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The Corruption in Papua New Guinea

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• Cochrane, L. (2015). PNG anti-corruption taskforce broke after making allegations against prime minister Peter O'Neill. Retrieved from: http://www.abc.net.au/news/2015-02-04/png-anti-corruption-taskforce-starved-of-funding/6070170
• Howley, P. (n.d.). The komkui who made a covenant with god. Madang: DWU Press
• Matbob, P. (2012a). Vot tru o sans moni?: A study of DWU students' behaviour during the 2007 national elections in PNG. Contemporary PNG Studies, 16, 52.
• Matbob, P. (2012b). Vot tru o sans moni?: A study of DWU students' behaviour during the 2007 national elections in PNG. Contemporary PNG Studies, 16, 52.
• Meriam Webster Dictionary. (n.d.). dictionary. Retrieved from meriamwebster.com: https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/corruption
• Quah, J. (2016). Singapore's Success in Combating Corruption: Four Lessons for China. American Journal of Chinese Studies, 23(2), 187-209. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/44289154
• Tlozek, E. (2016). Papua New Guinea students ' traumatised' by shooting as unrest spreads to the Highlands. Retrieved from http://www.abc.net.au/news/2016-06-10/png-students-traumatised-by-shooting/7498740
• Wantok system (n.d.). Retrieved from 23 April 2018, from https://www.tokpisin.info/wantok-system-pngs-safety-net/
• Wheatland, B. (2015). Literature review: Corruption as a driver of migration. Retrieved from https://www.transparency.org/whatwedo/answer/literature_review_corruption_and_migrations

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THE TOKAUT BLOG

Forensically analysing grand corruption in png, by professor kristian lasslett 21 aug 2017 10 min read, making the invisible, visible.

The problem with corruption in PNG, at its most grand levels, is that it is everywhere and nowhere. Its morbid symptoms are apparent for all to see, but the particular mechanisms through which the disease of corruption infects governments and markets, and disables the body of the nation, proves difficult to observe, owing to its secretive nature.

Yet in order to fight corruption effectively, we need to answer elementary questions relating to its core characteristics. For example, what type of corrupt transactions are most common and damaging in PNG, who are the participants, what motivates them, how do they make their illicit gains, what do they spend it on, and which institutional structures permit these illegal activities to take place?

Despite the difficulties associated with observing corruption, we can still pull together enough credible data from the civil and criminal courts, commissions of inquiries, national audits, public account committee hearings, Ombudsman Commission reports, and independent research, to formulate hypotheses on these different dimensions of the corruption problem, for testing and refinement.

Sham fronts, illicit ends

And, in this respect, there is one general thread that runs through a vast range of corrupt schemes observable in PNG, whether it be rigged tenders, land fraud or sham litigation – they employ, on the surface, a range of legitimate commercial/legal transactions, to cloak what is in fact crude theft from the public purse.

Often a real service is provided, for example a road is built, or expert advice is provided to a government department. However, the primary commercial motivation of the corrupt parties involved in these transactions is not to profit from providing the contracted good or service, at say a 10% rate of profit. The real motivation is to use the contract as a front, behind which a deal is rigged, that allow costs to be inflated well beyond market value, leading to substantial returns.

In this context the 10% rate of profit is small potatoes, when rigging the deal can allow parties to set a price 4 or 5 times higher than the market rate when providing goods and services, or at a much reduced rate when the contract involves the acquisition of a state asset.

Indeed, contracts with government can be rigged by businesses in many ways, to achieve the same end.

For example, government agencies, such as the National Housing Corporation, the Lands Department or State owned corporations, can part with their assets at an illegally discounted rate. The private beneficiary of the contract gets a block of flats, or a major piece of land, for say 1/10 th of the market price, while kick backs are paid to government officials who approve and organise the transactions (10% of the asset value is often pointed to as the approximate commission paid to corrupt officials). The private beneficiary can then flip the asset on the market for a quick profit, which can be augmented further through improvements to the illegally acquired asset.

A similar logic could be observed during the Commission of Inquiry into the Department of Finance. Here legitimate and illegitimate claims for damages against state agencies, were grossly inflated by lawyers and private consultants, who then secured government settlements, with state officials receiving kick-backs from the litigants.

Here the cloak of a legitimate civil action, was used to do something illegitimate, namely inflate damages, to in effect steal from the public purse.

Arguably, goods and services contracts are the most overt example of this commercial logic. Rigged contracts are awarded to construction firms and consultants, who provide often substandard deliverables – or no deliverables in the case of ghost contracts – at rates far in excess of market price.

No area is off limits. Hospital construction, drugs for patients, handling deceased estates, building schools, these have all proven fair game for corrupt schemes – unlike the Mafia, no “gentleman’s” code of conduct exists, declaring certain social sectors off limits.

The consequence of this is we have economic actors ostensibly engaged in providing goods and services, ranging from construction of infrastructure, through to legal services, whose primary motivation is not offering a great product, at a competitive price. To the contrary, its about providing a substandard product (cheaply!) as a necessary condition for obtaining the main prize, a grossly inflated contract price.

Accordingly, we often find the epicentre for these rigged transactions are Supply and Tender Boards, where tenders and subsequent awards are deliberated on (in the case of state land, it is Land Boards). Boards can fix tenders, to ensure a certain party with inflated prices wins the contract, or they can allow the improper use of certificates of inexpediencies, which permits contracts to be awarded without tender, owing to an emergency situation. Although such situations are strictly circumscribed in the Financial Instructions, certificates of inexpediency are serially abused by government departments to rig large scale public contracts.

Most often, these rigged contracts are pushed from up high, by Ministers and senior officials. This has a debilitating effect on government business.

State officials and policy makers are not motivated by an ambition, for instance, to achieve development strategy outcomes or to oversee the sound administration of public policy – both are mere tools through which to gain kick-backs, or indeed partake in illicit deals through proxies (or even without proxies, so brazen is the execution of corruption in notable instances).

In other words, the provision of health services, or the construction of infrastructure, are not tools for achieving policy outcomes – they are the setting for netting kick-backs and rigging inflated contracts. Accordingly, these services are not based on need or quality, they are inspired by the private commercial and political interests of conspiring parties.

So looked at concretely in PNG, corruption inspires substandard markets activity and failed public policy. Meanwhile, the revenues earnt by the state through taxation – often through exploiting non-renewable resources – and receipts on state assets, are stolen through an edifice of legitimate commercial deals that conceal a rotten core.

Tracing the proceeds of crime

It is less clear what happens to these revenues once stolen.

Certainly some of it we know is spent by beneficiaries on houses, cars, travel, posh meals, jewellery, and the finer things in life.

There is also evidence to suggest some of it is used as seed capital for business ventures.

However, it would be overstating matters to suggest that stolen proceeds play a positive economic role, because they provide a source of capital for business people.

The fact remains, when market activity is serially rigged, seed capital is best spent in propagating further criminal enterprises – acting through legitimate commercial fronts – because the rates of profit is so much higher, than the returns promised through conventional business models.

Indeed, in many sectors, failing to participate in the cultures of corruption, would mean bankruptcy.

We also know from shards of evidence that kick-backs and illicit profits are also being funnelled into the political process.

Fire sales of state assets, kick backs for rigged tenders, and misappropriation of funds through nepotistic awards, create sizable slush-funds.

Indeed, often there is a wave of illicit activity in the year leading up to elections, which is a clear signal on what is to come – namely, bribing electoral officials, voters, and attracting independent MPs into the party structure, through direct and indirect fiscal “incentives”.

Its an expensive business (and likely getting more expensive each electoral cycle), but winning high office is not just about enjoying political power, it in effect means successful MPs become a fixer in the ‘game’ of rigged economics. This position can be exploited in multiple ways to grow political and business empires, making the investment in electoral success the ticket price for much greater fortunes.

It also ought to be noted the risk of being caught in PNG is negligible – successful prosecutions are the exception rather than the rule.

In some countries deeply impacted by grand corruption, we have seen corrupt parties use offshore banking services and corporate bodies, to cloak their illegal activity.

Its not clear if in PNG there is significant demand for this kind of service. That said, we certainly know senior politicians and business people actively use offshore financial, corporate, legal and accountancy services – however, we lack the data to confidently state whether offshore entities are a significant spoke in corrupt schemes.

There are good reasons why PNG politicians and business people may not be conducting their illegal activities through offshore entities on the same scale as other regions. Primarily, there is actually less risk of being prosecuted in PNG for money laundering or bribery, than there would be the case if these transactions were organised in foreign jurisdictions.

After all, PNG’s law enforcement agencies are entirely lacking in resources, specialist skills and leadership, and political control can be exerted over them, where needed.

Equally, why set up a British Virgin Islands company, when beneficial interests in corporate bodies registered with the IPA can be easily cloaked through proxies. Furthermore, there is no evidence to suggest that the Company Registrar is actively policing company regulations – although at the very least the IPA has recently demonstrated a welcomed commitment to enforcing annual reporting requirements contained in the Company Act.

In a similar vein, why become entangled in foreign banks, when banks operating in PNG are enmeshed in the national power structure and thus more easily influenced.

Because the banking sector is so heavily reliant on the PNG state for its survival, there is a culture of dependency which would appear to act as a strong disincentive for banks conducting thorough due diligence when handling the accounts of politically exposed entities – especially when those entities are connected to senior political power brokers with a network of powerful allies.

Certainly there is evidence on the public record indicating some banks in PNG handle transactions that have red flags all over them.

Concerns are also growing over the independence of the judiciary. But this is often more at the level of whispers. There is not a surplus of hard evidence yet on the record to make confident assessments in this respect.

However, there is much more solid evidence on the record demonstrating that members of the nation’s legal and accountancy fraternity, are acting as key spokes in corrupt schemes. They help fix the deals, cloak the criminality, and launder the funds.

Given this is a widespread problem in both professions, it is certainly a concern that their numbers populate the judiciary and senior government offices.

Owing then to the professional expertise at hand, the lax enforcement culture, and the politicisation of criminal justice, PNG appears a considerably safe jurisdiction to engage in high value criminal conduct. So its reasonable to conclude, why go offshore?

The primary reason may be to spread assets. And we certainly know that assets resulting from criminal activity, are being held in jurisdictions such as Australia and Singapore – with little reaction from either nation.

Breaking corrupt networks: The many headed hydra

Besides impunity, another problem facing the anti-corruption movement in PNG, is the way in which rigged transactions are organised.

Evidence suggests criminal networks organising corrupt transactions tend to be small and nimble. Senior politicians and business people surround themselves with a trusted cadre of professionals and proxies, who do their bidding.

Often these cadres have considerable power over the affairs of these senior figures – so the bonds binding them together are tight, built over many years of collaboration, often further solidified through kinship ties, friendships and marriage.

Thus, it is exceedingly hard to break the code of secrecy within these closed, small networks, and even if you break one group, many others exist, operating largely independently from one another.

We have observed this type of structure in relation to terrorism, small cells operate independently, so if one is nabbed by authorities, the whole organisation is not destroyed.

In PNG this is not an intentional design – that is, all these small networks are not part of a much bigger conspiracy. Nevertheless, this illicit structure is a mainstay. So taking down one politician or business person, will not have a domino effect beyond their immediate cadre of helpers and perhaps one or two senior allies, because their affairs are rarely strongly interconnected with a much larger network of business/political figures.

Corruption misnomers

Another challenge facing the anti-corruption movement in PNG, is dispelling problematic assumptions.

For example, it is something of a misnomer to claim that Melanesian cultural norms are to blame for corruption. So the argument goes, Western style market and political transactions have become tainted by Melanesian kinship obligations.

While it is certainly true, kinship bonds can act as an important glue for closed corrupt networks, they are not the cause of corruption, they are simply a means through which revenue theft is better organised, drawing on the secrecy and loyalty kinship bonds afford.

Similarly, it is equally problematic to claim it is an ‘Asian’ disease. While it is certainly evident that Malaysian, Chinese and Filipino business people are actively rigging markets for considerable profit in PNG, there is a lot of evidence to suggest Australians have been equally prolific – although receiving much less share of the blame.

So it would be dangerous to suggest any foreign region is more prolific than others – but it can be safely said, foreign business people and professionals are high frequency actors in grand corruption as practiced in PNG.

Accordingly, steps must be taken to work with those  foreign states willing to place pressure on these transnational networks, through prosecutions and asset seizure.

Conclusions: Steps we can take to combat corruption

All of which may come as cold comfort for PNG citizens who have the unedifying task of working hard for their income, while being extorted through unfair market monopolies. And then as if to add injury to insult, citizens must endure limited, substandard government services and infrastructure, frequently the result of inflated contracts executed with no serious oversight.

However, be that as it may, unless we begin to map this system in intricate detail, formulating strategies to fight it will be educated guess work at best, rather than evidence based anti-corruption policy.

Of course it may be asked, whats the point in building an evidence based strategy, given the national government has not even followed through on an elementary promise to launch the proposed ICAC?

But long journeys take place through small steps. Each forward step in our knowledge, analysis and practice, is one step closer to the goal of making some serious inroads on corruption, however long the journey will be.

In short there is no diamond bullet.

But we can take steps in the right direction, like:

• Consolidating data-sources on corruption, so we can build more accurate empirical models of the networks, processes and mechanisms used to commit grand corruption in PNG.
• Apply novel data-analysis tools to squeeze more juice out of this data, to improve the quality of our theory.
• Expose publicly those involved in corrupt transactions and the techniques they use.
• Support victims seeking justice or restitution.
• Patronise media organisations and social media outlets putting a credible spotlight on corruption.
• Consolidate public pressure around a set of primary objectives, such as the establishment of an ICAC, or to launch an open-data project on public procurement.
• Build better relationships between community groups, NGOs, media organisations and research institutions, involved in the fight against corruption.
• Support those civil servants and politicians demonstrating a genuine commitment to anti-corruption measures.
• Acting as a critical friend of anti-corruption agencies, ensuring they are conducting robust, efficient investigations, and are being supported by government through adequate budgets and infrastructure.
• Promote a culture of transparency and data-openness, ensuring all oversight organisations are making their reporting available to the public in a timely and accessible manner.
• Target known choke points in virulent corrupt schemes, such as Supply and Tender Boards, or prolific banking institutions and law firms.
• Remain vigilant, ensuring revelations and recommendations produced through commissions of inquiry, etc., are not forgotten.

Of course, this list could go for many pages. The point is, if we try to eat the entire meal of anti-corruption in one bite, its impossible. But we can begin to make progress, one bite at a time.

The greatest defence corrupt networks have, is a public who feels disempowered and demoralised – and sometimes just a few victories can suddenly electrify a nation.

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Governance and Corruption in PNG’s Public Service: Insights From Four Subnational Administrations

Development Policy Centre Discussion Paper No. 81

37 Pages Posted: 22 Apr 2019

Grant Walton

Australian National University - Development Policy Centre

Date Written: April 3, 2019

The Papua New Guinea (PNG) government and international donors have spent millions of kina trying to improve governance in the country’s bureaucracy. Despite these efforts, there are few indicators of success: many consider PNG’s public service to be rife with corruption. However, narratives about these problems have excluded public servants’ perspectives: there is little empirical data about why public servants might support or resist corruption and poor governance. This paper draws on interviews with 136 public servants across four provinces – Eastern Highlands, Milne Bay, Madang and New Ireland – to provide insights into what PNG’s bureaucrats think about these issues. It finds that public servants are often ill-informed about the laws and rules guiding their roles, and are under enormous pressure to provide unofficial favours to businesses, politicians and kith and kin. Yet, some are able to resist these pressures better than others, with senior staff, men, and those in Milne Bay and Madang better placed to push back against and report corruption. Findings suggest that policies that aim to support and inform the less enfranchised (women and junior staff) are particularly important for addressing corruption in PNG. However, this paper argues that efforts to shift the status quo must take into account the contextually-specific relationships between bureaucrats, politicians and citizens, which vary across time and space.

Keywords: governance corruption public service PNG

JEL Classification: H83

Suggested Citation: Suggested Citation

Grant Walton (Contact Author)

Australian national university - development policy centre ( email ).

Canberra, Australian Capital Territory 2601 Australia

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• Get involved

Ending corruption is key to increasing prosperity

December 31, 2021.

Papua New Guinea was one of the first countries in the Asia- Pacific to ratify the United Nations Convention Against Corruption, in 2007, and continues the journey of ending corruption to increase prosperity for all.

As Dirk Wagener, UN Resident Coordinator a.i. in Papua New Guinea, wrote on International Anti-Corruption Day 2021, it is very encouraging that Papua New Guinea has made visible progress in establishing key anti-corruption instruments over the past few years.

Corruption affects all of society by diverting funds from core basic services, resulting in inequality and undermining trust in public institutions. In particular, the key adoption of the Organic Law on the Independent Commission Against Corruption has enabled the establishment of the Independent Commission Against Corruption, and the adoption of the Whistleblower Act in 2020.

The latest achievements in Papua New Guinea’s fight against corruption and towards greater accountability and transparency has seen further work on the National Anti-Corruption Plan of Action (2020 - 2025) to implement a National Anti-Corruption Strategy (2010 – 2030). Preparations are also underway for the National Right to Information Policy aiming for the adoption of the Right to Information Law.

The United Nations Development Programme, jointly with the UN Office on Drugs and Crime, is implementing the  Preventing and Countering Corruption in Papua New Guinea Project,  funded by the European Union.

This Project aims to strengthen the Government’s commitment and capacities to address corruption in line with the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) and to effectively progress the Sustainable Development Goals for the benefit of all Papua New Guineans.

Key project partners include the Government of Papua New Guinea, the Department of Justice and Attorney-General and other key national agencies, civil society, and communities.

The Project will also direct specific support towards core anti-corruption institutions, particularly the new Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC), the Royal Papua New Guinea Constabulary, national and provincial fraud units, and the Office of the Public Prosecutor to strengthen their capacities to investigate and prosecute corruption.

An integral part of the EU-PNG Partnership for Good Governance, the overall goal of the Project is to substantially reduce corruption. The key message of the 2021 Anti-Corruption Day was that every person has the right and responsibility to tackle corruption. Together with Government, civil society, the private sector, development partners, media, and youth - all citizens can contribute to combatting corruption in Papua New Guinea.

By doing so, Papua New Guinea can harness and steward its abundant natural and human resources for the benefit of all people across the country and ensure that development is inclusive, benefits all and does not destroy or unsustainably exploit the natural resources it depends on.

Your Right, Your Role: Say #NoToCorruption | #IACD2021 - More About UNDP's Work:  Anti-Corruption efforts given critical boost with new project

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Ending corruption is key to increasing prosperity.

09 December 2021

This International Anti-Corruption Day 2021, Dirk Wagener, UN Resident Coordinator a.i. in Papua New Guinea states that   "ending corruption is key to increasing prosperity". 

On 9 December, Papua New Guinea will join global celebrations of the International Anti-Corruption Day, marking the adoption of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC) in 2003. Papua New Guinea was one of the first countries in Asia and the Pacific to ratify the Convention, in May 2007.

International Anti-Corruption Day raises awareness on corruption and the role of the UNCAC in preventing it. Corruption is one of the key obstacles to achieving sustainable development and the Sustainable Development Goals. It affects all of society, diverts funds from much needed basic services, leads to inequality and undermines trust in public institutions.

Effective anti-corruption mechanisms and controls are crucial to protect public funds and access to basic services. The Public Accounts Committee of the National Parliament has undertaken several inquiries into the misuse of public funds and has identified corruption as a major impediment, highlighting the importance and value of independent accountability mechanisms in addressing corruption.

It is very encouraging that Papua New Guinea has made visible progress in establishing a number of key anti-corruption instruments over the past few years.

Practice from many countries all over the world has shown that independent anti-corruption institutions play a key role in an effective fight against corruption.  The adoption of the Organic Law on the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) in November 2020 was a milestone that enabled establishment of the ICAC to become one of the key anti-corruption institutions in Papua New Guinea. However, sufficient funding, resources, and independence need to be ensured for the ICAC to be able to fulfill its important preventive and investigative role. Government, civil society and development partners are now rallying to ensure its effective implementation and to provide institutional and funding support to the ICAC.

Efficient whistleblower protection is one of the key mechanisms that can lead to greater accountability and transparency in both public and private sectors. In 2020, the PNG Parliament enacted the Whistleblower Act, but is yet to be fully implemented. Guidelines and procedures need to be developed to enable safe reporting of alleged corruption. It is also important to enhance awareness programmes for public servants, and the citizens of Papua New Guinea to understand how they can report corruption and how they can be protected in case of retaliation.

As in many other countries, the Government of Papua New Guinea has recognized the importance of formal systems and procedures for asset and conflict of interest declaration for greater accountability and transparency in the public sector. Asset disclosure and conflict of interest requirements now are enshrined in Papua New Guinea’s Leadership Code, and other public service rules. Guidelines for monitoring of the procedures to ensure all asset declarations and conflict of interest regimes become fully operational need further strengthening.

Implementing effective access to Government information also leads to greater accountability and transparency of the public sector. Article 51 of Papua New Guinea’s Constitution does guarantee the right to information. To operationalize this commitment and right, the Government has developed an ambitious National Right to Information Policy 2020-2030 that commits all Government to disclose more information to the public. Eventually, this policy should lead to the development of a Right to Information Law. In the meantime, regional and international exchanges, trainings and public consultations among decision-makers, practitioners, experts, and civil society can prepare the ground for the adoption of the effective Right to Information system.

The key message of the Anti-Corruption Day 2021 is that every person has the right and responsibility to tackle corruption. The Government is responsible for institutions, policies and systems that enable people to safely speak up and say no to corruption.

Together with Government, civil society, the private sector, development partners, media, and youth - all citizens can contribute to combat corruption in Papua New Guinea. By doing so, Papua New Guinea can harness and steward its abundant natural and human resources for the benefit of all people across the country and ensure that development is inclusive, benefits all and does not destroy or unsustainably exploit the natural resources it depends on.

On this International Anti-Corruption Day, the United Nations vows to continue in collaboration with the people of Papua New Guinea to tackle corruption, and support their right to live healthy, prosperous, and empowered lives.

Your right, your role: Say no to corruption. #NoToCorruption | #IACD2021

Clive Hawigen

Un entities involved in this initiative, goals we are supporting through this initiative.

Post Courier

Papua New Guinea's 'trupla' leading Daily Newspaper Since 1969.The Post-Courier is proud of its record as the voice of PNG. We were there when the nation took its first bold steps towards independence. Since that time, we have fearlessly recorded the nation's progress.

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High cost of corruption in Papua New Guinea

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An op-ed from the European Union Ambassador to Papua New Guinea, H.E. Jacques Fradin published in the PNG Anti-Corruption Project Newsletter – from January to June 2024.

In the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) 2023 Annual Report, it is “conservatively estimated” that in Papua New Guinea (PNG), “the amount lost to fraud, waste, and error’’ is up to 10% of government spending or at least 2.4 to 3 billion Kina per annum’’.

Obviously, this sum would have found a better use for the delivery of essential public services.

Other non-monetary costs of corruption underlined in the ICAC 2023 Annual Report are the “undermining of the democratic process” and the likely “reduced public confidence in the Government and Rule of Law”.

Everyone has a role to play in the fight against corruption and often; potential whistleblowers are discouraged from reporting their concerns or suspicions for fear of retaliation. In this context, the importance of providing them with balanced and effective protection is fundamental to enhancing transparency and accountability.

For this purpose, the EU is funding a series of trainings implemented by UNDP and addressed to the private sector, Judiciary and public servants in different public departments to gain the necessary expertise, knowledge and practical skills on whistleblower protection, in line with the PNG Whistleblower Act 2020.

Other trainings are organized with EU funds by UNODC and are addressed to staff of the Office of the Public Prosecutor, the Auditor General’s Office, ICAC as well as other relevant government offices to be sure that cases of corruption are properly investigated and prosecuted.

At the same time, the EU recognizes the important role that, not only state actors, but also media and civil society play in the fight against corruption and will continue supporting them with different initiatives such as during the event supported by UNDP on the Press Freedom Day on 3rd of May.

UNDP and UNODC are successfully organizing these trainings and events within the EU-funded PNG Anti corruption project which started in 2021 and successfully targets both State and non-State actors.

This initiative is complementary to the five-year (2020 – 2026) programme of collaboration between the EU and the Government of PNG, called EU-PNG Partnership for Good Governance (P4GG).

The EU P4GG is implemented to strengthen the governance and management of the Department of Justice and Attorney General (DJAG), the Royal Papua New Guinea Police Constabulary (RPNGPC), the Independent Commission for Against Corruption (ICAC) and to revitalize the Village Court System.

Within this partnership, the European Union allocated 100 million Kina for actions aiming at promoting good governance and respect of the Rule of Law.

Program: Transparency on public funding "distressing", says PNG anti-corruption group

Program: Pacific Beat

Presented by

A community advocacy group in Papua New Guinea is calling for greater transparency on how government funds are being spent on the community.  ACT Now says while funding for district development authorities has increased, the quality of services have not improved. Cathy Tukne from ACT NOW says their research shows 25 percent of districts have no development plans on how their budget is spent. "The current transparency on accountability and good governance in the country is distressing," said Tukne. 

• Belinda Kora, Reporter

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