 6-month pilot study with 224 teachers found that after being exposed to the final package of interventions, teachers used the new activities for an average of 19 minutes a day, and more than 70% of teachers implemented the activities with high levels of quality and as intended. We believe other projects aiming to tackle complex challenges in low- and middle-income countries and humanitarian contexts would also benefit from using interdisciplinary, iterative, and systems-focused approaches in applying behavioral science to improve outcomes.  

Risks and challenges of behavioral insights in the Global South 

Behavioral science promises to enhance the effectiveness of existing programs and provide a framework for designing new ones. However, there are limitations to how behavioral science has been done in low- and middle-income countries (e.g., BI4Gov, 2020 ; Box-Steffensmeier et al., 2022 ; Chater & Loewenstein, 2022 ; Wambua et al., 2021 ). These include the tendency to overly focus on individual-level issues and solutions while overlooking broader, systemic causes; methodological issues related to program fidelity, scale-up, and implementation in development and humanitarian settings; the overrepresentation of WEIRD (Western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic) perspectives and evidence bases; and ethical concerns. Skeptics also argue that applied behavioral science is overhyped and may risk blowback resulting from unmet expectations and disappointing performance.  

The following section details some of these specific concerns. We also describe how organizations like CUBIC, Busara, UNICEF, and IRC are modifying their approaches to applied behavioral science to respond to these concerns, often by taking a reflective and self-critical perspective and by bridging multiple disciplines, so that the strengths of one discipline can offset the limitations of another. 

Read other articles from the Global Spotlight series .

Individual focus: A poignant analysis by Chater and Lowenstein ( 2022 ) argues that one of behavioral science’s dominant paradigms—hyper focus on “quick-fix” individual-level solutions, rather than broader, systemic change—has been detrimental to the field. They posit this line of thinking has resulted in the phenomenon of “responsibilization,” in which individuals are blamed and made responsible for addressing systemic factors they are powerless to change ( Giesler & Verusiu, 20 14 ). For instance, using nudges and choice architecture to improve handwashing in a setting with limited clean water and poor sanitation is not only unlikely to achieve improvements in health outcomes, it may even lead program implementers to blame individuals for problems that ultimately have structural causes.  

Chater and Lowenstein further claim that results from individual-level interventions have been “disappointingly modest” and, more concerningly, have guided many behavioral scientists to frame policy problems in individual, not systemic, terms. This individualistic focus may inadvertently devalue systemic actions such as regulation and taxation. As social scientists, anthropologists, public health specialists, and researchers from other disciplines have long argued, it is crucial that behavioral scientists contribute to reversing the individualistic paradigm. This can be done by identifying entry points and asking questions such as “where and how can behavioral science be used to nudge policymakers to invest in much-needed structural change?” and by using evidence from behavioral science interventions to expose systemic fallacies and thus push for system-level change. 

Analyses of systems also extend to structures and systems of power. Power relations exist not only between practitioners/researchers and participants, but also between Global South and Global North institutions. These systems of power affect who gets a say, as well as why and how behavioral interventions are carried out. As a result, behavioral science researchers and practitioners working in low- and middle-income countries are also increasingly calling for both decolonizing research methodologies and harnessing international development approaches (Zavala, 2013). The focus on participatory approaches and human-centered design is a promising start, yet behavioral science could go beyond this and ensure that those conducting research embrace decolonizing practices when working with populations oppressed by colonial legacies (see Silan et al., 2021; Smith, 2021; Thambinathan & Kinsella, 2021). These practices also involve elevating the voices of marginalized populations and ensuring that issues such as ethics, equity, diversity, inclusion, and accessibility are considered throughout the life course of any behavioral science intervention. Indeed, the United Nations Secretary General (UNSG)’s Guidance Note on Behavioural Science recommends that it be “premised on commitments to human dignity, transparency and respect for ethical requirements” ( UNSG, 2021 ). 

Credibility related to replication, WEIRDness, and measurement: Issues of replication and generalizability that have affected much of the broader field also impact applied behavioral science. Consider the idea of stereotype threat, in which members of negatively stereotyped groups underperform on the very tasks they are stereotyped on. Although this idea has grown popular, both in social psychology and in public policy debates, contemporary investigations have challenged its replicability and generalizability to nonlaboratory settings ( Shewach et al., 2019 ; Stafford, 2018 ). These findings present a challenge to behavioral interventions that use this as a foundation, especially in the Global South. Or consider the “watching-eyes effect”—the idea that images depicting eyes promote altruistic behavior ( Pfattheicher & Keller, 2015 ). Despite this idea’s popularity, recent studies suggest the finding has poor replicability ( Northover et al., 2017 ; Oda, 2019 ; Rotella et al., 2021 ), indicating that the strategy of depicting eyes would not improve programs even when used in combination with other interventions. Basing behavioral interventions on nonreplicable effects produces research waste that is ill-afforded in resource-limited settings. A literature of unreliable effects also pressures behavioral practitioners to spend more time carefully scrutinizing the evidence base of their behavioral interventions (for an example of a debate on nudging, see Szaszi et al., 2022 ). 

About the Organizations

The Center for Utilizing Behavioral Insights for Children (CUBIC) uses behavioral science to create change for the world’s most marginalized children. Launched in 2020, CUBIC is the first embedded behavioral science team within a child-rights independent nongovernmental organization—a globally remote team of multilingual behavioral scientists who contribute to Save the Children projects across Asia, Africa, Europe, and Latin America. Projects have focused on vaccination uptake, positive parenting practices, education retention and teacher motivation, preventing hazardous child labor, and decreasing gender-based violence.  

UNICEF Innocenti—Global Office of Research and Foresight tackles the questions of greatest importance for children, both current and emerging. It drives change through research and foresight on a wide range of child-rights issues, sparking global discourse and actively engaging young people in its work. UNICEF Innocenti is coleading the establishment of UNICEF’s Behavioral Insights Research and Design Laboratories (BIRD Labs), a multidisciplinary network focused on building capacity of governments and partners to harness evidence and methods from the behavioral sciences to secure results and rights for children. 

The Busara Center for Behavioral Economics is one of the foremost behavioral science research organizations in the Global South. Its mission is to conduct behavioral science in the service of alleviating poverty. Headquartered in Nairobi, Kenya, Busara has completed more than 500 behavioral science projects with over 250 partners, ranging from governmental agencies, to multinational companies, to nongovernmental organizations. Its most distinctive features are the Busara Lab, the largest standing behavioral science lab in Africa, and its participant database, comprising over 100,000 research participants , allowing it to complete more than 130 research projects with 90-plus academic partners. 

The International Rescue Committee (IRC) is a global humanitarian aid, relief, and development nongovernmental organization. The IRC responds to the world’s worst humanitarian crises and helps people whose lives and livelihoods are shattered by conflict and disaster to survive, recover, and gain control of their future. IRC began to formally engage with behavioral insights in 2017; its behavioral insights practice sits within the IRC’s research and innovation team, the Airbel Impact Lab.  

Annecy Behavioral Science Lab (ABSL) is a startup that aims to bridge methodological best practices and open science to other research and applied behavioral science organizations. ABSL aims to organize the behavioral science community in tackling fundamental issues in behavioral science, including the replication crisis, measurement problems, data management, cross-cultural validation, and ethical open science especially as it affects vulnerable populations. Notable clients include NASA, More in Common, Morphit, and the Behavioral Insights Team—France.  

Moreover, much of the evidence base for applied behavioral science still relies on participants and research products from WEIRD participants and researchers ( IJzerman et al., 2021 ). This problem is insidious and affects various elements, from the way the research agenda is set to which measures are developed. For example, to understand if cognitive biases are universal, researchers should use tests that tap into the same cognitive processes for each culture. For instance, if one wishes to test for a bias based on the representativeness heuristic, a common assessment is the so-called “Linda Problem,” where participants judge how likely “Linda” is to be a feminist or a banker and a feminist. Linda is described as “… 31 years old, single, outspoken and very bright. She majored in philosophy. As a student, she was deeply concerned with issues of discrimination and social justice, and also participated in anti-nuclear demonstrations.” Participants in the United States judge Linda to be more likely to be both a bank teller and a feminist than judge her to be a bank teller, presumably because the description fits their stereotypes of feminists and does not fit their stereotype of bank tellers. However, Indians do not have the same stereotypes of either feminists or bank tellers—if they have any stereotypes of these groups at all. The “Linda Problem” therefore does not assess the representativeness heuristic very well in an Indian setting. Measures of other psychological and behavioral processes should be similarly contextualized to better measure the processes they assess. Laumas and colleagues ( 2020 ) describe one such process of contextualization to develop “Preeti,” an Indian version of “Linda” that is more recognizable and appropriate in the Indian context. 

Ensuring fidelity: Another challenge in applying behavioral science to low- and middle-income countries is the implementation of randomized control trials (RCTs). To be meaningfully interpreted, RCTs require strict adherence to the research protocol. This can be very difficult in many of the contexts in which we work, given that local populations face issues such as political challenges, time and resource constraints, and urgent basic needs. This means that behavioral scientists must spend time a lot of time in dialogue with implementing partners to understand and overcome local difficulties, while also impressing upon them the reasons why trials must be conducted rigorously—such as the risks of serious implementation mistakes (“all this time and work will be for naught!”). To ensure fidelity, it’s also important to instate systems such as checklists, frequent calls and meetings, and in-person visits at key periods like the trial launch.  

Establishing sustainability: Applied behavioral science often begins with smaller-scale field experiments to assess whether or not an intervention works before deciding to invest in taking an intervention to scale. However, international aid and development funding mechanisms often do not foster an environment that supports taking practices to scale, primarily because grant funding periods are usually limited to 1 to 2 years, or even shorter timeframes in humanitarian situations. This often results in highly compressed end-to-end behavioral science projects, with researchers conducting very rapid formative research, cocreating and agreeing interventions quickly, and then testing them—all in only a few months. For example, in one CUBIC/Save the Children project in the Philippines, CUBIC researchers had only 3 months to test a behaviorally informed SMS series to encourage vaccinations for pregnant women and infants, despite the fact that women are pregnant for 9 months and children’s routine vaccinations should be completed over a 2-year period. 

Moreover, consider what happens after the 2-year project is done. The close of a project is the ideal time to refine, iterate, and scale our findings in CUBIC. Yet what usually happens is the grant period ends and there is no further funding for that refinement, iteration, and scaling. Many behavioral science projects in the Global South therefore risk stalling after the pilot stage. 

Establishing the value of testing: One of the greatest challenges to the uptake of applied behavioral science in the Global South involves establishing the value of rigorous testing of “what works.” To illustrate this challenge, consider that most of the issues behavioral scientists hope to address in the Global South require more than “mere” nudges, as the issues have roots in poverty, challenging political contexts and resource-strapped government systems, cultural norms, and long-term and systemic inequities. However, it is impossible to avoid these difficult issues because they are what really matter to the families and communities we serve. As such, we end up tackling projects that have a high risk of failure, meaning we risk undermining our implementing partners’ and donors’ future appetites for behavioral science as an approach. Because of our focus on testing—often via experiments—we ourselves are likely to be the ones to confirm that our intervention didn’t work. Why should local government units collaborate with or develop behavioral insight teams that highlight their failures? 

The international aid and development sectors have historically focused on research activities where failure is not apparent, such as people’s self-reported improvement from program baseline to endline. Control groups in randomized controlled designs, while on the increase, are still rare. The importance of the international and development sectors to applied behavioral science, combined with these sectors’ lack of experience with research designs where failure is a real possibility, poses a real challenge. Can we find a way to educate all important stakeholders about the importance of rigorous experiments, while at the same time managing their expectations about what will work in terms of generating positive results? Or will too many null results mean that partners and donors simply conclude that behavioral science doesn’t work? 

Applying behavioral insights to emergency contexts: Although applied behavioral science is increasingly reflective of populations and contexts in low- and middle-income countries, humanitarian and emergency contexts are still a relatively unexplored frontier. For example, how would you implement a behavioral reminder intervention in Mali, where people may not have their own phones, may be illiterate, and do not have access to consistent phone signals? (See Lopez et al., 2022 for how this can be done.) In fact, from the insights learned, some of the most commonly cited behavioral interventions aimed at reminding populations (such as SMS reminders) would have failed or could have even backfired.  

It is not easy to fill this critical evidence gap, as many of the challenges faced by behavioral science teams in low- and middle-income countries are amplified in places where the population is experiencing the consequences of conflict or displacement, such as Syria, Yemen, and South Sudan. For example, in a refugee context, behavioral science teams need to not only contextualize theories and evidence for multiple culturally diverse populations that may be temporarily displaced together, but also take into account challenges such as inaccessibility due to conflict, social instability, and the implementation constraints of populations on the move in a rapidly changing environment. 

Data are also difficult to collect owing to logistical and ethical constraints. Interactions between data-collection teams and populations also need to be further examined in circumstances where communities may not feel safe providing honest information or authentic feedback to an organization providing them with critical, sometimes life-saving services. The power dynamics between provider and recipient can understandably exacerbate fears people may have of offending data-collection teams that represent lifelines.  

Since well-known behavioral science strategies cannot be copied and pasted into these contexts, behavioral scientists must become more innovative as we respond to different needs and constraints. Although challenging, this also provides an opportunity: Applying behavioral science to diverse populations in different contexts can push the field to expand and test new forms of behavioral science interventions. For organizations like IRC, this has led to incorporating more interdisciplinary, adaptive, and iterative approaches into behavioral science projects, such as systems thinking and human-centered design. 

Metascience and the future of behavioral insights in the Global South  

Given both the promise and the risks of applying and learning from behavioral insights in the Global South, what does the future hold? One promising direction is the burgeoning field of behavioral science metaresearch (or metascience), the study of how to improve both the research and practice of behavioral science itself. Metaresearch includes initiatives in open science ( UNESCO, 2021 ), which bolsters behavioral science’s credibility and allows the field to more easily “give back” research results to communities ( Opensciency, n.d. ). Metaresearch also promotes advances in locally contextualizing measures ( Owsley et al., 2019 ) as well as the formation of large-scale collaborations that aim to better generalize behavioral insights globally ( Moshontz et al., 2018 ). Organizations such as the Annecy Behavioral Science Lab and the Busara Center for Behavioral Economics have dedicated metaresearch teams charged with making headway into fundamental issues including replicability, measurement, and generalizability.  

As the study of research processes, metaresearch evaluates which tools and approaches are useful for which problems. This pushes practitioners to ask how to better tackle complex behavioral challenges, such as addressing high rates of child malnutrition or reducing violence in low-resource settings. Addressing childhood malnutrition, for example, involves many different actors who influence one another, all operating at different levels in the system—from more proximal individuals, such as parents, to the decentralized healthcare system that itself operates from village to national level. These types of complex challenges may require applied behavioral science to center solutions around the needs and context of individuals’ lived reality, rapidly iterate testing and continuously revise interventions according to ongoing results, and map out the complex systems that influence individual behavior, including political and social institutions.  

Improving the delivery of behavioral science solutions in low- and middle-income countries also means looking internally: Development professionals are as susceptible as anyone to cognitive biases and social influences, so behavioral insights are as applicable to their own behavior and organizations. CUBIC and UNICEF, for example, currently seek to identify internal “sludges,” which are the processes that make it inconvenient for individuals to make certain choices or engage in certain behaviors (the opposite of nudges). This may lead, for example, to the simplification of administrative processes, such as those for recruitment and procurement.  

However, although much can be improved in terms of how applied behavioral science is conducted, the challenges of where the science takes place remain: in countries with deep-felt colonial legacies, unstable political situations, and systemic and resource inequities ( Silan et al., 2021 ). This means certain problems endure: For example, can truly participatory and decolonial approaches rise beyond lip service without massive social restructuring? Furthermore, applied behavioral scientists need to continuously put in the time to partner with local implementing organizations to ensure sustainability and fidelity, as well as to establish the value of testing even as the local settings face social and political instability that may interrupt or even terminate organizational operations. 

Although there are ample challenges, testing applied behavioral science in these contexts provides a unique opportunity to fill gaps in the evidence base about human behavior and design innovative solutions rather than relying on the same core suite of interventions. The Global South sets the stage for the future of behavioral insights.

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Szaszi, B., Higney, A., Charlton, A., Gelman, A., Ziano, I., Aczel, B., Goldstein, D. G., Yeager, D. S., & Tipton, E. (2022). No reason to expect large and consistent effects of nudge interventions. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America , 119 (31), Article e2200732119. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2200732119  

Thambinathan, V., & Kinsella, E. A. (2021). Decolonizing methodologies in qualitative research: Creating spaces for transformative praxis. International Journal of Qualitative Methods , 20 . https://doi.org/10.1177/16094069211014766  

UNESCO. (2021). UNESCO recommendation on open science. Program and meeting document. SC-PCB-SPP/2021/OS/UROS, 10.54677/MNMH8546. https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000379949   

UNICEF. (2022, October 14). DepEd, DOH, UNICEF, WHO and Marikina City promote handwashing to create safe schools and communities . https://www.unicef.org/philippines/press-releases/deped-doh-unicef-who-and-marikina-city-promote-handwashing-create-safe-schools-and  

United Nations Secretary General. (2021). Guidance note on behavioral science . https://www.un.org/en/content/behaviouralscience   

Wambua, J. M., Owsley, N. C., Wein, T., & Busara Lab, B. (2021, October 28). Participant voice first: the Busara research agenda on ethical research in the Global South . https://doi.org/10.31222/osf.io/kvf3a   

Wilton, K., Shiori-Clark, M., & Murphy, K. (2017). Parenting in displacement: Adapting Vroom for displaced Syrian families. International Rescue Committee. https://www.rescue.org/sites/default/files/document/1554/parentingindisplacementadaptingvroomfordisplacedsyrianfamiliescasestudy.pdf  

Zavala, M. (2013). What do we mean by decolonizing research strategies ? Lessons from decolonizing, Indigenous research projects in New Zealand and Latin America. Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society , 2 (1), 55–71. 

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About the Authors

Allison Zelkowitz is the founder and director of CUBIC—the Center for Utilizing Behavioral Insights for Children. Allison has been working overseas in international aid for over 17 years and is now based in Kampala, Uganda. She previously served as Save the Children’s Lebanon and Thailand Country Directors, and held senior leadership positions in Pakistan and Aceh, Indonesia.

Global Science Requires Greater Equity, Diversity, and Cultural Precision  

Three authors discuss the discrepancy between espoused ideals for a global science and implicit biases that perpetuate unequal visibility and representation in psychological science.

Complexities and Lessons in Researching Culture-Specific Experiences

Gheirat exemplifies a complex, culture-specific experience that requires using culturally sensitive research practices to investigate. Explore these case-specific ideas and solutions for researching phenomena from little-understood and/or studied phenomena.

Latin American Psychological Science: Will the Global North Make Room?

Seven authors outline factors that influence scientific advancements in Latin America and identify potential avenues for reframing research conducted in the region, especially by Latin American researchers, in the global scientific landscape.

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Case Study in Behavioral Genetics

• Case Study: "The Perfect 46"
• Case Study in Genetic Sports Advantage
• America’s Hidden History: The Eugenics Movement
• Case Study in Genetic Non Disclosure
• When a Case Study Isn't Hypothetical: Huntington's Disease
• Case Study in Three Parent Embryos
• Case Study in Prenatal Diagnosis and Sex Selection
• Case Study in Lethal Diseases and Autonomy
• Case Study in Personal Genome Services
• Case Study in Fertility Clinics and Designer Babies
• When a Case Study is Not Hypothetical
• Case Study in the Right NOT to Know
• Case Study in Genetic Testing for Sports Ability
• Case Study in Genetic Discrimination
• Case Study in DNA, Privacy and Human Cloning
• Case Study in Recombinant DNA Technology and Biosafety
• Case Study in Forensic Paternity Testing
• Case Study in Genetics and Mental Illness
• Case Study in GM Food Animals
• Case Study in Tissue Ownership
• Case Study in Savior Siblings
• Case Study in DNA Fingerprinting
• Case Study in Incidental Findings
• About Genetics Generation
• Genetics Generation
• Women in Science

By Kelli Hatter and Laura Rivard

Even the casual Law and Order viewer is aware that convicted criminals routinely receive reduced sentences for extenuating circumstances, such as a history of child abuse or neglect. Should genetic predispositions be added to the list of “mitigating factors” accepted by the courts? If so, sound scientific studies must demonstrate a link between genes and aggressive, violent or deviant behavior. These studies are surprisingly difficult to perform since behavior is a complex trait governed by many genes as well as the environment. Still, one particular gene has been implicated in violent behavior. It was first identified in 1993 in certain male members of a Dutch clan with five generations of documented aggression in their family tree. The crimes included arson, exhibitionism, and attempted rape and murder. Hans Brunner, a geneticist, spent 15 years investigating this intriguing family. Brunner’s research found that the affected males all had a mutation in the genetic sequence coding for the enzyme monoamine oxidase A (MAOA), leading to reduced enzyme levels. MAOA is responsible for breaking down certain neurotransmitters, like serotonin and dopamine. Accordingly, individuals with reduced MAOA function will have increased levels of certain neurotransmitters in their brain, which may affect brain function. Studies of MAOA and aggression in the general population have produced results that are much less compelling and call into question a causal link.

The field of behavioral genetics is relatively new, and there are few simple and well-researched examples of particular genes that entirely control specific behaviors. How well can the nuances of this field be communicated to lawyers, judges, and jury members that lack formal scientific training? How heavily should a judge and jury weigh genetic predisposition when making decisions? Is an individual less culpable for a crime if they have a predisposition for deviant behavior? Conversely, should individuals with genetic predispositions toward behaviors that may lead to criminality be given harsher sentences since they are more likely to repeatedly offend? Where do we draw the line between a genetic predisposition and the conscious will of a criminal? The nature vs. nurture debate rages on.

Case Study (A true story):

On a Sunday morning in June 2010, a drifter named Rene Patrick Bourassa Jr., age 34, murdered 80-year-old Lilian Wilson in an Arkansas church by bludgeoning her with a brass cross. Bourassa was caught soon after and confessed to the cold-blooded killing for which he had little explanation. The heinous nature of the crime made him eligible for the death penalty. Bourassa’s attorneys sought to convince the court that their client did not have complete control over his actions. In a criminal case, “ mens rea” must be addressed. This concept is derived mainly from Freudian texts and it refers to the need of the defendant to have had a “guilty mind” and a conscious will to commit the crime. Lawyers often utilize the lack of mens rea as a defense for individuals that can be proven mentally ill. Bourassa’s lawyers used MAOA deficiency and its link to aggressive behavior to show the judge and jury that he was not entirely accountable for his actions; his genetic code had been a factor in the murder. They cited the Brunner study and showed that Bourassa had the gene variant for MAOA that has been linked with aggressive behavior. They also revealed that Bourassa had been both sexually assaulted and aggressively beaten in the past. Bourassa’s attorneys conceded that he committed the murder but argued that his genetic predisposition (nature) and troubling childhood (nurture) should be considered as mitigating factors in determining sentence.

Should Rene Patrick Bourassa Jr. receive the maximum sentence for his crime or should his biology and upbringing be considered mitigating factors? Take our poll and share your thoughts by leaving a comment. **See below to learn the outcome of the case.

References:

Image courtesy of Wikipedia.

Aspinwall, L. Brown, T. James, T. 2012. The double-edged sword: does biomechanism increase or decrease judge's sentencing of psychopaths? Science. (337) 846-849. http://www.sciencemag.org/content/337/6096/846.abstract

Brunner, H. Nelen, M. Breakefield, H. Ropers, H. van Oost, B. 1993. Abnormal behavior associated with a point mutation in the structural gene for monoamine oxidase A. Science. (262)578-580.

McDurmott, R. Tingley, D. Cowden, J. Frazzetto, G. Johnson, D. 2009. Monoamine oxidase A gene (MAOA) predicts behavioral aggression following provocation. PNAS. (106)2118-2123.

Wolfson, Elijah. 2014. My Genes Did It! Newsweek. March 5, 2014. http://www.newsweek.com/2014/03/14/my-genes-did-it-247951.html

**The jury sentenced Bourassa to life in prison without parole, rather than the death penalty.

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I have conflicting viewpoints regarding this issue. On the one hand, issues relating to "upbringing" are relevant to the penalty phase of a criminal trial. This is presumable because of the fact that science and common sense indicate that issues relating to upbringing can influence behavior. If so, then it seems that consistency requires that if evidence relating to genetic disposition for violence is credible, it must be considered as well.

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Psychology and Behavioral Science Case Studies

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The Psychology Behind Kmart’s $25B Failure

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By the Books

Sitting at your middle school desk, you probably didn’t think all that much about the textbook in front of you. Sure, you read the assigned chapters or rebelliously doodled in the margins — but you probably didn’t give much thought to why your school picked this textbook, out of all the textbooks, to be your class’s source of knowledge. 

You wouldn’t be the only one. Little is known about how school districts choose learning materials — a major gap in our understanding of education policy, considering the massive effect these choices have on students’ learning outcomes and future trajectories. Differences in curriculum are a huge contributor to achievement gaps between distracts, with Black, Latino, low-income, and English-learner students disproportionately fronting the consequences. 1

The power of a good textbook

Switching to better learning materials is one of the most impactful and affordable ways to improve outcomes at school. On top of this, prices don’t differ significantly between high- and low-quality curricula, meaning that better learning materials are within reach for all districts.

When schools select higher-quality learning materials — and provide teachers with support on how to best use them — student learning outcomes thrive. The results of higher-quality learning materials are equivalent to reducing class size by 15% , and students who learn from better curricula rank up to 12 percentile points higher on standardized tests. These impacts are far-reaching, from college admissions prospects, to earning potential, to quality of life.

So how do districts choose which materials to buy?

In the U.S., curriculum choices are decentralized, meaning districts select their own learning materials (in line with state standards). As a result, these choices tend to be made with many stakeholders in mind. But why do districts choose to go with this learning service, or distribute that textbook? Until now, there’s been little to no research on how these purchasing decisions are made, despite the major consequences they have on students. 

To address the black box that has developed around learning material choices, TDL partnered with the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation to map out the curriculum purchasing process from start to end. Our project was the first of its kind, and an invaluable step towards understanding and improving curriculum decision-making nationwide.

We started by figuring out why district officials make the choices they do by conducting hundreds of surveys with school district leaders. We sat down with leaders from across California and Texas, prioritizing districts with the most impacted student populations — Hispanic, Black and low-income students — in order to better serve the groups who needed curriculum support. 

After a deep dive into their decision-making processes, we mapped out the entire journey that district leaders went on when selecting learning materials, including key touchpoints where people become most susceptible to bias. We found that at many points along the way, information overload and confusing criteria for evaluating learning materials pushed administrators to rely on heuristics to pick their schools’ curricula, instead of on more important indicators of quality. 

To give just one example of how this might play out, imagine you’re a district leader attending a publisher fair to get a sense of what materials are available for your school. You’re surrounded by displays advertising countless different curricula, and representatives from the publishing companies telling you why you should choose their program. As the day wears on, all of this gets to be too much information, and it’s impossible for you to compare so many options objectively when there are so many variables to consider. In the end, the curriculum you pick might not be the one that’s actually best suited to your students’ needs, but instead the one that had the nicest-looking display at the fair — the halo effect at work.

Bringing evidence to curriculum decision-making

As behavioral scientists, we’re fans of evidence-based decision-making. So we used the results of our research to develop 15 pilot interventions to remove the barriers to evidence-based choices in curriculum selection. We wanted to help these key decision-makers make the most informed decisions possible.

Here are a couple of the ways we recommended purchasers simplify their decision-making process:

Create curriculum evaluation “cheat sheets” to make information easily accessible and reduce  information overload

Facilitate the creation of  social norms by leveraging the influence of teacher role models and leaders

Make training and development opportunities more accessible to reduce the influence of the  status quo in curriculum adoption decisions

But we didn’t want to stop at individual stakeholders. To scale our findings, we also built a predictive model: a framework that can be used to improve curriculum decisions anywhere, by laying out the typical behaviors that govern district leaders’ choice of learning materials.

Piloting solutions in California

It’s easy to do research and sketch out concepts for solutions. The real challenge is testing those solutions in the real world and measuring their potential for impact at scale. 

In collaboration with CalCurriculum, a partnership between Pivot Learning and EdReports, we had the opportunity to test the solutions with 13 school districts in California who signed up to participate in a year-long cohort. The focus of our involvement in the collaboration was to test the interventions with real decision-makers, assessing their potential to change behaviors, mindsets, and ultimate outcomes when it comes to choosing instructional materials. With this data we would be able to assess whether these interventions were worthy of greater testing and roll out to a larger sample of districts in the future.

The [cohort] process helped us to focus on what our priorities are. . . . We really want our teachers to be empowered and equipped to use the material. . . . Just having the cohort and being able to have these conversations was extremely beneficial. It also gave us some ideas, [on] how to better refine and do things. — Participant from a Southern California school district

Over the course of the school year, our interventions helped unite school district administrators and teachers in the curriculum selection process. Part of the reason that administrators often end up choosing materials that teachers don’t want to use is misaligned priorities: administrators focus on standards alignment, while teachers are focused on the usability of materials in the classroom. When we brought both groups together to create a shared vision of how the process should work, they were more able to find common ground, identifying shared goals and “must-haves” for a new curriculum.

Project Leader Jayden Rae and TDL Director Marielle Montenegro at the 2022 International Society for Technology in Education (ISTE) conference.

Our interventions also helped engage some of the most important stakeholders in curriculum selection: students and their parents. Prior to the cohort, only 21% of the district administrators we surveyed reported receiving feedback on curriculum from students in the past year, and 23% from parents. Our interventions emphasized the importance of building strategies to bring these stakeholders into the process, with participants expressing a stronger willingness to do so by the end of the cohort. 

The full set of recommendations for districts and policymakers is found in the full report .

• TNTP, Inc. (2018, August 15). Choosing the opportunity gap. https://opportunitymyth.tntp.org/choosing-the-opportunity-gap

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Impacts of noise pollution from high-speed rail and road on bird diversity: a case study in a protected area of Italy

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• Published: 20 April 2024

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• Ester Bergamini 1 , 2   na1 ,
• Sofia Prandelli   ORCID: orcid.org/0009-0007-0922-5790 2   na1 ,
• Fausto Minelli 3 &
• Roberto Cazzolla Gatti 2 , 4  

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The disturbance of infrastructures may affect biological communities that are exposed to them. This study assesses the impact of high-speed (highway and railway) infrastructures in a protected study site, the Natural Reserve Fontanili di Corte Valle Re (Emilia–Romagna, Italy). We compared bird diversity with sound intensity and frequency in three sampling areas, increasingly distant from the infrastructures at the border with the reserve, during the last 4 years (2019–2022), monitoring sedentary, nesting, and migratory bird species. We hypothesize a decreasing diversity closer to the source of disturbance, which is mostly attributable to noise pollution. Our findings confirmed this trend, and we show that, in particular, disturbance seems to influence species richness more than the total abundance of birds. We also discovered that highway disturbance was much higher than railway in terms of frequency and duration. In light of these results, we suggest that some species, which have a behavioral ecology strongly based on singing to communicate with each other for their reproductive and defensive strategies, may suffer more from constant acoustic disturbance. The installation of effective noise barriers to shield the sound produced by the highways should be considered a mandatory request not only in proximity to houses but also in the vicinity of protected areas.

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Introduction

Anthropogenic disturbance has been widely studied in ecology since its effects have consequences on communities and their composition (Ausprey et al. 2023 ). According to Pickett et al. ( 1989 ), disturbance can be defined as a change in the ecosystem caused by an external factor to the level of interest. Another well-accepted idea is that disturbance, as every process that causes loss of biomass in a community (Grime 1977 ), also has a negative impact on a community and its elements.

Previous studies showed that the proximity to disturbing infrastructures is one of the biggest causes of biodiversity loss (Van Der Zande et al. 1980 ). In particular, the number of negative effects of roads and railways is high when considering mortality due to vehicle collisions, particularly for reptiles, amphibians, and mammals. Although birds showed contrasting effects on infrastructure’s presence, the impact of the acoustic disturbance may be relevant for these taxa, even if poorly investigated. A recent study from Ausprey et al. shows how any kind of disturbance, in agricultural landscapes, leads to a decline in species and that sensitivities to anthropogenic disturbance are species-specific (Ausprey et al. 2023 ). The decrease in abundance and species diversity in birds is particularly documented at short distances, up to 1 km from the source of disturbance (Benítez-López et al. 2010 ). The disturbance from viable infrastructures is mostly acoustic and its consequences are proportional to the magnitude of the noise. There is preliminary evidence that birds are less affected by train passage, which is discontinuous than by the motor vehicles on the highways, which is quite constant (Wiącek et al. 2015 ). Species that possess communicative skills and base their reproductive behaviors mostly on vocalization are certainly the most affected (Lucas et al. 2017 ). A study conducted by Reijnen and Foppen ( 2006 ) showed that an important level of disturbance, such as big and busy roads, is the main cause of negative abundance trends of birds, compared to the presence of the infrastructure itself.

At the same time, there might be a positive effect that increases bird diversity due to the landscape’s heterogeneity created by roads and railways (Morelli et al. 2014 ; Kajazer-Bonk et al. 2019 ). Close to the infrastructure, woody habitats would be side by side with crops, leading to an increase in the amount of food availability. Moreover, the traffic could lead to a reduction in the number of predators, while artificial light would extend diurnal activities in winter. Having different habitats also means having more nesting sites and chances of hiding (Kajzer-Bonk et al. 2019 ).

This study aims to analyze the impact of acoustic disturbance produced by high-speed road and rail on bird diversity of migratory, nesting, and sedentary species of a protected area in northern Italy. We hypothesize that both species abundance and richness increase with incremental distance from the source of disturbance. On the other hand, we evaluated how the mid-domain effect could lead to a higher abundance and diversity in the core of the reserve and a decrease of them at the edge (Colwell and Lees 2000 ).

Materials and methods

The study was conducted in the bird-ringing site of Natural Reserve Fontanili di Corte Valle Re, in Italy. The site (coordinates 44.7672 N, 10.5328 E) has an area of 37 hectares and is located in the municipality of Campegine (Reggio Emilia). Data were collected at an increasing distance from two big infrastructures: the A1 highway and the high-speed railway Milano–Bologna, both adjacent to the protected area. The presence of specimens was studied for the reproductive and migratory seasons, from autumn 2019 to autumn 2022. The monitoring was done for the MonITRing Project of the National Centre of Ringing (CNI), of the Superior Institute for Environmental Protection and Research (ISPRA).

The protected area is one of the last flatland springs remaining in its natural state. Around the regional Reserve, water crosses cultivated fields and, near the springs, it leads to the growth of hydrophilic plants and reeds. The woods in which nets were located is mainly composed of black alder ( Alnus glutinosa ), grey sallow ( Salix cinerea ), alder buckthorn ( Rhamnus frangula ), black elderberry ( Sambucus nigra ), field elm ( Ulmus minor ), blackthorn ( Prunus spinosa ), English hawthorn ( Crataegus laevigata ), and dogwood ( Cornus sanguinea ). Different microhabitats allow the presence of a rich and varied fauna (Parchi Emilia Centrale 2022 ). The vulnerability of the Reserve, besides the rarity of its flatlands, is due to the closeness to the A1 highway, one of the busiest in Italy, and the adjacent high-speed railroad. The area is also part of the EU Natura 2000 network (Mézard et al., 2009 ) within the Area of ecological restoration Fontanili Media Pianura Reggiana and it is a Site of Community Importance (SCI), in which habitats are protected (Ambiente, Regione Emilia Romagna 2022 ).

Sampling methods and data analysis

The catch of the specimens took place using mist nets that have a mesh size of 16 mm, height of 2.5 m, and width of 12 m. Four of them were placed in three spots hereafter denominated Near, Intermediate, and Far, for a total net length of 48 m in each of them. The three transects were all placed perpendicular to the viable infrastructures and in areas where plant cover and composition are mostly the same.

Highways and railways can be considered the main sources of disturbance since the Reserve has few visitors per year and the trails are far from the nets. The seasonal presence of hunters in the surrounding areas may be considered an additional disturbance factor for the birds and may push them into the Reserve’s core. Distance from the Reserve and high-speed ways was 160 m from the nearest net (Near), 320 m from the intermediate one (Intermediate), and 425 m from the farthest one (Far) (Fig. 1 ). To ensure comparability, we checked that the three areas, although different in shape, have similar vegetation and are surrounded by the same type of agricultural field. One main difference among the three sampling sites is that the Near site is surrounded by a slightly higher forest cover, in an L shape, than the other two sites. We also confirmed that the three sampling points were located in areas with similar vegetation and environmental conditions.

Map of the study site, the regional Natural Reserve Fontanili di Corte Valle Re, with the indication of the three sampling points in which the mist nets were located and the high-speed ways

Acoustic disturbance has been measured in the center of three transects using professional digital phonometers with a range of measures from 30 to 130 dBA and a sensitivity of 0.1 dBA, during optimal weather conditions, without wind or adverse meteorological conditions. The phonometers were set in the center of the three transects, detecting values at the same time for periods of 30 min and three repetitions during the day. We measured the acoustic disturbance in randomly selected days to provide empirical evidence of the differential acoustic impacts in the three sampling areas. We assumed that the acoustic disturbance throughout the year is similar to the average noise detected during the randomly selected days of recordings. We have good reasons to believe that our assumption is correct because the only variable factor is the wind and it is quite unpredictable during the seasons, while the railway and highway traffic noise remains almost constant throughout the year. The measurements returned 3573 records — two measurements every second — for every point, for a total of 10,719. To separate noise pollution caused respectively by railway and highway infrastructure, data were separated by calculating, for each study point, the value corresponding to the 95th percentile, dividing them into average noise values and peak noise values.

Bird captures were made using the standard procedure for birds’ ringing. The nets were opened before sunrise and monitored six times in the following hours. Ancillary data were collected including time of the catch, ring code, recapture, species name, Euring specific code, status, molt, plumage, weight, age, sex, fat, muscle, measurements of tarsus, chord, and third remiges’ length. The equipment included a bird identification guide, rings of various sizes, banding pliers, different rules, and a portable scale. Data has then been transferred to electronic datasets.

The statistical analysis, performed with the software R and ggplot package (R Core Team 2016 ), included the calculation of the AED index ( Absolute Effective Diversity ), to estimate the number of species observed in an area, including those not detected (Cazzolla Gatti et al. 2020 ). We also compared temporal trends, during years and seasons, between the three areas. To understand whether the acoustic disturbance affects species diversity and abundance Wilcoxon’s test (Wilcoxon 1992 ) was applied.

In the three sampling nets, 41 different species of birds were captured and ringed, and their relative abundance was recorded (Table 1 ). The three sampling sites showed differences in their richness and abundance, with higher values always for the Far net (Table 2 ). Some of the species protected under the Bird Directive 2009/147/CE have been ringed and collected in this study: the marsh warbler ( Acrocephalus palustris ), the pied flycatcher ( Ficedula hypoleuca) , the red-backed shrike ( Lanius collurio ), the nightingale ( Luscinia megarhynchos ), and the song thrush ( Turdus philomelos ).

To better analyze the contribution of resident and migratory species to the total richness and abundance in the three sampling areas, we separate species collected in Spring from those collected in Autumn (Figure 2 ). In terms of species richness, the Far net shows higher values for both periods ( p = 0.021 between Near and Far sampling points), whereas Spring abundance shows lower values in the Far net compared to the other sampling sites ( p = 0.036).

Bird species richness (S) and total abundance (N) in the whole study period (a and d, respectively), in Spring (b and e), and Autumn (c and f). The median (central line in the box) represents the values that fall between the second (lower quartile value) and the third quartile (upper quartile value). The whiskers include data that lie between the 10th percentile (lower bound) and the lower quartile value, and between the upper quartile and the 90th percentile. Points outside the lower and upper bounds are outliers

Time series of noise pollution recordings show a clear separation of the three sampling nets, with higher values (in dB) at the Near sampling point (Figure 3 ). Then, the time series were separated into peak noise values and average noise values. This separation of noise pollution allowed us to clearly show that the disturbance caused by the passage of high-speed trains (Fig. 3 b) is scattered (because each recorded peak corresponded to a monitored time of train arrival), whereas the disturbance caused by the noise of motor vehicles on the highway is constant (Fig. 3 c). In both cases, the Near sampling point recorded the highest noise pollution, which was higher than at the Intermediate and Far nets both for railways and highways (Fig. 4 ).

Time series of acoustic disturbances (in dB) ( a ) separated as peaks noise values ( b ) and average noise values ( c ). To separate the noise pollution caused respectively by railway and highway infrastructure, acoustic recordings were separated by calculating, for each sampling point, the value corresponding to the 95th percentile, dividing them into average noise values and peak noise values

Noise pollution (in dB) distribution ( a ) separated into peak values distribution ( b ) and average values distribution ( c ). The median (central line in the box) represents the values that fall between the second (lower quartile value) and the third quartile (upper quartile value). The whiskers include data that lie between the 10th percentile (lower bound) and the lower quartile value, and between the upper quartile and 90th percentile. Points outside the lower and upper bounds are outliers

We analyzed the impact of a highway and a high-speed railway on the species diversity of a protected area in Italy, from autumn 2019 to autumn 2022.

Species richness decreases in the proximity of the sources of disturbance. In fact, bird diversity near the infrastructures is lower than the one observed in the more distant point, as confirmed also by previous studies: bird species richness is strongly affected by human disturbance such as agriculture, forest harvesting, roads, and urban and industrial areas in the surroundings of a habitat (Zhang et al. 2013 ). The significant differences between the nearest and farthest sampling points confirm our hypothesis of a higher impact due to high-speed ways, although the intermediate sampling net shows contrasting results attributable to the mid-domain effect that may lead to a higher abundance and diversity in the core of a reserve and a decrease of them at its edge (Colwell and Lees 2000 ).

In our study, bird abundance was significantly higher in the central area compared to the sampling point near the disturbance source. This is probably due to the mid-domain and edge effects, which lead the specimens to concentrate at the core of the Reserve, seeking protection in a less disturbed habitat. Bird diversity in the center of the Reserve was even a bit higher than at the farthest sampling point from noise pollution, and this may be because this point is close to the limit of the protected area and to the agricultural fields in which hunting seasonally takes place.

Total abundance shows a significant growing trend moving away from the source of disturbance, confirming the hypothesis that infrastructures represent the major reason for differences in bird species. Although a general increase is evident, it is not always linear and may reflect the different distribution of species within the reserve and their different behaviors. Birds that vocalize more could live further away from the source of noise pollution, which would interfere with the correct communication of individuals and consequently with their reproductive strategies, often based on an elaborate execution of the song, as already confirmed by different studies: with increasing background noise levels, males of European robin proved to be more likely to move away from the noise source and changed their singing behavior gradually (McLaughlin and Kunc 2013 ), and the number of birds per study area was shown to increase with the distance from the roads (Polak et al. 2013 ). Generally, highway noise has an impact on birds within several hundred meters (up to 1 km) from the source, despite visual disturbance and vehicular pollutants extended for a shorter distance from highways (Dooling and Popper 2016 ; Benítez-López A. et al. 2010 ).

In our sampling sites, we found a significantly higher bird abundance during autumn than spring and this may be due to migratory species that are probably less affected by anthropic noise while sedentary species are the most impacted. Anthropogenic noise pollution has been observed in other studies to play stronger effects on breeding birds than, in opposition to our results, wintering species, assuming these different responses may reflect species differences in acoustic communications (Wang et al. 2013 ; Catchpole et al. 2003 ). Breeding birds often need an elevated number of frequencies and types of acoustic contacts to complete the entire breeding cycle, such as mate attraction, territorial advertisement, or parent-offspring communication (Wang et al. 2013 ).

The absolute and effective diversity index (AED), which provides a comparable estimation of species missed from the sampling, confirms an important increase in the number of species moving away from high-speed ways. Some of these species could have different habitat preferences, while others, probably present in the reserve, have never been captured for random reasons. The index provided a value of potentially 50.81 living in the Reserve, which seems reliable as many species have been identified besides the 41 species detected in this study. The continuation of monitoring will certainly improve this work, allowing a higher bird species detection.

The highway A1 Milan–Naples and high-speed railway Milan–Bologna are highly busy causing a strong acoustic disturbance as measured by our phonometers. This may also be the reason why the reserve is rarely visited by people, as nature appreciation is enhanced by natural sounds and decreased by extraneous noises produced by road traffic, for instance (Chau et al. 2010 ).

Noise peaks in correspondence with the scattered passage of high-speed and regional trains seem to be less impacting for bird communication than the constant noise produced by the highway although both may importantly contribute to the acoustic disturbance.

It has been documented how the background acoustic disturbance — which grows exponentially in combination with the transit of high-speed trains or with the use of car horns — has repercussions on birdlife (Pickett et al. 1989 ; Parris and Schneider 2009 ; Lucas et al. 2017 ).

Reijnen et al. ( 1995 ) showed evidence that, in woodland, noise is probably the most critical factor in causing reduced densities close to roads. In regression analysis, using vehicle noise and visibility as response variables, the noise seemed to be the best and, in many species, the only predictor of observed depressed densities in the proximity of the road. Similarly, in open agricultural fields, several species of breeding birds showed a density reduction of almost 100% due to dense traffic, possibly causing an important loss of species richness (Reijnen et al. 1997 ), with total population density reduced by 39% in open agricultural grasslands and 35% in woodlands. Several studies also on non-bird species support the finding that, generally, animals change their distributions in response to anthropogenic noise, as the observation of Sonoran pronghorn’s behavior in avoiding loud areas due to military jet overflights (Barber et al. 2009 ). High levels of noise have been shown to affect wildlife physiological aspects, including temporary and permanent hearing loss (Barber et al. 2009 ).

In light of our findings and previous studies, to better protect birdlife and wildlife in general, it would be important to limit the extent of the disturbance by setting anti-noise barriers alongside the infrastructures. Most of the scientific literature is in line in acknowledging that anti-noise walls can reduce acoustic pollution of 5-15 dB: the volume of the sound pressure which a wall can absorb is directly proportional to the size of the sound pressure of the incoming source, considering that the decibel scale is logarithmic, even a small numeric variations translate into a major changes in sound perception (Hranický et al. 2016 ). According to Adamec et al. ( 2011 ), on average, well-designed barriers reduce noise by approximately 4 or more dB, depending on the geometry of traffic noise propagation.

Different types of noise barriers can be considered a valid help: reflecting walls with a smooth surface or absorbing walls with rugged folds are useful not only for the reflection of sound waves but also for their direct limitation; however, it is important to note that reflective barriers are often made with transparent materials and may be a danger for birds if not appropriate visual deterrent is placed (Hranický et al. 2016 ). Another related issue can occur where noise barriers are built only on one side of the track and animals can remain trapped on the infrastructure, but a simple solution can be the placement of stickers with dark contours of predatory birds for deterrence and further the integration of these structures with elevated ecological corridors (Hranický et al. 2016 ). In this specific case, noise barriers should reach a maximum height equivalent to the height of the tree crowns, as they could otherwise create an additional obstacle to the passage of moving birds.

Overall, our study was conducted in a relatively longer timespan (4 years) than most of the previous studies (Reijen et al. 2006 ; Wiacek et al. 2015 ) and, therefore, provides reliable evidence that road and rail traffic, particularly on high-speed ways, is one of the main causes of the loss of bird diversity, even in protected areas.

Data Availability

The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author, SP, upon reasonable request.

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Ester Bergamini and Sofia Prandelli equally contributed and shared the first authorship.

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Department of Biology, University of Pisa, Pisa, Italy

Ester Bergamini

Department of Biological, Geological, BIOME-Biodiversity and Macroecology Lab, and Environmental Sciences (BiGeA), University of Bologna, Bologna, Italy

Ester Bergamini, Sofia Prandelli & Roberto Cazzolla Gatti

Ente di Gestione per i Parchi e la Biodiversità-Emilia Centrale, Modena, Italy

Fausto Minelli

Biological, Geological and Environmental Sciences Department (BiGeA), BIOME Lab, University of Bologna, Bologna, Italy

Roberto Cazzolla Gatti

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All authors contributed to the study’s conception and design. Material preparation, data collection, and analysis were performed by Ester Bergamini, Sofia Prandelli, Fausto Minelli, and Roberto Cazzolla Gatti. The first draft of the manuscript was written by Ester Bergamini with the supervision of Roberto Cazzolla Gatti, and all authors worked on manuscript revision and finalization with the lead of Sofia Prandelli. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

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Bergamini, E., Prandelli, S., Minelli, F. et al. Impacts of noise pollution from high-speed rail and road on bird diversity: a case study in a protected area of Italy. Environ Sci Pollut Res (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11356-024-33372-0

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DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s11356-024-33372-0

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