** Categories not mutually exclusive.
The analysis cohort consisted of 18,965 opiate-positive cases and 78,838 test-negative controls. A quarter of both groups were female. Cases were older at their drug test (p < 0.001) and younger at their first recorded offence (p < 0.001). Cases were more likely to have a conviction for a serious acquisitive offence at this date (p < 0.001) and less likely to have a conviction for a violent offence (p < 0.001).
Sixty-seven per cent of opiate-positive cases had complete data on age-of-initiation. The majority of missing data were due to cases not having a linked treatment record (see Appendix A in the Supplementary material). The median age of initiation was similar for men and women.
Offending rates for four categories of offences.
All crimes | Non-serious acquisitive crimes | Serious acquisitive crimes | Violent crimes | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Gender | Category | person years follow-up | Number | Rate [95% CI] | Number | Rate [95% CI] | Number | Rate [95% CI] | Number | Rate [95% CI] |
Male | non-users | 923,663 | 837,019 | 0.91 [0.90, 0.91] | 176,783 | 0.19 [0.19, 0.19] | 150,177 | 0.16 [0.16, 0.16] | 61,730 | 0.07 [0.07, 0.07] |
Opiate users | 290,007 | 528,153 | 1.82 [1.82, 1.83] | 153,031 | 0.53 [0.53, 0.53] | 103,654 | 0.36 [0.36, 0.36] | 25,247 | 0.09 [0.09, 0.09] | |
Pre-initiation | 96,491 | 115,682 | 1.20 [1.19, 1.21] | 25,285 | 0.26 [0.26, 0.27] | 34,317 | 0.36 [0.35, 0.36] | 6672 | 0.07 [0.07, 0.07] | |
Post-initiation | 97,788 | 270,885 | 2.77 [2.76, 2.78] | 91,148 | 0.93 [0.93, 0.94] | 40,917 | 0.42 [0.41, 0.42] | 10,796 | 0.11 [0.11, 0.11] | |
Initiation missing | 95,728 | 141,586 | 1.48 [1.47, 1.49] | 36,598 | 0.38 [0.38, 0.39] | 28,420 | 0.30 [0.29, 0.30] | 7779 | 0.08 [0.08, 0.08] | |
Female | non-users | 304,612 | 100,525 | 0.33 [0.33, 0.33] | 51,518 | 0.17 [0.17, 0.17] | 4194 | 0.01 [0.01, 0.01] | 8192 | 0.03 [0.03, 0.03] |
Opiate users | 87,373 | 120,336 | 1.38 [1.37, 1.39] | 66,637 | 0.76 [0.76, 0.77] | 4509 | 0.05 [0.05, 0.05] | 4840 | 0.06 [0.05, 0.06] | |
Pre-initiation | 32,839 | 15,139 | 0.46 [0.45, 0.47] | 8335 | 0.25 [0.25, 0.26] | 1096 | 0.03 [0.03, 0.04] | 1149 | 0.03 [0.03, 0.04] | |
Post-initiation | 29,807 | 80,056 | 2.69 [2.67, 2.70] | 44,767 | 1.50 [1.49, 1.52] | 2451 | 0.08 [0.08, 0.09] | 2523 | 0.08 [0.08, 0.09] | |
Initiation missing | 24,727 | 25,141 | 1.02 [1.00, 1.03] | 13,535 | 0.55 [0.54, 0.56] | 962 | 0.04 [0.04, 0.04] | 1168 | 0.05 [0.04, 0.05] |
In total, the cohort had 1.6 million sanctioned offences. For men, the rate of historical offending for opiate-positive cases was almost double that for test-negative controls (rate per year, opiate users: 1.82; non-users: 0.91; p < 0.001); the rate for opiate-positive females was more than four times that for test-negative females (opiate users: 1.38; non-users: 0.33; p < 0.001). For both male and female opiate users, the rate of offending was lower prior to initiation of opiate use compared to post-initiation. For males and females, the rate of violent and serious acquisitive offending peaked during the late teens, whilst the rate of non-serious acquisitive offences had a later peak ( Fig. 1 a and b).
Offending rates, per year by age, opiate users and non-users for: (a) male, non-serious acquisitive offences; (b) male, serious acquisitive offences; (c) male, violent offences; (d) female, non-serious acquisitive offences; (e) female, serious acquisitive offences; (f) female, violent offences.
Results of Generalised Estimating Equation analysis comparing historical offending rates of opiate users and non-users using whole sample (Model 1, N = 97,803) and those with complete data on age of initiation of opiate use (Model 2, N = 91,565), separately for males and females and for four categories of offences.
Male | Female | ||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Model 1 | Model 2 | Model 1 | Model 2 | ||||||
Offence category | Variable | RR | 95% CI | RR | 95% CI | RR | 95% CI | RR | 95% CI |
All crimes | Opiate users vs. non-users | 1.99 | [1.96, 2.01] | – | – | 4.59 | [4.48, 4.69] | – | – |
Initiation of opiate use | – | – | 1.16 | [1.15, 1.17] | – | – | 2.00 | [1.95, 2.05] | |
Users (pre-onset) vs. non-users | – | – | 2.00 | [1.97, 2.03] | – | – | 2.80 | [2.71, 2.90] | |
Users (post-onset) vs. non-users | – | – | 2.32 | [2.29, 2.35] | – | – | 5.61 | [5.47, 5.75] | |
Age | 1.92 | [1.92, 1.93] | 1.90 | [1.90, 1.91] | 2.53 | [2.51, 2.55] | 2.32 | [2.30, 2.34] | |
Age-squared | 0.77 | [0.77, 0.78] | 0.77 | [0.77, 0.77] | 0.78 | [0.78, 0.78] | 0.79 | [0.79, 0.79] | |
Age-cohort | |||||||||
<1975 | 0.75 | [0.74, 0.76] | 0.74 | [0.73, 0.75] | 0.62 | [0.60, 0.64] | 0.68 | [0.66, 0.70] | |
1975–1979 | 0.86 | [0.85, 0.87] | 0.85 | [0.84, 0.86] | 0.78 | [0.76, 0.80] | 0.82 | [0.79, 0.84] | |
1980–1984 | Ref | Ref | Ref | Ref | |||||
1985+ | 1.32 | [1.30, 1.34] | 1.33 | [1.31, 1.35] | 1.76 | [1.71, 1.82] | 1.71 | [1.65, 1.76] | |
Non-serious acquisitive | Opiate users vs. non-users | 2.65 | [2.61, 2.69] | – | – | 4.79 | [4.66, 4.91] | – | – |
Initiation of opiate use | – | – | 1.72 | [1.69, 1.75] | – | – | 2.18 | [2.11, 2.25] | |
Users (pre-onset) vs. non-users | – | – | 1.97 | [1.92, 2.02] | – | – | 2.73 | [2.62, 2.85] | |
Users (post-onset) vs. non-users | – | – | 3.39 | [3.34, 3.45] | – | – | 5.95 | [5.78, 6.12] | |
Age | 1.85 | [1.84, 1.85] | 1.74 | [1.73, 1.75] | 2.46 | [2.43, 2.48] | 2.23 | [2.20, 2.25] | |
Age-squared | 0.83 | [0.83, 0.83] | 0.83 | [0.83, 0.83] | 0.76 | [0.76, 0.77] | 0.78 | [0.77, 0.78] | |
Age-cohort | |||||||||
<1975 | 0.87 | [0.85, 0.89] | 0.92 | [0.90, 0.93] | 0.80 | [0.78, 0.83] | 0.90 | [0.87, 0.93] | |
1975–1979 | 0.95 | [0.93, 0.97] | 0.96 | [0.94, 0.98] | 0.88 | [0.85, 0.91] | 0.93 | [0.89, 0.96] | |
1980–1984 | Ref | Ref | Ref | Ref | |||||
1985+ | 1.08 | [1.05, 1.10] | 1.05 | [1.02, 1.07] | 1.30 | [1.25, 1.35] | 1.26 | [1.21, 1.32] | |
Serious acquisitive | Opiate users vs. non-users | 1.84 | [1.81, 1.87] | – | – | 4.11 | [3.85, 4.38] | – | – |
Initiation of opiate use | – | – | 1.25 | [1.22, 1.27] | – | – | 1.76 | [1.62, 1.92] | |
Users (pre-onset) vs. non-users | – | – | 1.87 | [1.82, 1.91] | – | – | 3.16 | [2.88, 3.46] | |
Users (post-onset) vs. non-users | – | – | 2.33 | [2.27, 2.38] | – | – | 5.58 | [5.19, 6.00] | |
Age | 1.16 | [1.15, 1.16] | 1.11 | [1.11, 1.12] | 1.39 | [1.36, 1.42] | 1.27 | [1.23, 1.30] | |
Age-squared | 0.66 | [0.66, 0.66] | 0.65 | [0.64, 0.65] | 0.81 | [0.80, 0.82] | 0.81 | [0.80, 0.83] | |
Age-cohort | |||||||||
<1975 | 0.83 | [0.81, 0.84] | 0.73 | [0.71, 0.75] | 0.75 | [0.69, 0.82] | 0.84 | [0.77, 0.93] | |
1975–1979 | 1.40 | [1.37, 1.43] | 1.39 | [1.36, 1.42] | 0.83 | [0.76, 0.91] | 0.90 | [0.82, 0.99] | |
1980–1984 | Ref | Ref | Ref | Ref | |||||
1985+ | 1.05 | [1.02, 1.07] | 1.06 | [1.04, 1.09] | 1.44 | [1.31, 1.57] | 1.46 | [1.33, 1.61] | |
Violent offences | Opiate users vs. non-users | 1.39 | [1.36, 1.42] | – | – | 2.42 | [2.30, 2.55] | – | – |
Initiation of opiate use | – | – | 0.75 | [0.72, 0.77] | – | – | 1.04 | [0.96, 1.13] | |
Users (pre-onset) vs. non-users | – | – | 1.79 | [1.72, 1.85] | – | – | 2.51 | [2.31, 2.72] | |
Users (post-onset) vs. non-users | – | – | 1.34 | [1.30, 1.37] | – | – | 2.61 | [2.45, 2.77] | |
Age | 1.85 | [1.84, 1.87] | 1.91 | [1.89, 1.93] | 1.79 | [1.76, 1.83] | 1.80 | [1.75, 1.84] | |
Age-squared | 0.80 | [0.80, 0.81] | 0.80 | [0.80, 0.80] | 0.88 | [0.87, 0.89] | 0.88 | [0.87, 0.89] | |
Age-cohort | |||||||||
<1975 | 0.71 | [0.69, 0.73] | 0.67 | [0.65, 0.69] | 0.43 | [0.40, 0.47] | 0.44 | [0.41, 0.48] | |
1975–1979 | 0.71 | [0.69, 0.73] | 0.69 | [0.67, 0.71] | 0.60 | [0.56, 0.65] | 0.61 | [0.56, 0.65] | |
1980–1984 | Ref | Ref | Ref | Ref | |||||
1985+ | 1.87 | [1.82, 1.92] | 1.92 | [1.86, 1.97] | 2.53 | [2.38, 2.70] | 2.59 | [2.43, 2.78] |
See Appendix D (Supplementary material) for rate within years.
Controlling for age, age-squared and age-cohort, male opiate positive’s prior total offending rate was double that for test-negatives (Rate Ratio: 1.99, 95% CI: 1.96–2.01); for females, it was over four times greater (RR: 4.59, 95% CI: 4.48–4.69). There was a relative increase in all categories of offending associated with being opiate-positive, with a greater increase for females than for males. The greatest increase associated with being an opiate–positive was for females and for the category non-serious acquisitive offending (RR: 4.79, 95% CI: 4.66–4.91). The lowest increase was for males and for the violent offences category.
The pre-initiation offending rate for male opiate-positive cases was double the rate for test-negative controls (RR = 2.00, 95% CI: 1.97–2.03), whilst the equivalent increased rate for females was 2.80 times (95% CI: 2.71–2.90). Initiation of opiate use increased the RR by 16% for males and 100% for females. Thus, the post-initiation rate was 2.32 times greater for cases than controls among males (95% CI: 2.29–2.35) and 5.61 times greater for females (95% CI: 5.47–5.75).
Both male and female cases had higher historical rates of non-serious and serious acquisitive offences prior to, and subsequent to, initiation of opiate use. For both serious and non-serious acquisitive offending categories and for both genders, initiation of opiate use increased the difference between cases and controls. Additionally, for both genders, there was a greater increase in the RR associated with initiation of opiate use for non-serious acquisitive crimes than serious crimes. In the case of violent offences, for females, the comparison between cases and controls was similar pre, and post, opiate-use initiation (RR: 2.51 and 2.61 respectively); the effect of opiate-use initiation in males was to reduce the RR (RR: 1.79 and 1.34).
We observed cohort effects; for example, controlling for age and drug-test status, later birth cohorts had higher rates of overall historical offending than earlier birth cohorts. However, this did not hold for the sub-categories of non-serious acquisitive crime, where each birth cohort had a similar rate of offending, or for serious acquisitive crime where, for men, earlier birth cohorts had a higher rate of offending.
A sensitivity analysis which separated the opiate-positive group into those that tested positive for opiates only and those that tested positive for opiates and cocaine, showed that the effect of opiate initiation was similar for both (see Appendix C in the Supplementary material).
4.1. summary of main findings.
Those testing positive for opiates had substantially higher rates of prior sanctioned offending over their life-course than those testing negative for opiates and cocaine. This finding held for both males and females, whilst controlling for age and birth cohort. Findings support our four a priori hypotheses regarding offending prior to, and post, opiate-use initiation: 1) opiate–positives had higher rates of offending than test-negative controls prior to their opiate-use onset; 2) initiation of opiate use exacerbates existing levels of offending compared to controls; 3) initiation of opiate use was associated with a larger increase in the rate ratio (RR) for female than male users; 4) the effect of opiate-use initiation on historical offending differs by crime type as well as by gender.
Of particular interest is the RR reduction in violent offending associated with opiate use initiation observed in male users; while for female users, the RR was relatively unchanged. Opiate-use initiation was associated with greater elevation in non-serious (e.g., shop-lifting) than serious (e.g., burglary) acquisitive crime for both male and female users.
Our previous work demonstrated the association between opiate use and recent offending, whilst highlighting that the strength of the association varies by gender and offence type ( Pierce et al., 2015 ). The present study expands on this analysis to investigate the longitudinal relationship between opiate-use initiation and crime. The majority of research carried out to examine the association between opiate use and crime has used a single cohort, pre/post design ( Hayhurst et al., 2017 ), rather than a separate control group. Our use of offending records over the life-course, together with a suitable control group of non-using offenders, whilst also controlling for age and birth cohort, are all important design strengths. Additionally, we use a large sample size (n = 18,965 cases; n = 78,838 controls) to supply the necessary statistical power needed to detect differences differentiated by gender and sub-category of offending.
The current study has some weaknesses. First, the use of a retrospective design limits the inferences that can be made – for instance, we cannot assess the influence that prior offending has on the likelihood of future opiate use. We are unable to hypothesise the extent to which offending prior to opiate-use initiation is associated with use of other substances, such as cannabis or alcohol, which may precede opiate use initiation ( Lessem et al., 2006 , Lynskey, 2003 ). Also, the opiate-using cohort may not be representative of opiate users in general. The cohort is sampled from individuals who received a drug test on arrest and were subsequently sanctioned; therefore, it is of greater relevance to opiate-using offenders.
The measures used are imperfect. Drug-using offenders may be more likely than non-users to be apprehended ( Bond and Sheridan, 2007 , Stevens, 2008 ) due, for example, to intoxication leading to easier identification. This may account for some of the differences detected in the current analysis, and, potentially, for differences in the period prior to initiation of opiate use, during which the likelihood of arrest may be affected by misuse of other substances, but this explanation is unlikely to account for the strength of the association observed here. Our work corresponds with previous research highlighting high levels of offending in opiate users prior to opiate-use onset ( Shaffer et al., 1987 ); suggestive of common factors underlying both behaviours. Additionally, misclassification of non-cases was evident: 7% of negative testers were linked to an NDTMS record confirming drug-user status. Cases were identified via a saliva test which, despite having high sensitivity and specificity ( Kacinko et al., 2004 ), only detects opiates used up to 24 h prior to testing( Verstraete, 2004 ) and so may not have identified less-problematic users. Any such misclassification would mean that the opiate-user and non-user group identified in this study are more similar than they would be under any ‘gold-standard’ testing procedure, meaning that the results presented are likely to be overly conservative, therefore not disputing our conclusions.
There was missing information on age of initiation for 33% of opiate positive testers; the majority because they did not have a treatment record over the data collection period. Secondary analysis of those with missing data (see Appendix A in the Supplementary material) showed that those who were not linked to NDTMS were less likely to test positive for both opiates and cocaine and were more likely to be male. Inspection of the graphs of offending rate by age group shows that those with missing linkage to NDTMS records had lower rates of offending over the life-course than those with complete information (see Appendix E in the Supplementary material). This could be because individuals who had not sought treatment were a shorter time into their using careers and not caught in a cycle of addiction and offending seen among those in this analysis. Therefore, the generalisability of these results might be affected by our focus on those individuals with a linked treatment record (75% of our cohort).
The findings of the present study are subject to unmeasured confounding. Information on important social factors, such as substance use or criminal behaviour among family members, was not available; neither was socio-economic status ( Gauffin et al., 2013 ). However, even if suitable data were available, it may be difficult to establish the temporal ordering of change in socio-economic status and drug-use initiation.
Our findings are directly relevant to Government drug policy as they are derived from individuals who have persisted in both their opiate use and offending. The findings confirm the relationship between opiate use and offending observed by others ( Bennett et al., 2008 , Bukten et al., 2011 ). We were also able to demonstrate that opiate-use onset is associated with crime escalation, independent of changes which occur with age. Therefore, initiation of opiate use appears to be a crucial driver of offending; measures to reduce offending should include drug-use prevention.
Others have highlighted that onset substance use in offenders impedes the process of “maturing” out of crime described by the age-crime curve ( Hussong et al., 2004 , Ouimet and Le Blanc, 1996 , Schroeder et al., 2007 ). Greater escalation of offending, compared to controls, post-opiate initiation, was seen in female than male users. This confirms the findings of a recent review, which indicated lower offence rates pre-opiate use in females than males but a greater escalation of crime subsequent to opiate-use onset in females ( Hayhurst et al., 2017 ).
The absence of a relationship between violent crime and onset-opiate use in this study is of significance. Our previous work found a strong association between women testing positive for opiate use and recent violent offending, although such offences were only recorded in 8% of women ( Pierce et al., 2015 ). The current study indicates no apparent increase in violent offending by women associated with opiate initiation, and a relative reduction in violent crime for men. This finding tallies with previous research indicating no confirmed relationship between violent crime and onset-substance use ( Parker and Auerhahn, 1998 , White and Gorman, 2000 ).
The large impact of opiate-use initiation on non-serious acquisitive crime mirrors that of our previous work, which demonstrated a rate of shoplifting in opiate users that was between 3.5 (males) and 4.7 (females) times that of non-using offenders ( Pierce et al., 2015 ). These findings could be explained by opiate users focussing on criminal activity that generates sufficient income to support current drug use and that is within the skill set of the individual user ( James et al., 1979 ).
Previous research indicated greater increases in offending levels post-opiate use in individuals with onset of opiate use at an earlier age ( Hayhurst et al., 2017 ). This corresponds with key offending theories in demonstrating that early antisocial or delinquent behaviour is associated with a more pronounced offending trajectory ( Moffitt, 1993 ). It would be informative to examine this interaction further with the use of a control cohort. It would also be advantageous to analyse prospective, longitudinal cohorts so that information could be incorporated on those who desist in their offending and opiate use.
We have previously highlighted a surprising lack of high-quality research with which to delineate the nature of the relationship between drug use, in general, and opiate use, in particular, and crime. This is one of a handful of studies to employ a control group to account for the well-known relationship between age, drug use and crime. Findings indicate a more complex drugs-crime relationship than that espoused by current drug policy ( Home Office, 2010 ) with already higher than expected levels of offending in those who go on to use drugs, such as opiates, problematically and whose offending behaviour then escalates. Having a more nuanced understanding of the nature of the drugs-crime relationship is crucial to the development of policy responses underpinning decisions about how best to intervene to interrupt the pathway from onset crime to onset substance use ( Hayhurst et al., 2017 ). Findings suggest that complex interventions that target young, particularly female, offenders are required. Indeed, our findings align with the conclusions of others who have suggested that it is quite viable to identify future problematic substance users by patterns of early-life delinquent and offending behaviour, allowing for targeted intervention ( Macleod et al., 2013 ).
This research was funded as part of the Insights study by the UK Medical Research Council (MR/J013560/1). The MRC had no further role in study design; in the collection, analysis and interpretation of data; in the writing of the report; or in the decision to submit the paper for publication. The Home Office have been provided with a pre-submission version of this manuscript but have not exerted any editorial control over, or commented on, its content. Sheila Bird is funded by Medical Research Council programme number MC_U105260794.
Millar , Pierce and Hayhurst conceived of the study. Pierce with input from Bird wrote the analysis plan. Pierce analysed the data and wrote a first draft of the manuscript. Millar , Bird and Dunn supervised data analysis. All interpreted the data, edited, and approved of the manuscript.
Millar has received research funding from the UK National Treatment Agency for Substance Misuse and the Home Office. He has been a member of the organising committee for conferences supported by unrestricted educational grants from Reckitt Benckiser, Lundbeck, Martindale Pharma, and Britannia Pharmaceuticals Ltd, for which he received no personal remuneration. He is a member of the Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs. Bird holds GSK shares. She is formerly an MRC programme leader and has been elected to Honorary Professorship at Edinburgh University. She chaired Home Office’s Surveys, Design and Statistics Subcommittee (SDSSC) when SDSSC published its report on 21st Century Drugs and Statistical Science. She has previously served as UK representative on the Scientific Committee for European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction. She is co-principal investigator for MRC-funded, prison-based N-ALIVE pilot Trial. Seddon has received research funding from the UK National Treatment Agency for Substance Misuse and the Home Office. Hayhurst has received grant research funding from Change, Grow, Live (CGL), a 3rd-sector provider of substance misuse services.
A number of organisations and individuals enabled access to data to support this research, including: The Home Office, The Ministry of Justice, Dr Sara Skodbo, Maryam Ahmad, Anna Richardson, Hannah Whitehead, and Nick Manton.
Appendix A Supplementary data associated with this article can be found, in the online version, at http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.drugalcdep.2017.07.024 .
The following is Supplementary data to this article:
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As Putin continues killing civilians, bombing kindergartens, and threatening WWIII, Ukraine fights for the world's peaceful future.
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Michael Shiner, Crime, Drugs and Social Theory: A Phenomenological Approach, The British Journal of Criminology , Volume 47, Issue 6, November 2007, Pages 971–974, https://doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azm053
The prominence of drug-related crime in current policy thinking raises important questions about the role of criminology and its relationship with the state. Such questions provide a central theme in Chris Allen's book. Allen is deeply critical of the ‘holistic and scholarly’ perspectives that currently dominate this area, arguing that criminology has largely colluded with the policy imperatives of the political elite. Not only has much criminological research on drugs and crime been commissioned by state agencies, but it is also said to have been highly politicized in the sense that its purpose is ‘to establish a causal link between drugs and crime that can be used to justify a policy approach towards drug users that is ultimately coercive’ (p. 3). Alongside these criticisms, Allen identifies other, more scholarly objections to the role of criminology. Established social theories, he argues, are limited by the epistemological relation that social scientists have to crime and drug use. The scholarly view is said to be based on a spatial and temporal distance from the social and economic worlds that it studies, which means that social scientists tend to view the field of practice as a ‘landscape’ that can be read like a map. It also assumes that social actors possess ‘reasoned reasons’ for what they do and neglects the immediate and urgent way in which social practice occurs ‘in the thick of it’.
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Home > USC Columbia > Arts and Sciences > Criminology and Criminal Justice > Criminology and Criminal Justice Theses and Dissertations
Theses/dissertations from 2023 2023.
The Risk of Protection: Examining the Contextual Effects of Child Protective Services on Child Maltreatment Fatalities in the U.S. , Cosette Morgan McCullough
Family Mass Murder: An Exploratory Study Of The Role Of Arson , Rachel Rori Rodriguez Spradley
Too Feminine for Execution?: Gender Stereotypes and the Media’s Portrayal of Women Sentenced to Death , Kelsey M. Collins
Juveniles, Transferred Juveniles, and the Impact of a Criminal Record on Employment Prospects in Adulthood: An Experimental Study , Joanna Daou
Why So Long? Examining the Nexus Between Case Complexity and Delay in Florida’s Death Penalty System , Corey Daniel Burton
The Criminalization of HIV and HIV Stigma , Deanna Cann
Views of Substance Use During Pregnancy: Social Responses to the Issue , Taylor Ruddy
The Spatial Variability of Crime: A Review of Methodological Choice, Proposed Models, and Methods for Illustrating the Phenomenon , Matthew D. Spencer
Community Corrections Officer Decision-Making: An Intersectional Analysis , Amber Leigh Williams Wilson
The Utility of Using Virtue Locales to Explain Criminogenic Environments , Hunter Max Boehme
Fostering Resilience in Correctional Officers , Jon Thomas Arthur Gist
The Impact of Race/Ethnicity on Sentencing: A Matching Approach , Travis Jones
Unraveling the Temporal Aspects of Victimization: The Reciprocal, Additive, and Cumulative Effects of Direct/Vicarious Victimization on Crime , Yeoju Park
Media Influence on College Students' Perceptions of the Police , Matilda Foster
Evaluating the Effectiveness of Ohio's Certificate of Relief , Peter Leasure
Trends in the Prevalence of Arrest for Intimate Partner Violence Using the National Crime Victimization Survey , Tara E. Martin
Reading Between the Lines: An Intersectional Media Analysis of Female Sex Offenders in Florida Newspapers , Toniqua C. Mikell
The Short-Term Self-Control Stability of College Students , Nicholas James Blasco
Developmental Patterns of Religiosity in Relation to Criminal Trajectories among Serious Offenders across Adolescence and Young Adulthood , Siying Guo
Local Incarceration As Social Control: A National Analysis Of Social, Economic, And Political Determinants Of Jail Use In The United States , Heather M. Ouellette
Association Between Perception Of Police Prejudice Against Minorities And Juvenile Delinquency , Kwang Hyun Ra
A Quasi-Experimental Analysis Of School-Based Situational Crime Prevention Measures , Gary Zhang
Sex Offender Policies that Spin the Revolving Door: An Exploration of the Relationships Between Residence Restrictions, Homelessness, and Recidivism , Deanna Cann
Untangling the Interconnected Relationships between Alcohol Use, Employment, and Offending , Margaret M. Chrusciel
Inmate Time Utilization And Well-Being , Mateja Vuk
The Socio-Legal Construction Of Adolescent Criminality: Examining Race, Community, And Contextual Factors Through The Lens Of Focal Concerns , Patrick Glen Lowery
The Impact Of Deinstitutionalization On Murders Of Law Enforcement Officers , Xueyi Xing
Relationships Between Law Enforcement Officer-Involved Vehicle Collisions And Other Police Behaviors , John Andrew Hansen
In the Eye of the Beholder: Exploring the Dialogic Approach to Police Legitimacy , Justin Nix
Criminology on Crimes Against Humanity: A North Korean Case Study , Megan Alyssa Novak
General Strain Theory and Bullying Victimization: Do Parental Support and Control Alleviate the Negative Effects of Bullying , Jonathon Thompson
Adultification in Juvenile Corrections: A Comparison of Juvenile and Adult Officers , Riane Miller Bolin
Perception of Police in Public Housing Communities , Taylor Brickley
Neighborhood Disorganization and Police Decision-Making in the New York City Police Department , Allison Carter
The Impact of Race on Strickland Claims in Federal Courts in the South , Wyatt Gibson
Lead Exposure and Crime , Tara Elaine Martin
GETTING AWAY WITH MURDER: HAZING, HEGEMONIC MASCULINITY, AND VICTIMIZATION , Toniqua Charee Mikell
Policing Alcohol and Related Crimes On Campus , Andrea Nicole Allen
Gender and Programming: A Comparison of Program Availability and Participation in U.S. Prisons for Men and Women , Courtney A. Crittenden
Assessing the Impact of the Court Response to Domestic Violence in Two Neighboring Counties , Gillian Mira Pinchevsky
Criminal Sentencing In the Court Communities of South Carolina: An Examination of offender, Judge, and County Characteristics , Rhys Hester
Examining the Effects of Religiosity and Religious Environments On Inmate Misconduct , Benjamin Dane Meade
Criminologists' Opinions On Correctional Rehabilitation , Heather M. Ouellette
A Qualitative Analysis of the Etiology, Manifestation, and Institutional Responses to Self-Injurious Behaviors in Prison , Steven Doty
The Effects of Administrative Factors on Police Officer Job Performance , Irick Anthony Geary Jr.
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Author | Year | Title | Download |
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Anonymous by request | 2009 | Procedural Justice and Police Legitimacy: An examination of the process-based model in understanding what influences suspect perceptions | |
Nall, A | 2017 | The Identification & Ranking of Organised Crime Groups and Members: Combining the Crime Harm Index (CHI) and Social Network Analysis (SNA) | |
Antoine, B | 2016 | The Rise and Fall of Hotspots of Homicide in the Port-of-Spain Division: changes over time in characteristics of murder | |
Bardsley, G | 2021 | Can Crime and Detections be counted differently: Demonstrating the Cambridge Consensus Statement for Counting Crime and Detections in Devon & Cornwall | |
Barnham, L | 2016 | Targeting Perpetrators of Partner Abuse in Thames valley: a two year follow up of crime harm escalation | |
Beutgen, A | 2019 | Swedish police officers’ views of selected evidence-based policing research findings | |
Bitters, F | 2021 | Children on Child Protection Plans: Are the Police Missing Opportunities to Intervene Earlier and Failing to Prevent Future Harm? | |
Bland, M | 2014 | Targetting Escalation in Common Domestic Abuse: How Much if Any? | |
Bolduc, M | 2024 | Are Police Agencies in Quebec, Canada, Ready to Integrate Actuarial Forecasting Models? An Exploratory Study About the Suspects’ Releasing Decision-Making Process of Sûreté du Quebec Officers | |
Bradley, K | 2024 | Do Trauma-Informed Investigation Teams in One Hospital Increase Detection, Reduce Repeat Victimisation, and Reduce Recidivism: A Comparative Study | |
Calder, S | 2024 | Serious Further Offence Reviews: Understanding the Perceptions of Probation Practitioners and Decision-Makers | |
Carden, R | 2012 | Car Key Burglaries: An Exploratory Analysis | |
Chalkley, R. | 2015 | Predicting serious domestic assaults and murder in Dorset | |
Chilton, S. | 2011 | Randomised Controlled Trial using Conditional Cautioning as a response to Domestic Abuse | |
Clark, B | 2021 | Reassurance Contacts by Local Police Officers with Victims of Vehicle Crime and Cycle Theft: A Block Randomised Control Trial | |
Clark, D | 2015 | Tracking the victims of Boiler-room Fraud – Citizens at risk! | |
Cornelius, N | 2015 | Perceptions of domestic abuse victims to police disposals post-arrest by conditional caution, simple caution or no further action | |
Cowan, D | 2018 | What is the context of police and court diversion in Victoria and what opportunities exist for increasing police diversion of offenders? | |
De Brito, C | 2016 | Will Providing Tracking Feedback on Hot Spot Patrols Affect the Amount of Patrol Dosage Delivered? | |
Donohoe, C | 2024 | Identifying children at risk of committing serious violence | |
Drover, P | 2014 | Leading and Testing Body worn Video in Wolverhampton | |
Etheridge, P | 2015 | An Exploratory Study of the Application of the Cambridge Harm Index (CHI) to Crime Data in South Yorkshire | |
Foster, J | 2020 | 'An Exploratory Study of How Practitioners in UK Fire and Rescue Services Working with Children and Young People Who Set Fires Identify Clients Requiring Psychosocial Interventions' | |
Giles, E | 2020 | Resettlement: a postcode lottery? An exploratory study of the geographical and socioeconomic factors impacting desistance from crime | |
Gordon, J | 2022 | Targeting High-Harm Victim-Offenders for Offender Management to Reduce Harm: A BCU-Level Analysis | |
Hale, J | 2024 | Tracking Crime Harm by Phone Numbers of Customers of Drug Dealers: Analysing Changes from Before to After Arrest of Drug Dealers | |
Hallworth, J | 2016 | 'County Lines': and Exploratory analysis of migrating drug gang offenders in North Essex | |
Henstock, D | 2015 | Testing the effects of body-born video on police use of force during arrest: a randomised controlled trial | |
Hobday, J | 2014 | TARGETING REASONS FOR REJECTING RANDOM ASSIGNMENT IN AN RCT | |
Hodgkinson, W | 2021 | Comparing Two Different Alarm Systems for High-Risk Domestic Abuse Victims: A Randomised Controlled Trial | |
Jackson, M | 2010 | Murder Concentration and Distribution Patterns in London An Exploratory Analysis of Ten Years of Data | |
Jackman, R | 2015 | Measuring harm in a cohort of sex offenders in Norfolk | |
Jarman, R. | 2012 | Could conditional cautions be used as a suitable intervention for certain cases | |
Jones, A. | 2016 | Tracking Investigative Outcomes of Sexual offences in British Transport Police by the Medium of reporting | |
Keating, R | 2022 | Managing High-Risk Suspects In Custody: A Legal and Operational Analysis | |
Knight, C | 2022 | Mapping public place reported crime and harm against women and girls | |
Kruger, S | 2023 | Exploring Persistence and Barriers to Desistance for Young Offenders in Isiolo, Kenya | |
Langley, B. | 2013 | A randomised control trial comparing the effects of procedural justice to experienced utility theories in airport security stops | |
Lawes, D. | 2014 | Targeting Traffic Enforcement with a Collision Harm Index: A Descriptive Study in the City Of London | |
Lay, W | 2021 | Reducing Repeat Harm: Forecasting high-harm victims for prevention and protection | |
Leggetter, M | 2021 | Implementing a Hot Spot Targeting Alarm System A Participant Observation Case Study | |
Lekare, A | 2024 | Exploring common risk factors associated with shootings with lethal outcomes in street gang milieus in Sweden | |
Macbeth, E. | 2015 | Evidence-Based vs Experience-Based Targeting of Crime and Harm Hotspots in Northern Ireland | |
McAuliffe, K | 2024 | 'Frequency and Harm: An Exploratory Analysis of Missing Children' | |
McDonagh, R | 2022 | The changing profile of Modern Slavery crime: Tracking outcomes in Investigations by the Metropolitan Police 2016 – 2021 | |
McKee, J. | 2021 | Testing the effects of delivering procedural justice by reassurance telephone calls to victims of screened out vehicle crime: evidence from a randomised controlled trial | |
Nethercott, C. | 2020 | ‘Life on the Book’ (The lived experience of the high-risk, category A prisoner) | |
Olphin, T. | 2014 | Solving Violent Crime: Targeting Factors that Predict Clearance of Non-Domestic Violent Offences | |
Ottaro, P | 2024 | Targeting Hot Spots and Harm Spots in a Mass Transit System in Canada: A Tale of the City of Edmonton | |
Paine, C. | 2012 | Solvability Factors in Dwelling Burglaries in Thames Valley | |
Parkinson, J. | 2012 | Managing Police Performance in England and Wales: Intended and Unintended Consequences | |
Platz, D. | 2016 | The Impact of a value education programme in a police recruit training academy: a randomised trial. | |
Pugh, M | 2022 | Criminal Records of Persons Stopped and Searched on Suspicion of Drug Crimes: A Racial Disparity Analysis | |
Ralph, M | 2022 | Tracking Stalking for High Harm Outcomes: A 365-Day Follow-up Analysis | |
Routledge , G | 2015 | A Protocol and Phase I Experimental Trial: The Checkpoint Desistance Programme in Durham | |
Ross, N | 2022 | A descriptive study of harm levels among registered sex offenders over four years following conviction | |
Rowland, J | 2012 | What happens after arrest for Domestic Abuse: A Prospective Longitudinal Analysis of over 2,200 Cases | |
Rowlinson, T | 2015 | An An Observational Process Study of a Short Programme for lower-risk Domestic Abuse Offenders under Conditional Caution in the Hampshire CARA Experiment | |
Scott, C | 2015 | Patterns and Concentrations of Risk in Reported Police Pursuit Incidents in New Zealand | |
Seif, J | 2022 | The Effects of a Cadet Training Component on Police Attitudes: A Randomized Controlled Trial | |
Sharp, S | 2016 | Pickpocketing on The Railway: Targeting solvable cases | |
Sloan, A | 2020 | The pursuit of cohesion: An exploratory study of the values of, and relationship between, Heads of Security and Heads of Safety in prisons | |
Smith, C | 2016 | A Case Control Analysis of Offenders Issued with Domestic Violence Protective Orders (DVPOs) in Hertfordshire | |
Stephens, R | 2024 | A study using Situation Action Theory (SAT) to explore prisoner violence in High Security Prisons | |
Stevens, I | 2024 | Exploring the concept of 'the Third Place' in prison | |
Thompson, I | 2016 | The Impact of Procedural Justice Training on First Year Constables' Interactions with Citizens: an RCT | |
Thornton, S | 2011 | Predicting Serious Domestic Assaults and Murder in the Thames Valley | |
Urwin, S | 2016 | Algorithmic Forecasting of Offender Dangerousness for Police Custody Officers | |
Vo, Quoc Thanh | 2015 | 6000 Cases of Missing and Absent Persons: Patterns of Crime Harm and Priorities for Resource Allocation | |
Weems, J | 2013 | Testing PCSO Cocooning of Near Repeat Burglary Locations | |
Whinney, A | 2015 | A descriptive analysis of Multi-Agency Risk Assessment Conferences (MARACs) for reducing the future harm of domestic abuse in Suffolk | |
Whiting, M | 2014 | Police Organisational Cultures and Inter-force Collaboration | |
Williams, S | 2015 | Do visits or time spent in hot spots patrol matter most? A randomised controlled trial in West Midland Police | |
Wright, M | 2021 | Tracking the Accuracy of Assessing High Risk Offenders for Intimate Partner Violence: A Ten-Year Analysis | |
Young, J | 2014 | Implementation of a Randomized Controlled Trial in Ventura, California- A Body-Worn Video Camera Experiment | |
Zimmermann, B | 2011 | Educational Level of Law Enforcement Officers and Frequency of Citizen Complaints: A Systematic Review |
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Student research journal, drug use in relation to popular culture, media and identity.
The objective of this study is to examine the extent to which representations of drug use within popular culture and media, are impacting an individual’s identity within contemporary society. This concept has been vastly under-researched and theories, as well as drug normalisation in terms of an individual’s identity, making this research tremendously invaluable as it to give a rigorous investigation in a modern setting.
Through the use of secondary data collection methods, this research has investigated the positive perception of drug consumption displayed in music, and the honest insights displayed in television and cinema; it has highlighted the usefulness of social media to individuals looking to create their own realities surrounding drug consumption in comparison the mass media that creates moral panics and fear. The research revealed that drug representation trends in both popular culture and media are perennial and impact an individual’s identity differently. For example, fans of punk music during the 1970s cultivated the amphetamine look to fit into the social group surrounding this genre of music, even though they might not have experimented with amphetamine itself, whereas the media created a moral panic around mephedrone in which they and society used drug users as social pariahs.
Author: Olivia Mackay, April 2020
BA (Hons) Criminology with Forensic Science
Firstly, I would like personally thank Kay Brady for her expert knowledge and continual support throughout this academic year, and the composing of this dissertation paper.
“When we think about drugs, we may draw upon our own experiences or the knowledge and understanding of those close to us, but our experience is always intimately bound up with, or tempered by, the mediated images and in ideas about drugs that circulate through wider popular culture”, (Manning, 2013: 8).
This dissertation is about the depiction of drug consumption in popular culture and media, and how this is directly affecting an individual’s identity; popular culture shall relate to music, television, and cinema while media will relate to mass and social media.
Although defining the term can be considered difficult, the term ‘drug’ can be defined as a ‘single substance that, when ingested, produces a physiological effect, pharmacological effect, or change’, (Bell, 2012: 74). Gossop (2007) offers a slightly different definition, stating it to be ‘”any chemical substance, whether of natural or synthetic origin, which can be used to alter perception, mood or other psychological states”, (Gossop, 2007: 2). Furthermore, recreational drug use can be defined as the ‘use of drugs for pleasure or leisure’, (DrugScope, 2014); this is frequently mentioned throughout this dissertation. Drug use is something that has always been associated with distinct youth culture movements; in terms of popular culture, these movements included the ‘speeding mods’ on the 1960s whereby drug experimentation focused on amphetamines, ‘hippies’ throughout the 1970s and LSD consumption and heroin users throughout the 1980s.
This was of course picked up on by the media, who have waged a ‘war on drugs’ throughout the decades. Boyd (2002) highlighting that this trend is perennial stating that since the mid-1800s, media representations of drugs users and traffickers have centrered on what is perceived as the ‘dangerous classes’, that threaten white, middle-class protestant morality, (Boyd, 2002: 397).
I decided to do this piece of work as I find the topic of drug use in contemporary society academically interesting. The idea that the representation of drug consumption in the media and popular culture can affect someone’s social identity is vastly under-researched and theorised, which makes this piece of work vital in understanding that there are direct links and correlations. Consequently, the hypothesis is ‘the representation of drugs in popular culture and media will have consequences on an individual’s identity in contemporary society’. The core research question to be tested for this dissertation is ‘how drug use is presented within popular culture and media, and how this can affect an individual’s identity’.
One of the aims of this dissertation is to conclude whether listening to specific genres of music, corresponds to drug consumption or drug experimentation. The second aim is to highlight whether popular culture is seen to offer a positive perception of poly-drug use in contrast to social and mass media and whether this causes a moral panic. The overall objective is to emphasise whether trends in popular culture and media are perennial; therefore, popular culture and mass media will not differ from the pre-conceived ideas set out historically, and how this ultimately affects the individual in contemporary society.
Chapters within this dissertation include a methodology section, literature-based discussion and a conclusion. The methodology section will primarily focus upon the research methodology and summarize the research technique. It shall take note of the advantages and disadvantages of both a literature-based discussion and secondary data collection. Lastly, it will address any ethical issues encountered during the writing of this dissertation. The second section will provide a comprehensive view of the existing literature that is relevant to popular culture, media, and identity. It will provide an in-depth analysis of the emergence of drug imagery in mainstream popular culture and media, bringing forward the normalisation and social identity concepts using fundamental case studies such as Leah Betts and mephedrone. The conclusion section shall draw together all the findings from the literature-based discussion, striving to support the research hypothesis.
I decided to do a literature-based dissertation as I believed this topic to be vastly under-researched and theorised; it became relevant to combine pre-existing literature and to bring this into a more contemporary setting. Furthermore, I really wanted to study this topic and to be able to do this ethically, at an undergraduate level, it was necessary to use secondary data collection methods over that of primary data methods. This was necessary as trying to collect primary data could implicate the dissertation ethically, (this is something touched upon during the ethical considerations).
Secondary Data is classified as “the act of collecting or analysing data that was originally collected for another purpose”, (Bachman et al., 2011: 306). Secondary data allows for examination of already accessible material based on the speculations and acknowledgments within this research area; it will utilise core texts such as books, websites, journal articles and newspaper articles. Core texts, such as books, can be useful as they explain the pre-
existing data and acknowledge the relevant arguments that may be pertinent to today’s society. Journal articles offer the researcher a view of late modernity and websites and newspaper articles can note relevant and contemporary changes; these also tend to offer a personal view of the study.
One benefit of collecting secondary data is that it gives this dissertation access to a plethora of resources that have already been accumulated. This method allows from the use of a substantial scale of data which I believe could not have been replicated by an undergraduate student within the set time sale. It gives this dissertation access to more meticulous data evaluations, making it easier to submit findings and correlations between pre-existing data and theories.
However, it must be mentioned that secondary data has potential limitations. At the original time of this data being collected and created, the researcher has decided upon a subject of interest which could inadvertently lead to bias or a subjective outcome; this means that I can become hard to clarify whether the data collected was accurate. Both newspaper articles and journal articles can lead to a misrepresentation of results through tabloid political and ideological bias. Furtherance of this, what is known as the ‘dubious value’, when attempting to pinpoint the levels of crime in society, serves to highlight that there is a lack of understanding; this has become the ‘dark figure of crime’.
This dissertation does not include primary data and is solely based on academic material that was available as the University of Hull’s, Brynmor Jones Library. Any and all online sources where accessed through Google Scholar. Keyword searches were utilised and refined to ensure that sources found were both disparate and relevant to the key question; sources that fitted both these criteria where contemplated for inclusion.
The most prominent ethical consideration that was made whilst planning this dissertation is attributed to the collection of primary data. The original idea for the dissertation focused on drug normalisation within university students, with primary data being accumulated through the use of interviews and surveys from students across the country. It strived to look at the differing drug use depending on the attending university, and the course undertook by the student. However, in doing so, individuals would have implicated themselves and risked confessing to illicit drug consumption and experimentation, thus disclosing illegal behaviour. According to the ethics policy published by the University of Hull, “research involving human participants must consider the impact/s of the research on the participants. This includes direct, indirect and broader impacts (for example, impact(s) on their family, society, employers or colleagues), (Research Ethics Policy, 2017: 9). This means that the research being conducted for this dissertation should not impact the individual, which admitting to illicit drug consumption (whether anonymous or not) had the potential of achieving.
This literature-based discussion will critically analyse the surrounding literature regarding the representation of drug use within popular culture and media, and how this can have an impact on an individual’s identity; it shall be separated into sectioned to guarantee that there is precise assessment and simplicity surrounding the key themes and arguments. The first segment intends to investigate popular culture and include themes such as music, television, and cinema. The theme of music shall explore the changing representations of drugs and drug consumption, referencing influential musicians such as Johnny Rotten and The Beatles. It will also discuss statistics surrounding music genre preference and drug consumption and experimentation rates. The theme of television and cinema shall explore the negative portrayal of drug use that is portrayed in British television dramas, Shameless and Ideal, as well as popular Scottish film, Trainspotting.
The second section will discuss both mass and social media, bringing forward theorists such as Ben-Yehuda and Kohn, who highlight the false reality of media representations. It will critically analyse the mephedrone epidemic of 2009/2010 and the death of Leah Betts, paying particular attention to, The Sun newspaper’s contribution to the moral panic that ensued. When discussing social media, the contemporary studies by both Cavazos-Rehg and colleagues (2014) and Hanson and colleagues (2013a) will be drawn upon to support the idea that social media enables the user to create their own media and realities, that allow for positive perceptions of poly-drug use.
The final section will reference identity. This will discuss the normalisation thesis, creating links to the first two sections of popular culture and media. The social identity theory, which was documented by Tajfel and Turner (1979), will also be utilised to aid in critically analysing whether popular culture and media do indeed have a direct correlation to an individual’s social identity and stance on drug experimentation.
Popular culture is arguably one of the most influential sources for positive perceptions of poly-drug use; it is noted that both illicit and licit drug use has continuously been considered lived elements within popular culture, therefore providing substantial concepts for popular culture literature. Blackman (1996) support this notion, stating that “one of the visible links between youth culture and drug culture is the visible display of youth styles; it is possible to argue that there exists a repository of ideas and images in popular youth culture which are drug-influenced, (Blackman, 1996: 139). This gives the view that both drug consumption and popular culture, (and their mediations through society), are of some importance; for example, the distinction between both licit and illicit is maintained through definitions that are politically, but more importantly, socially administered. Before delving into this research, it is important to note (as Oksanen, 2012 does) that the recent body of research surrounding popular music and drug use is virtually non-existent; a large section of contemporary literature has concentrated on rave and techno club music. Thus, the data may be skewed, (Oksanen, 2012: 143).
Beginning firstly with the notion that music inspires drug consumption, preceding the 1990s, recreational drug experimentation was vastly viewed as a marginal activity. Beginning firstly with the notion that music inspired drug consumption, prior to the 1990s, recreational drug experimentation was vastly regarded as a marginal activity; Shapiro (1999) remarking that those who took part in such activities were to be branded as ‘mad, bad or sad’, (Shapiro, 1999: 17). Looking at contemporary society, Brian and Measham (2005) point to a new culture of inebriation whereby both illicit substances and alcohol are at the forefront, (Manning, 2007: 3). It can be speculated that the relationship between drug consumption and music is perennial, with each coming decade offering a new music genre coupled with a novel, ‘fashionable’ drug to experiment with. This is exemplified in the role of a reefer (a cannabis cigarette) within jazz and blues in the early twentieth century, as well as amphetamines and hallucinogens at the close of the century with dance and rave music. From this, it can be maintained that popular music appears to offer listeners the possibility, real or imagined, to share the drug experiences with the cultural producers, meaning that these pleasures are considered a ‘secret’ between performers and fans. Andrew Blake touches on this, commenting that pop music has been central in the construction and rotation of symbolic frameworks that ‘make sense’ of drugs and drug consumption, (Manning, 2007: 101). Popular music has arguably offered the most extensive cultural space within which drug pleasures and experiences can be globally represented; these energies and opportunities for drug experimentation in musical form have found a parallel in the willingness of famous musicians to experiment with drugs.
A prime example of this comes from The Beatles, whose careers survived and flourished on drugs such as Drinamyl and Preludin (a stimulant drug, previously used as an appetite suppressant); this drug trend spread from the band to the fans, (Normal, 1992: 98 cited in Shapiro, 2000: 20). Drugs, for the most part, provided The Beatles with a means of escape and distraction from being in the public eye; they openly discussed their drug consumption, arguing that they never wanted their fans to mimic their actions. Gooddens (2017) quotes John Lennon, who, in 1970 said, “I do not lead my life to affect other people”; a year adding “I do not feel responsible for turning [fans] onto acid. Because I do not think we did anything to kids; anything someone does, they do themselves” (Gooddens, 2017: ND). This suggests that musicians realise the promotion of drug consumption is replicating onto individuals, however they perceive it to be an individual’s choice not because of their influence.
The representation of drug consumption continued with the emergence of a new club culture termed ‘mod’. Bands such as The Who, and Small Faces, began to express the amphetamine style both lyrically and stylistically. Shapiro (2000) exemplifies Roger Daltrey, lead singer of The Who, who punctuated the popular song ‘My Generation’ with the amphetamine stutter – something which is considered typical of a user who had great difficulty getting their words out fast enough. Furthermore, Small Faces explicitly mentioned ‘speed’ and ‘itchycoo park’ (rumoured to be an explicit reference to amphetamine formulation) during their performance of ‘Here Comes the Nice’ on Top of the Pops, (Shapiro, 2000: 20). This amphetamine culture became prominent, during the 1970s Punk era and thus had a more profound impact. During this period, the commodification of punk and rock genres of music had increased alongside its cultural respectability. Shapiro (2000) exemplified Johnny Rotten, lead singer of the Sex Pistols, who can be considered a prominent drug figure during this period. Rotten gained his renowned stage name from the state of his rotten teeth; he became so influential to the punk style and scene, that many adolescents that followed punk music, attempted to cultivate his amphetamine look, without partaking in drug use, (Shapiro, 2000: 27). This highlights that the ‘drug look’ became favourable among fans because they wanted to convey a particular identity or fit into a specific social group.
Shapiro (2000) further relates this to contemporary society and the rise of the dance culture that came from Ibiza. This new dance culture, which is based on the sounds of house and garage, sprang up in the UK with many DJ’s looking to recreate the ‘sounds of the summer’; this led to the emergence of MDMA. Shapiro (2000) continues with this, stating that these critical developments in popular music, and the catalytic appearance of ecstasy, combined to create a unique symbiosis, heralding the normalisation of illicit drug use, (Shapiro, 2000: 18). This suggests that lyrically and stylistically, the positive representation of drug experimentation and consumption is deeply rooted in music and can be considered perennial.
This directly links to the notion that listening to specific genres of music positively correlates to drug consumption. Lewis (1980) conducted a survey in which 2,950 16-year-olds were asked who their favourite recording artist was and several questions concerning drug usage; he found that heavy metal listeners were more likely to engage in drug experimentation (across all categories of drugs) compared to other genres such as Jazz, Rock & Roll, and Disco-Dance. For example, out of 831 heavy metal listeners, 275 frequently smoked marijuana in comparison to 88 for Rock & Roll, and 39 for Disco-Dance; another example shows that, again out of 831 heavy metal listeners, 53 frequently took stimulants over that of 6 for Jazz and 1 for country music. This trend is mimicked across other categories of drugs such as cocaine, PCP, tranquillizers, inhalants and opiates, (Lewis, 1980: 176 – 179). Furtherance of this, Lewis draws upon the Youth in Transition Survey (1970), which focused on 19-year-old males. Robinson found a slight correlation between individuals with a preference for protest rock and self-reported drug consumption; he found that protest rock and drug consumption was the strongest for marijuana and hallucinogens and weaker with amphetamine and barbiturates. However, it must be noted that Robinson believed that this was more to do with peer group usage over the positive representation of drug consumption by the musicians.
Another popular culture source comes from television and cinema, which are seen to offer negative but normal views of drug consumption, with shows such as, The Mighty Boosh, and Shameless, depicting marijuana as a normal part of everyday lives. Manning (2007) firstly draws attention to popular British television drama Shameless, which is seen to portray a picture of normalised, but illegal, recreational drug use – something which is not far removed from the everyday lived realities of many young, ordinary people in the UK, (Manning, 2007: 1). The main character, Lip, is seen ordering a pint of lager, a whiskey chaser and an ‘E’ (ecstasy), to relieve himself of relationship drama; this specific scene offers the audience the idea that poly-drug use can be routine. Whilst customers may not be able to buy illicit drug substances over the bar, drugs are quite likely to be on sale somewhere close by. This normalised image is supported by the television programme, Ideal. Carter (2007) believes that, Ideal was an important development in British television broadcasting as it was the first sit-com to have a drug-dealer as a main character while acknowledging the illegality and making drug dealing appear as unglamorous as possible, (Carter, 2007: 169).
The risks of the show, overall, appear severely mediated by the attempts to show the life of a drug dealer as unattractive and squalid.
A prominent film is the Scottish, Trainspotting, which despite being about a group of heroin users, became popular across Britain; its 1996 release coming at a pivotal time for the British drug culture. Trainspotting follows a group of young Scottish heroin users during the late 1980s in Edinburgh, Scotland; the narration is done by that of the protagonist, Mark Renton, who is a self-proclaimed heroin addict. Throughout the film, Renton goes through periods of being both on and off heroin, which seemingly corresponds with the highs and lows of Renton’s life; throughout these periods of heroin use and withdrawal, the audience is shown the image of a heroin addict, with Renton’s narration offering insight into the attitude of a heavy user and their mentality. Director, Danny Boyle, comments on his representation of drug use throughout the film, stating:
“This isn’t what drugs are about. When you take drugs, you have a [expletive] time – unless you’re very unlucky. We wanted the film to capture that. There’s half of the film which is considerably darker. If you prolong the experience with drugs, your life will darken. The film doesn’t try and hide that. But it also doesn’t try to hobble along with the moral consensus” (Byrne, 1997: 173).
This quote highlights that film is attempting to show an honest view of drug use and what prolonged us (addiction) can so to someone. Overall, the film fits the notion that cinema and television offer a negative view of drug use in comparison to other forms of popular culture. This is evident through the fact that Renton’s values and convictions surrounding life and heroin use conflict with the overarching message of the film; the dual messages of Renton’s rocky relationship with heroin serves to challenge the popular notions of heroin addiction.
For the majority of people in contemporary society, primary exposure to drug consumption derives from mainstream media outlets such as newspapers and region-specific television broadcasts. Manning (2007) cites the work of Jenkins, who observes that the perennial public scepticism concerning the lurid drug scare, circulates mainstream media outlets because an increasing portion of the news audience has either direct or indirect exposure to drugs, (Manning, 2007: 8). Ben-Yehuda (1994) builds from this, remarking that the representation of the drug ‘problem’ by such media outlets bears little resemblance to the reality of the situation, (Ben-Yehuda, 1994: 200). This suggests that, although the audience may have the knowledge or lived experience of drug use, media outlets still portray it in a distorted way with a potential outcome of a moral panic. Kohn supports this, arguing that how mass media represents the drug ‘problem’ in the UK, is nothing more than an attempt to divert attention away from other burgeoning issues such as high unemployment and poverty, (Ben-Yehuda, 1994: 200). Boland (2000) notes that these views on drug consumption are embedded in the public mindset; therefore, the media can use drug users like social pariahs that can be blamed for today’s social ills, (Boland, 2000: 173); this leads to individuals in society doing the same. However, Manning (2007) comments that the suggestion that mainstream media outlets play an essential role in the identification, definition, and construction of social problems is not new. Mainstream media outlets have long played an essential part in the differentiation of patterns of intoxication and what is deemed ‘appropriate’ and ‘inappropriate’ drug use (Manning, 2007: ND).
The most prominent feature of mass media that surrounds drug use is moral panics; Cohen
(1971) conceptualised moral panics and folk devils, stating:
“Societies appear to be subject, now and then, to periods of moral panic. A condition, episode, person or group of persons emerge to come defined as a threat to societal values and interests, its nature is presented in a stylised and stereotypical fashion by the mass media; the moral barricades are manned by editors, bishops, politicians and other right-thinking people … Sometimes the object of the panic is entirely novel, and at other times it is something which has been in existence long enough, but suddenly appears in the limelight.” (Marsh et al., 2011: 2)
This is supported by Goode (2017) who highlights that a moral panic is an intense and heightened sense of exaggerated concern about a threat, or supposed threat, posed by deviants or ‘folk devils’, (Goode, 2017: 149). Jewkes and colleagues (2005), depict moral panics as events that occur randomly and provoke an extreme reaction, (Jewkes et al¸ 2005: 22). Beginning to relate this to contemporary society, Thompson (1998) regards that the new decade is the age of moral panics, stating that tabloid headlines are continually warning society of new dangers that result in moral laxity; however, Thompson continues by stating that moral panics are not a new concept as there has been a multitude of moral panics over issues such as crime and youth activities, (Thompson, 1998: 1). Young (1971a) highlights that within these moral panics, mass media can create ‘fantasy notions’ around drug takers and the consequences of deviancy amplification. Furtherance of this, Murji (1998) persuasively argues that:
“The dominant, conventional approach has seen the media as a key force in the demonisation and marginalisation of drug users, as presenting lurid, hysterical images and as a provider of an un-critical platform from which politicians and other moral entrepreneurs can launch and wage drug ‘wars’. The media is thus seen to comprehensively misrepresent drugs, their effects, typical users and sellers … In many ways, the media may even define what we ‘see’ as drugs … thereby conditioning public attitudes about the ‘drug problem’ and what the response to it should be”. (Murji, 1998: 69)
This serves to highlight that due to the media negative image of drug consumption being so prominent, high-ranking members of society are able to control information given to the public – a lot of said information being false or distorted.
These ‘fantasy notions’ surrounding drug moral panics creates what is known as outsiders. Taylor (2008) conveys that the negative and, quite frankly, stereotypical depictions of drug users by the media, creates criminal outsiders that are a threat to middle-class sobriety, (Taylor, 2008: 370). This is supported by Peretti-Watel (2003), who emphasised the importance of the aforementioned ‘folk devil’ stereotype, using the publics pre-conceived notions of heroin users as a prime example. For instance, Peretti-Watel stresses that the media’s depiction of heroin users is that of devils that concentrate all types of vices (Peretti-Watel, 2003: 322). This has links to Becker’s (1963) illustration of drug users being framed as ‘others’ and presented as a risk to ‘us’ as a society.
Boyd (2002) supports the idea, noting that these perceptions created by the media are indeed perennial. He relates this to the USA, but these themes are equally tenable to the UK:
“Since the mid-1800s, media representations of drug users and traffickers in the US have centred on what is perceived as the ‘dangerous classes’ and racial minorities as the ‘other’. Drug traffickers are constructed as the ‘outsiders’ that threaten the world order of white, middle-class protestant morality. They are depicted as dangerous, out of control, and a threat to the nation and the family. Today’s war on drugs is characterised by the ‘routinisation of caricature’ which promotes worst-case scenarios as the norm, sensationalises, and distorts drug issues in the media’, (Boyd, 2002: 397).
This quote serves to highlight that between the 1800s and today’s society, the image of drug users and traffickers represented in the media hasn’t differed from the ‘dangerous thug’ that risks being a detriment to societies morality.
However, there are a plethora of criticisms attributed to moral panics that must be observed. Firstly, the formulation of moral panics implies that the media’s audience is passive; however, audiences today are considered much more active and are able to critically evaluate media content; this may be due to the rise of social media as a different source of news. Additionally, Sparks (1992) notes that the term ‘moral panic’ can be overused to such as extent that society risk reducing this period of late modernity to an endlessly cyclical state of ‘pickiness’, (Sparks, 1992: 65). Taylor (2005) supports this believing that moral panics are nothing more than a ‘simmering’ panic than a moral one. Moreover, Thornton (1995) found that the media failed to produce a moral panic over the rave culture as this culture, and taking drugs such as ecstasy, had become mainstream and ‘normal’.
An excellent case study that shows how the media negatively portrays illicit substances and creates moral panics is that of mephedrone. Mephedrone, also known as 4-methylmethcathinone, is a central nervous system stimulant that is structurally similar to amphetamine, (Kari et al., 2011: 2). Presently, there are no pharmacokinetic or pharmacodynamic studies concerning mephedrone, nor are there any psychological or behavioural studies which asses the effects on humans; any reported psychological or behavioural effects of mephedrone are based on user reports as well as clinical reports on the toxicity of mephedrone, (Pistos et al., 2011: 192). This means that any media-generated human effects are cultivated to produce fear and does not stem from scientific research.
In 2009, mephedrone was at the forefront of public agenda after the tabloid newspaper, The Sun, published a fake report under the headline ‘Legal drug teen ripped his scrotum off’; this story had been initially published as a joke on an online forum and later quoted in a police report. This was information The Sun had failed to include (Kari et al., 2011: 3). Before the general election in 2010, the purportedly innocuous drug had the attention of the general public and politicians as the leading media outlets called for an immediate ban on the substance. The Sun, one of the aforementioned leading media outlets, launched an open campaign in which they demanded action from the government whilst simultaneously dismissing statements to wait on advice from the Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs; this instigated weeks of media debate regarding mephedrone, (Kari et al., 2011: 4).
During the campaign, The Sun reported that an 18-year-old and 19-year-old had died whilst under the influence of mephedrone; it was only speculated that mephedrone played a part in the deaths of both these boys. Toxicology reports state that mephedrone was not present.
However, the drug had already been framed by the media as dangerous, and the emotively reported deaths of these young adults had narrowed the possibility for an open and frank discussion about the actual harm of mephedrone, and the best policy options to be implemented.
Petley and collaborators (2013) exemplify the death of 14-year-old girl, Gabi Price, who also gained widespread media coverage. Tabloid papers reported that Price had taken mephedrone alongside ketamine, later dying of heart failure; it was further testified by the pathologist report that Price had died of natural causes following pneumonia from heart failure. Petley believes that stories such as these allow moral panics to ‘construct a discourse of information’ in which deaths are misattributed to drug consumption and the ‘real’ causes are ignored, (Petley et al., 2013: 126). This suggestion was supported by David Nutt (2010), who was the former chairman of the UK’s Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs; he stated that the knee-jerk policy change that was implemented, only served to highlight the ongoing tensions between “the causes of evidence-based policymaking and the imperative of headline-driven politics”, (Kari et al., 2011: 1). Overall, this case study supports the previous arguments surrounding moral panics as mephedrone was represented as a ‘threat to societal values or interests’, (Cohn, 2002: 1, cited in Petley et al., 2013: 127). It clearly shows how mainstream right-wing British media framed mephedrone as a moral epidemic and a ‘killer of youth’, perpetuating the traditional war on drugs rhetoric. Alexandrescu (2013) uses Van Dijk’s (1998, 2005, 2009) socio-cognitive model to explain that this ‘war on drugs’ rhetoric illustrates ideological discourses that derive from social elites, aiding in their domination because they can structure cognitive maps of social universes and shape the social context in which they are decoded, (Alexandrescu, 2013: 27). This suggests that tabloid newspapers were using their position of power and the growing ‘War on Drugs’ rhetoric to dominate an individual’s views and morals.
Another example of the media’s distorted and negative portrayal of drug consumption comes from the death of Leah Betts. Betts was an 18-year-old schoolgirl from Latchingdon, Essex, who on the 11th November 1995, took MDMA and drank seven litres of water in 90 minutes. Four hours later, Leah Betts collapsed into a coma from which she never recovered. This received extended media coverage from the time it occurred, through to her funeral and over two months later when the inquest returned a verdict of accidental death, (Murji, 1998: 71). During the peak of media attention, the aforementioned newspaper, The Sun, gave its front page to the story with the headline ‘Leah took ecstasy on her 18th Birthday’ and a full-page photograph of her lying on a hospital bed with a respirator on her face. Osgerby (1998) notes that, for the media, Leah’s death was a ‘potent image of innocence corrupted by a dangerous and malevolent subculture’, (Osgerby, 1998: 183). After Leah’s death, the media began to focus on the putative fact that it was the first time Betts had taken the drug; however, it arose later that she had taken ecstasy at least three times previously – although this was much less publicised.
In terms of this case study supporting the idea that the media creates drug moral panics, Cohn noted that psychoactive drugs had been a remarkably consistent source of moral panics, using the reaction to the ecstasy-related death of Leah Betts as a ‘melodramatic example’; Cohn argues that Leah’s death had been ‘symbolically sharpened’ by her ‘respectable home background: father an ex-police officer, mother had worked as a drug counsellor … Leah was the girl next door”, (Cohn, 2002: xiii, cited in Shiner et al., 2015: 1)
Thanki and colleagues (2016) define social media as encompassing numerous types of social interaction applications and sites, including social networking sites, photo and video-sharing sites, blogs and microblogs, discussion and forum sites, review and rating sites and social streams, (Thanki et al., 2016: 115).
Cavazos-Rehg and colleagues (2014) analysed demographics of almost 1 million followers of pro-marijuana Twitter handle as well as the content under that handle. They found that 73% of followers were 19-year-olds or under, with 54% being female. Furthermore, they found that content posted, mainly concerned positive cannabis discourse, with many being perceived as humorous, (Thanki et al., 2016: 117).
Another Twitter-based study comes from Hanson and colleagues (2013a). They performed a qualitative analysis of the quantity and content of tweets containing the drug name ‘Adderall’. Hanson recorded 213,633 Adderall-related tweets over six months, with a peak coinciding during the examination period. These tweets were also analysed for content relating to motives, side effects, poly-use and possible normative influence. It was concluded that Adderall discussions through social media outlets such as Twitter, may contribute to normative behaviour regarding its abuse (Thanki et al., 2016: 117).
The limitations of discussing social media in relation to its portrayal of drug consumption comes from the fact that social media is a relatively new concept, and again vastly under-researched in terms of this topic. Therefore, data and theories and very limited and it is hard to draw comparison and correlations between social identity and social media. However, from the data found, social media clearly contrasts mass media, as it suggests that social media allows for less negative perceptions. This could be because people are able to portray a distorted view of their life in which they can make poly-drug use seem favourable, making viewers believe that it is normal behaviour.
“The transition from adolescence to young adulthood is a crucial period in which experimentation with illicit drugs, in many cases, begins. Drugs may have a strong appeal to young people who are beginning to struggle from independence as they search for their identity. Because of innate curiosity, thirst for new experience, peer pressures and resistance to authority, sometimes low self-esteem problems in establishing interpersonal relationships, young people are susceptible to the culture of drugs”, (UN Commission Document 1999, 14:4).
As the previous section highlighted, popular culture, in particular music, was a catalyst for recreational drug use to become culturally accommodated amongst a vast amount of conventional young people. Parker and colleagues argue that ‘it was the watershed whereby drugs moved from subculture status to become part of mainstream youth culture’, (Parker et al., 1995: 24). Drug users are now as likely to be female as male and come from all social and academic backgrounds; therefore, they could no longer be simply written off as ‘delinquent, street-corner, no-hopers’, (Parker et al., 1998: 1-2). Due to the magnitude of these changes, licit and illicit drug use could no longer be adequality explained by either subcultural theory or traditional notions of deviance – hence the creation of the normalisation thesis.
The term ‘normalisation’ is fundamentally concerned with how ‘a deviant, often subcultural population or their deviant behaviour can be accommodated into a larger grouping or society,’ (Parker et al., 1998: 152). The term can be used in various contexts; therefore, Parker and colleagues utilised the concept as a way of exploring and explaining the unprecedented increase of drug use of young adults throughout the 1990s. Parker and colleagues describe normalisation concerning recreational drug use as follows:
“Normalisation cannot be reduced to the intuitive phrase ‘it is normal for young people to take drugs’; that is both to oversimplify and overstate the case. We are concerned only with the spread of abnormal activity and associated attitudes from the margins to the centre of youth culture, where it joins many other accommodated ‘deviant’ activities such as excessive drinking, casual sexual encounters and daily cigarette smoking … Normalisation need not be concerned with absolutes; we are not even considering the possibility that most you Britons will become illicit drug users”, (Parker et al., 1998: 152 – 153).
Parker and colleagues (1998) acquired evidence for the normalisation thesis from the North West Longitudinal Study, which began in 1991 and tracked over 700 young people to assess how they developed attitudes and behaviours surrounding drugs. They found that 91.1% of respondents had been offered an illicit drug and that drugs were becoming more routinely available in locations such as schools, colleges, pubs and clubs. The study also revealed how six in ten respondents had tried an illicit drug and found precise closure to gender and social class differences. Most importantly, Parker’s study revealed how culturally accommodated drug use was becoming as a result of broader social changes, which has altered young people’s experiences of growing up in late modernity. This further suggests that 9% of participants that have not been offered drugs are ‘abnormal’.
The normalisation thesis is one of the most significant theoretical developments to have emerged in youth and drug studies literature; this is because it differed from previous criminological and psychological theories that associated drug use with deviance or resistance, (Pennay et al¸ 2016: 187).
Manning (2013) comments on the normalisation thesis, adding that there is a strong case for viewing drug consumption and its cultural practices as occupying a more visible position within contemporary popular cultures. Of course, this view is dependent on the normalisation thesis; the argument being that recreational drug use is now so familiar to those aged 35 and below that it should be regarded as ‘normal’, (Manning, 2013: 49). This is supported by Taylor (2008) who believes that in the context of the normalisation debate, drug use in the UK as well as the media’s reporting of drugs, drug consumption and drug-related crime has become such a regular force and indeed a normal image, (Taylor, 2008: 371).
Whilst normalisation does not necessarily mean that everyone partakes in drug consumption, it implies that non-acquaintance with drugs has become the deviation. MacDonald and Marsh (2002) usefully suggest that ‘differentiated normalisation’ may be occurring, with many adolescents abstaining from drug consumption, and some being frequent recreational users – a minority being dangerous, problematic drug addicts, (Carrabine, 2014: 273).
In terms of the media’s negative representation of drug use creating normalisation, Young (1971) highlights that stigmatisation from mass media may be used to enable or causes those who use drugs to affirm their identities as deviant and rebellious members of subcultures that differ from ‘straight’ society, (Carrabine et al., 2014: 272). In terms of popular culture, due to the vast amount of recording artists that partake in drug consumption and exude a drug style, it’s more than likely that to individual’s engaging with these musicians, drug consumption is normal behaviour as someone with immense amounts of popularity and fame is showing it to be an acceptable behaviour.
However, Shiner and Newburn (1997, 1999) argued that the normalisation thesis tends to exaggerate the degree of change that has taken place within contemporary society, and, that drug consumption remains a minority pursuit within youth culture.
Moving on, Tajfel and Turner (1979) proposed that the social identity theory emphasised obtained attitudes that mediate an individual’s identification with a specific social group (Hammersley et al., 2001: 137). This implies that an individual may act or respond differently depending on their diverse social groups. Stets and colleagues (2000) believe that social identity is a person’s knowledge that her or she, belongs to a specific social category or group; a social group is considered to be a set of individuals who hold a common social identification or view themselves as members of the same social category. Through a subconscious social comparison process, similar individuals are categorised and labelled ‘in-group’; individuals who differ are categorised as the ‘out-group’, (Stets et al., 2000: 225). Miller (2014) agrees with this, extending to say that many individuals, particularly adolescents and young adults, are willing to experiment with drugs simply because their peer group are favourably inclined to do the same. Thus, if an individual perceives a favourable response from peers for drug experimentation, they are more likely to engage in this behaviour, (Miller et al¸ 2014: 318).
Hammersley and colleagues (2001) exemplify cannabis in relation to social identity; they question that very little is known about contemporary experiences surrounding cannabis use and the problems that mass users encounter and how it fits into their everyday lives. Hammersly notes that cannabis use (or any substance use) can only relate to identity in one of two ways; the first being that cannabis is used to signify membership to a group or cannabis does not signify membership to a group, (Hammersley et al, 2001: 137). They note that as well as being a signifier for identity, it could also signify social setting as there is unlikely to be homogenous social group of cannabis use.
The core research question that was being tested was ‘how drug use is presented within popular culture and media can have an effect on an individual’s identity’ which is something this literature-based discussion has achieved. Both popular culture and media outlets are seen to create and support the normalisation thesis through different sources, as well as impacting on a person’s social identity in differing ways.
Beginning with popular culture, musicians are showing drug consumption in a positive light through their fame and popularity, and, even though they may not have the intention of putting this trait onto their fans, this trend is being replicated. This is affecting an individual’s social identity as people are beginning to identity with the social group surrounding a particular band and, subconsciously or not, cultivating their behavioural patterns and style. In terms of the normalisation thesis, as individuals continually engage with this drug behaviour, it becomes a prominent normal image for them to encounter.
However, television and cinema are seen to have the opposite effect as they tend to show more realistic images of drug consumption such as addiction and squalid living conditions. Although the audiences may realise that this is dramatized, it may have a direct impact on what social groups they identify with.
In terms of mass media, newspaper and region-specific broadcasts clearly have a direct impact on both the normalisation thesis and social identity theory through their use of moral panics. Moral panics serve to distort information to create fear within society; although this presented imagery can be considered false, the repeated reporting of drug scares serves to highlight that drug consumption and experimentation is a ‘normal’ part of society even though it threatens societies moral laxity. This could also affect a member of society’s social identity as an individual may become apprehensive to affiliate themselves with a social group known for drug experimentation or known to accommodate those who partake in drug consumption.
Social media endeavours to offer a different perception to drug use, suggesting that there is a large number of individuals who socially accept those who take drugs and that this ‘war on drugs’ rhetoric is nothing more than a media scare tactic. This may be due to the fact that social media allows its users to create its own media and realities; for example, those who find drug consumption socially acceptable are able to block out negative media stories that stem from drugs and only receive positive interpretations.
Both popular culture and media highlight that, whether presenting drug use positively or negatively, these trends are perennial. As Lewis (1980) states, there has been a long-standing linkage between new forms of popular music and immoral behaviour, such as drug use, (Lewis, 1980: 176). For example, the 1950s and 60s saw a link between Rock and Roll and alcohol and the 1960s and 70s with protest rock, marijuana and LSD. This continued with the 1980s and 1990s with genres such as Indie and Brit-pop and drugs such as ecstasy and MDMA.
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Pennay, E, A., and Measham, C, F. (2016) The Normalisation Thesis – 20 Years Later, Drugs: Education, Prevention and Policy, 20(3), 187 – 189. Available Online: https://doi.org/10.3109/09687637.2016.1173649.
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Finding criminology topics is not as easy as pulling out an essay idea from any website. It requires students to go the extra mile to investigate a particular problem and derive a professional topic. Does this give you chills already? Well, our expert UK writers have prepared a list that will earn you high grades. Make sure to pick one that will impress your stingy criminology professor to the core!
Criminology focuses on examining crime from a social perspective with a close lens at the perpetrator of the crime, their motive, effects, and prevention. As you will note in the list of writing ideas below, criminology also studies human behaviour about crime.
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by Antony W
June 28, 2024
Criminology is field that focuses on investigating crimes from a societal viewpoint, with an emphasis on offenders, their motivation, consequences, and prevention. Also, the subject examines human behavior in relation to crime.
Since criminologists investigate the societal foundations and consequences of crime, they also incorporate other subjects such as philosophy and anthropology .
When all of these fields of studies are used, a precise diagnosis of the underlying reason for criminal behavior is likely. Criminologists will then be able to develop effective and realistic strategies for averting criminal activities.
This post includes a list of the best criminology dissertation topics, which are ideas you can improve and investigate further in your assignment. Also, if you need help to work on this type of dissertation, especially if you’re already running out of time, you can get our dissertation writing help here.
The following is a list of some of the best criminology dissertation topics that you might consider exploring in your writing:
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Prisons and convicts have long been a source of contention in British society. When selecting dissertation on social criminal offenders, condense your ideas to a single social element.
Here are some topic ideas to get you started:
When someone commits a crime, people frequently consider the current criminal justice system, which has a variety of defects and benefits depending on who analyzes it.
Choosing a justice dissertation subject is not a simple effort, which is why you should explore the following topics:
Many of us are aware that certain crimes committed in the United Kingdom have racial or ethnic overtones. While these offenses have diminished in recent years, they continue to be widely publicized to educate people on how to prevent them and resolve any issues that arise.
Several ethnicity and race dissertation topics include the following:
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Antony W is a professional writer and coach at Help for Assessment. He spends countless hours every day researching and writing great content filled with expert advice on how to write engaging essays, research papers, and assignments.
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Essex theses, uk & north american theses, open access digitised dissertations.
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Essex Criminology theses can be found in the following locations:
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In this dissertation I would like to argue that the study of crime and drug use is complex. There are a number of diverse factors that lead people to misuse drugs; these are a mixture of social, psychological and economic factors. Age and gender are significant statistically but insufficient research has been carried out to explore these issues fully. In this dissertation we will consider how people acquire a physical and psychological dependence on drugs.
We will look at the pressure that can be placed upon susceptible individuals by dysfunctional families and peer pressure. Other factors that will be explored are whether personality traits or hereditary factors play a significant role in drug misuse and any consequent criminal behaviour.
It is also clear that there is a correlation between crime and drug taking but again this link is not clear-cut. It will be necessary to consider if there are factors that predispose people to deviant behaviour and drug misuse or if one factor leads to another, and if so in what direction. We will consider at some length what is being done to ‘police’ drug crime and conclude that although much is being done it is a difficult and growing area, needing the intervention of specialised crime agencies, such as the Serious and Organised Crime Agency (SOCA).
We will conclude by considering that a great deal more research needs to be done to help understand this complex issue but that there are a number of areas where useful investments could be made. The first is in the provision of more skilled people to act as drugs counsellors, in order to help lower demand for drugs; the second is to co-operate with international bodies in forming policy to fight the global drugs business and co-operate internationally with enforcement agencies; the third is for enforcement agencies in this country to act in partnership with each other and outside agencies to help disrupt the supply of drugs by removing its supplier and their money and reducing demand by helping drug-users to fight their addiction. Only when all these measures are acted upon will any significant headway be made in the ‘war on drugs’.
Before we embark on our explorations, I would like to define how I will use the term drugs in this dissertation; I intend to define drugs as psychoactive drugs; this is any chemical that ‘alters perceptions and behaviour by changing conscious awareness’. However, I will exclude recreational drugs that are accepted by society, particularly alcohol. The reason for this is to enable me to achieve a tightly focused argument within the limits of the word count.
There is a great deal of research on alcohol abuse; much of it mirrors the misuse of other drugs, however, there are some significant differences, which would broaden out the argument too much. In this dissertation we will restrict ourselves to drugs that are outside of society’s approval.
The drugs we will consider in this work fall into four categories: depressants, stimulants, opiates and hallucinogens. The depressants include alcohol, barbiturates and solvents. Stimulants work by increasing the transmission of nerve impulses in the brain; they include cocaine, MDMA (better known as ‘ecstasy’), and amphetamines. The next group of drugs, opiates have been known since the time of the ancient Sumerians; in 4000BC they named the plant that produced resin from its unripe seedpods, the poppy. From this resin come the opiate drugs.
These depress neural functioning, suppress physical sensation and responses to stimulation, which is why the codeine and morphine versions of this drug are used as substantial painkillers. Hallucinogens are the final group and contain LSD, PCP and cannabis.
In this dissertation, once we have considered what leads initially to drug use and misuse, we will look at the link between drugs and crime. I have defined above what I mean by drugs, I’d now like to define what mean by crime. Such a definition is not easy to establish.
There is perceivable difference between the definition made by a research psychologist and a lawyer; one has a highly conceptualised definition, the other a legal one. In this dissertation, I will use Glen Walters definition of crime. In his book Drugs and Crime in Lifestyle Perspective, he defines it as ‘a rule breaking behaviour that, if known to legal authorities, would result in the rule breaker’s being charged with a criminal offence punishable by law’.
It is not an easy task to accurately record how many people take these forms of drugs on a regular basis. A National Survey on Drug Use and Health, undertaken in the United States in 2003, revealed that an estimated 3.7 million people had used heroin at some point in their life. It also revealed that 119,000 had used heroin in the month before the survey. It is perhaps encouraging that the British Crime Survey reveals that drug taking in this country amongst 16 to 24 years olds has decreased since 1998, although it has increased in people form 16to 59.
A United Nations report, published in 2005, estimated that 200million people, or approximately 5% of the world’s population, aged15-64, have used drugs in the last year. Whichever figure is correct, the number of people who abuse drugs is large.
In terms of the criminal side of crime, this is an increasingly difficult problem to deal with. The illegal market for drugs is immense, which attracts the attention of large organised crime groups. It is likely that dealing with this problem will be a major part of the work done by the new Serious and Organised Crime Agency. A major area that will need to be looked at is how to disrupt the flow of drugs into the country; this will be a complex undertaking. Using Cocaine as an example, the drug originates in Latin America, principally Columbia.
Its then taken first to a secondary country such as Spain, Portugal or West Africa, and finally funnelled into the UK via France, Belgium or the Netherlands. Although, Jamaica, the Caribbean Island closest to Latin America, which also has a significant immigrant community in England, provides a more direct route into this country for drugs. Clearly, this means that the Immigration and Customs and Excise departments also have an important part to play in policing this ‘industry’.
In chapter one we will look at the physical, psychological and environmental factors that lead to addiction of abusive substances. In chapter two I will consider whether there is a link between addiction and crime; we will also consider the implications of the illegal drugs market on policing. In chapter three I will discuss the prevention strategies that exist. Finally, I will conclude by explaining that although it is possible to come to some conclusions in our study, it is difficult to come to a definitive conclusion due to the amount of research material and its complex and often contradictory nature.
Introduction.
In this chapter we will consider the factors that lead to drug use and misuse. We will consider how attitudes in general concerning drug use have changed and how this has led to a greater acceptance of taking medication. We will also consider the psychological factors that could contribute to a person first falling prey to drug use.
There is evidence that socioeconomic factors may be significant and we will explore this idea; we will include a consideration of the increasingly sophisticated ‘marketing’ methods used by the sellers of illegal drugs. Finally, we will conclude that although there is a great deal of information on the subject of why people begin taking drugs we will see that it is very difficult to draw a conclusion from the information available. We cannot offer conclusions only suppositions.
People have been using drugs for a great deal longer than it has been considered a problem. Tammy Salah suggests that drug use has been prevalent since ancient times (Salah, p6). However, significant major changes have occurred in the pattern of drug taking in the last four decades. In the 1950s very few people indulged in any form of drug, other than alcohol or cigarettes, however, this situation has gradually changed until we have become a drug using culture.
A number of reasons have been suggested for this change. Some have suggested that the increase in taking drugs for medicinal purposes altered people’s general attitude towards taking drugs; as they acquired the perception that a pill could cure physical problems and mental illness, they accepted the possibility that a pill could be used to counter other problems; others advocated the idea that in the 1960sand 70s people, particularly Americans, were exploring new life-styles, many had an increased amount of leisure time and looked for new activities to fill them, one of those ways to fill the extra hours waste recreational use of drugs.
This increase in drug abuse led to problems with addiction as people acquired a physical dependence on these substances. Gradually, after taking the drug for some time, a person acquired a tolerance, so needed more and more of it to achieve the same effect. They also reached a stage where cessation of the drug in the system led to unpleasant withdrawal symptoms. At this stage they are said to have acquired physical dependency on the drug.
However, this is not the only form of dependence that can arise; it is also possible to acquire a psychological dependence. This can occur particularly if a drug is used to reduce anxiety; even though no physical dependence occurs, the feeling of being without anxiety is addictive, which makes the drug addictive for psychological reasons.
Dependence on alcohol can begin this way, the drink can acquire appositive reinforcement if it used to reduce stress, however, the more it is used the more the dependence becomes a physiological one. This is one of the most popular contemporary views of why humans self-administer potentially lethal drugs. It is believed that these chemicals activate the reinforcement system in the brain. Other natural-enforcers such as food, water, sex etc. also activate this system.
It is possible to place drug users into at least two categories. One group of drug users take drugs for the effects they have on the senses; this group has been described as ‘novelty seekers’; the other group uses drugs to help them cope with other problems, they use drugs ‘as if they are anti-anxiety or anti-depressant substances’. One could conclude that this is the explanation for the apparent plethora of contradictory information as it would be counterintuitive to suggest that the same factors lead to these two models.
Bio psychologists have done some of the most recent research into the development of an addiction. Their work is interesting because it is admix of physical and psychological scientific methods. It is important to consider their work, as it could have a significant effect on treatment and preventative programmes for the misuse of drugs. An article that appeared in the journal, Addiction, in 2001 suggests that addicts are not motivated to take drugs for the pleasure they provide, or the desire to avoid the unpleasant withdrawal symptoms, but because once drugs have been used the person develops changes in the part of the brain that render the ‘rewards systems’ and it becomes hypersensitive.
These are not the parts of the brain that deal with pleasure or the euphoric effects of drugs but a subcomponent of reward; the study renamed them incentive salience or ‘wanting’. This leads the drug addict to develop compulsive behaviours in relation to drug-seeking. The researchers suggest that this sensitization leaves addicts susceptible to relapse long after they discontinue their drug use. It is also clear that some people become sensitised very quickly but others much more slowly. Another interesting aspect of this research is that the self-administration experience plays a significant part in the process, so that if the context is repeated in the future, even after drug misuse has ceased, the person will experience the compulsion to take the drug. This can happen years after the person has ceased to take drugs.
A number of interesting facts resulted from this study that could affect our understanding and treatment of drug misuse. One interesting factor is that it is not saying that drug addiction is caused by chemical changes in the brain, what it is saying is that environmental factors have an equally significant effect as pharmacological ones. This factor is important as it has an effect on how to treat addiction. Another interesting factor revealed is that the brain processes involved in addiction are those that determine wanting not pleasure.
This makes nonsense of the theory that the reinforcing factor connected to drugs is pleasure; drugs can become addictive in the absence of pleasure at taking them. This means that an unconscious motivational process can promote the act of taking a drug; this would explain why addicts, who report they are ‘miserable, that [their] life is in ruins, and that even the drug is not that great anymore’ are still ‘bewildered by the intensity of their compulsive behaviour’. However, it is interesting to note that even the authors of this study recommend caution; they accept that studies carried out on animals may not give the same results in human addicts.
A great deal of interest has been shown by researchers concerning what, if any, personality characteristics make an individual more susceptible to become addicted to drugs. No individual personality type has been shown to predispose a person to drug misuse; however, people who score highly in tests for social conformity are less apt to misuse drugs. On the other hand, those who as children were rated by their class-mates as being impulsive, inconsiderate, lacking in ambition, with poor work habits, as adults were more likely to smoke, drink alcohol or take drugs than children not described as having those characteristics.
Glen Walters concurs with this conclusion. He suggests the only positive evidence he has seen relates to some forms of early anti-social behaviour that affect a person’s future chance of abusing drugs and that this isn’t enough to provide a conclusive link. However, as already mentioned one must exercise caution concerning the conclusions reached from these studies as most of this research has been conducted on people with pre-existing problems, so one cannot be entirely certain that the characteristic did not result from the addiction rather tamper-date it.
An obvious area to consider, particularly bearing in mind that the majority of drug misuse is done by the young, is the influence of, and relationship with parents. A study by Baer and Corridor in 1974suggested that children whose parents had showed little interest in them, or had used excessive physical punishment during their early childhood, were more likely to misuse drugs. Glen Walters confirms this when he quotes studies that reveal children who suffered parental rejection, either physical or mental, are more likely to indulge in deviant behaviour, including drug abuse.
He suggests that a lack of attachment leads to an inability to fully ‘empathize with and relate to others’. Another study undertaken in 1972 revealed that people from home with conservative, traditional values were less likely to misuse drugs, than those from a more permissive and liberal home. However, it is not necessarily the parent’s values that contributed to the misuse of drugs but the potentially easier access to them. Ironically, coming from a ‘disrupted’ family (one where divorce or death has interrupted ‘traditional’ family life) does not seem to be factor in drug abuse in individuals.
Parents are not the only group to have a significant influence, person’s peers can be equally important as an encouragement to misuse. The more substances a person misuses, the more friends they are likely to have who misuse substances themselves. However, again, interpretation of this can be problematic. It is difficult to know if these people have more friends who misuse because they have influenced them, or that the explanation is that they prefer to socialise with people with ‘pastimes’ most like their own.
Walters concurs that although it appears that people are strongly influenced by their peers, it is difficult to provide evidence to confirm this conclusion. It is also important to bear in mind that although some people may be affected by the relationship with their parents (or lack of it) and influenced by their peers to act in a delinquent manner, the majority of people, under these circumstances, do not become delinquent or drug abusers, so these reasons are not sufficient in themselves to explain this anomaly.
There are many links between deprivation, social exclusion and drug misuse. Amongst the factors that predispose someone to misuse drugs: the use of legal drugs in early life, school non-attendance, unemployment, history of public care, parent criminality and substance misuse, use of illegal recreational drugs. It is difficult to ignore the fact that ‘impoverished urban areas’ have higher rates of crime and drug abuse than more affluent areas.
It almost certainly comes as no surprise that drug abuse rates are higher in areas where drugs are easily available, generally run-down urban areas. It is not difficult to believe that bleak circumstances can lead people to seek ‘escape ‘through drugs. Crime is also highest in these areas and it is easy to jump to the conclusion that these are linked; however, this link cannot be directly proved.
The age of drug users is statistically significant, they are predominantly young and male, and may be getting younger. In the Home Office survey referred to above, arrestees who were drug users were more likely to be 25 and over, however, amongst men the numbers testing positive in the 20-24 age group was seen to be increasing significantly over the period of the research. This finding is repeated in the British Crime Survey.
This demographic trend is also seen in the USA. Survey in 2003 by the National Institute on Drug Abuse recorded that in the previous year 314,000 people had used heroin; of that number the largest group were over 26, however, the same report recorded that from1995 to 2002 the number of new users varied each year from 121,000 to164,000 and of these 75% were 18 or over. More worryingly, the American survey recorded significant and stable levels of heroin abuse amongst school age children. The However, drug use seems to ‘peak’ at the age of 20.
As we have seen, most of the users of heroin in the American survey were young men. The gender balance amongst drug users in England is also predominantly male, however, things could be changing, a Home Office crime survey showed a higher proportion of women testing positive for opiates than men – 43% of women arrestees compared to 34% of men. Although the British Crime Survey suggests that the number of women taking drugs has stabilised. Tam Stewart suggests that their partners often introduce women drug users to drugs; they take them to ‘please’ their man.
It has been argued that drugs have been ‘radicalized’ and that the perception is that black men are more likely to be offenders, and, therefore, more likely to be stopped by the police, than white men. It’s true that cannabis is widely used by the Caribbean community. However, much lower proportions of black men take heroin.
The question that hasn’t been raised thus far is the question of hereditary. Glen Walters reports that a number of research papers, using data from family, twin and adoption studies, have been studied that seem to suggest that there is a genetic link in drug abuse. However, he concedes that these studies are difficult to interpret because it is difficult to take into account whether environmental influences have made a bigger impact than genetics. Salah also concludes that genetics may be a factor but that external and internal stimuli are more likely to account for drug use and abuse.
Tam Stewart challenges all these explanations of what makes someone abuse drugs. She claims, ‘Heroin respects no barriers of class, race, religion or profession. There are junkies of 14 and 40’. She concedes that the majority of drug users come from poor and inadequate backgrounds; however, the fact that there are abusers from all categories suggests that poverty and inadequate family background cannot be the whole explanation. She suggests that one of the initial factors for people who take drugs is curiosity.
Another factor that must be taken into account is that drug sellers are becoming more sophisticated in their marketing techniques and use disturbing methods of introducing people to the misuse of drugs. A ‘traditional’ method, bearing in mind drugs addictive qualities, was for street sellers to give ‘free samples’ to people who had previously never used illegal drugs. They soon became addicted to the substances and the seller had created a new buyer for his goods. However, with the increasing use of the Internet new ways of selling and marketing products have arisen. Buying a drug over the net is a much ‘easier ‘route into the drug scene, particularly for the socially shy and/or conservative middle-class teenager; the drugs are just as addictive but seem almost ‘legitimate’ when bought in the same way they buy their books and music CDs.
However, a person acquires an addiction to drugs, it is clear that when they do it is not just a personal problem but also a societal one. We’ve looked at some of the reasons that may predispose someone to use and misuse drugs. In the next chapter we will consider what, if any, links there are between drug misuse and crime.
Numerous studies have shown a link between drug abuse and crime; there are high crime rates amongst drug abusers and high drug-use rates among offenders. In this chapter we will consider the evidence that suggests link between drug misuse and crime. We will see how there is a great deal of evidence that shows a correlation but a link showing exactly how the two factors are related is much harder to find. We will also consider the types of crime most related to this problem and consider ways that have been used to tackle the problem.
Earlier in this dissertation we have discussed how drugs are addictive and it has been suggested that it is this addiction that leads to crime. Drug use leads to ‘compulsive drug seeking’ and use. This compulsion fuels three types of drug related crime: crimes of supply, crimes committed to obtain money to buy drugs, or where the effects of drugs lead the user to act in a criminal way, for example dangerous driving or acts of aggression.
The suggested theories to understand why people take drugs also falls into three categories: the moral model; the disease model and the behavioural model. There is statistical evidence of a link between drug use and crime. An on-going survey financed by the Home Office records the link between the misuse of drugs and offending. During the study 3,064 arrestees were interviewed and tested for drug use at eight police custody suites in England and Wales. This was repeated at the same sites two years later.
Approximately 50% of those arrested were included in the study; juveniles and those arrested for alcohol related offences were excluded. The majority of those interviewed were white males and 90% of these agreed to undergo urinalysis. Urinalysis can detect drug use over the previous few days; in this study they were tested for six types of drugs were tested: Cannabis, opiates (including heroin), cocaine(including crack), benzodiazepines, amphetamines and methadone. Clearly these percentages are significant.
A major finding of the research was that 65% of those arrested tested positive for drugs, around a third tested positive for opiates and/or Cocaine; less than 10% were positive for amphetamines and just under50% had injected heroin. Clearly this reveals a link between drugs and crime but on this alone they cannot be said to cause crime. During the interviews, however, around 90% of those who tested positive for class ‘A’ drugs reported they had committed property crimes as a result of their addiction in the last twelve months.
Research carried out in other countries show similar findings. According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics in the US, 50% of the inmates in US prisons in 1991divulged that they had used illegal drugs in the month prior to their arrest and 30% admitted that they were under the influence of an illicit drug when they committed their offence. An interesting finding is that offenders who abuse both illegal drugs and alcohol commit more criminal activities that those who only abuse an illegal drug. It is hard not to conclude that criminal activity is linked to drug taking.
There are no clear causal links, however, between drugs and crime, despite much research on the subject that has shown that there are links between drugs and offending. A briefing paper for the Criminal Justice Social Work Development Centre for Scotland argues that ‘hanging around’ with those that do risky things, may ‘encourage or require the passage into various forms of crime to generate funds for purchasing drugs’. The paper argues that a further problem is that drug misuse leads to further financial and social difficulties; these in themselves generate more crime. A survey done amongst a Scottish young offender’s institution revealed that 95% of its inhabitants admitted taking illegal drugs. Yet again this Scottish survey does not give satisfactory explanation for this result.
It has been suggested that there are two explanations for this apparent correlation between crime and drug abuse. The first suggests that drug use adversely affects a person’s ‘mood, judgement and self-control’; the second we’ve already mentioned, that is that the high cost of drugs leads the user to commit ‘economically oriented crime’. However, even these explanations are not entirely satisfactory.
In the case of the first it is true that drugs can affect people in the way mentioned, however, not all people who take drugs experience these effects uniformly; second not everyone who takes drugs and experiences these symptoms commit crimes; therefore it is not unreasonable to argue that another factor must be involved. The second argument also holds true for the idea that the need to keep oneself supplied with drugs leads to crime.
Glenn Walters tries to resolve this conundrum with his ‘lifestyle theory of human decision’. The three ‘Cs’ defines life styles: conditions, choice and cognition. In this theory he concludes that drug abuse and criminal activity are interrelated lifestyles.
Walters believes that conditions do not cause drug abuse or crime directly but they influence behaviour by increasing or decreasing a person’s options in life. Walters concludes that choice is a very important explanation of the link between drugs and crime; criminal drug users behave in the way they do because they have made a rational choice that it is in their best interest to do so. Although he does not conclude that thesis the only explanation.
It is clear from current research that young offenders have particularly high risk for developing ‘problematic drug use’, this is partly due to their use of class ‘A’ substances and to taking drugs intravenously. A Home Office survey, published in 2004, records that injecting drugs escalates both the health risks to the user and the social problems that go along with it. Amongst the arrestees studied for this report, around 65% used heroin and these were the most persistent offenders.
Interestingly, one study in the US has suggested that there is no real correlation between drugs and crime. It is argued that because drug abuse and crime are not evenly spread across age groups, it is possible that they are not directly connected. There are a number of potential arguments for this.
Firstly, is that it is possible drugs and crime follow a similar but coincidental age progression; secondly, it is possible that that these problems arise because of an underlying pattern of general deviancy; a final explanation is that the statistics show that the supposed link is actually a manifestation of low self-control making the person more liable to contravene social norms. However, none of these explanations are verified by research. Michael Hough in his review of drug related literature for the Home Office suggests that a distinction should be made between drug users and people with a heavy dependency, it is the latter group that is most likely to be involved in crime.
Regardless of the causal links between drugs and crime, it undoubtedly causes major problems for the police service, enforcement agencies and the communities they serve. A Home Office report published in 2003 on the subject of ‘Crack’ begins by pointing out that ‘uncontrolled crack markets have a propensity for violence and intimidation that affects whole communities’. The report goes on to suggest that this problem haste be dealt with on two fronts: the supply of drugs to the drug addict has to be cut off and the demand for them reduced.
During the last decade much work has been done in partnerships between the police another agencies, as these are considered the most successful ways to deal with the problem. These strategies aimed at reducing the demand for drugs will be discussed in the next chapter; in this section we will consider the response of law enforcement agencies.
It is necessary at this point to consider in more detail what types of crime is committed by people misusing drugs. Much drug-connected crimes non-violent, more concerned with acquiring the money to fund the misuser’s addiction; these would include crimes such as theft, forgery or prostitution. However, CJSW’s briefing paper suggests that drug’s misuse can lead to violent crime in one of two ways; these are, (1) the effects of the drug can lead to aggressive behaviour, and, (2) violence can be used when committing the acquisitive crimes mentioned above.
The paper makes it clear that these links are very much dependent on what type of drug is being abused. A study from the United States suggests that cocaine, particularly in the form of crack, can lead to violence, as can the use of barbiturates and amphetamines. However, overwhelming evidence suggests that the mostly likely addictive substance that will lead to violent outbursts from the abuser is alcohol.
The area that would produce the best ‘return for money’ would be to stop the arrival of drugs into the country in the first place. The raw ingredients for most traditional drugs are not produced in this country; therefore, they have to be imported from abroad. Increasingly, the enforcement agencies in this country are assisting the international fight against drugs. Government is also helping address these issues, offering to help disrupt the opium harvest in countries like Afghanistan.
The new SOCA has announced plans to have agents stationed abroad to assist in this disruption. Clearly, this is a major issue that requires serious measures. Much of the response to drug motivated crime has been met with moral outrage and dealt with accordingly; we will look at this in more depth later in the dissertation.
The drugs industry is large and profitable, which is what makes it necessary to respond to this problem from a number of different appropriate directions. An article in the Economist published in 2001,states that ‘if only it were legitimate, there would be much to admire about the drugs industry’.
The article goes on to state that ‘it is…highly profitable. It produces goods for a small fraction of the price its customers are willing to pay…[and] it has skilfully taken advantage of globalisation, deftly responding to changing markets and transports routes.’ The article goes on to point out that the drugs industry produces work for some of the world’s poorest countries, and the ‘rich world’s minorities and unskilled.’ Drugs are a business, Avery successful but anomalous one.
The profitability of the drugs business must not be underestimated, as the potentially huge rewards justify the risky proactive behaviour. On the streets of the US a kilo of heroin sells for @$290,000, the price of a Rolls Royce car. It has been estimated that the revenue of the global drugs industry is analogous with Coca-Cola’s world revenues.
The United Nation’s Office of Drug Control and Crime Prevention put the profits from the illegal drugs industry as higher than that of petroleum. Even if this figure is an exaggeration, the conservative figure places the trade on the same level as the tobacco or alcohol trade, both highly successful and profitable industries. With an industry this big it is clear that destroying its infrastructure is necessary but impossible task.
It is clear that statistically the US is an extremely lucrative market. The official estimate of retail drug sales is $60 billion dollars. The Economist believes European sales are almost as great. Most of the world’s heroin sales occur in Pakistan, Thailand, Iran and China, however, prices in these countries are so low they barely reach $10billion. Unfortunately, this situation has engendered a great deal of moral outrage, however, this cannot be considered a good basis for policy.
Drugs are brought into the country by a number of methods. Some are shipped in through ports such as Dover and Harwich; others arrive in small boats in an attempt to avoid the increasingly sophisticated methods used by Customs and Excise to detect drugs at the major ports. Another method of getting drugs into the country is by using couriers, who ingest condoms filled with the illegal substance.
Some are quite literally ‘delivered’ by the postal system. Once in the country, middleman, who subsequently passes it on to the dealer on the street, divides the drugs into smaller units. Sometimes the middleman and the street dealer are one and the same person, especially with drug imports from Jamaica. These level 2 crimes are dealt with by local police forces co-operating with SOCA.
However, producing and selling the drugs are not the only crimes associated with the drugs trade; and stopping the movement of drugs not the only front that can be policed. The money produced by has to be ‘laundered’ in an attempt to divert attention from its original production method. Again, Jamaica and the other Caribbean Islands are important; these islands have well developed offshore banking systems and bank secrecy laws that make them ideal for money laundering. In2000, the Caribbean Financial Action Task Force, which was set up to monitor and take action against this aspect of the drugs trade, maintained that $60 billion from the drugs trade and organised crime are laundered in the Caribbean every years.
‘Policing’ this aspect of the trade must be done on an international basis. It requires large numbers of people with specific and complex skills. Britain contributes to this international effort in many ways, including signing a Memorandum of Understanding with the Jamaican government on the 22 March 2002. As part of that treaty, Britain gave aid of £10 million to the Jamaican Constabulary Force for training and restructuring.
What is being done once the drugs reach this country? A 2002 review bayou admits that the police service is weak when dealing with the middle markets; a problem reiterated in the HMIC’s ‘Closing the Gap ‘report on level 2 crime throughout Britain. HM Inspector of Constabularies, Denis O’Conner, former Chief Constable of Surry, produced this report in 2005, which outlined just how much more work was needed at this crime level, however, he concedes that this is one of the least weak areas when looking at levels of the crime throughout all 43 county police forces..
This middle-market in the drugs supply chain is very important, as it is a large sector of the drugs industry. An ACPO review reports that endeavours are being made to improve this situation; an experiment in the Midlands, funded by government is an attempt to police drugs more effectively; this experiment involved ‘collaborative intelligence-led working arrangement across force boundaries’; although at the time of the publication of the review this experiment was yet to be completed, it was felt that it had already made an impact on the middle market suppliers. Operation Pagoda, carried out by Cheshire Police in2003-2004, provided valuable lessons on how to tackle this level of the drugs distribution chain. Again it was seen that working closely with partner agencies is important, as is careful intelligence gathering.
We have already mentioned what is being done to police the drug trade before and as it comes into the country, however, once here there are a number of options available to disrupt the trade. One of the most successful methods is high profile policing in areas known to be major points of contacts for drugs dealers and their customers.
This sounds simple but is not. It requires a great deal of high quality intelligence as to where drug selling is taking place, in order to know the best place to be most visible. Once this is known then police officers can make their presence known on the street and CCTV cameras can be visibly and strategically placed. Clearly these methods won’t stop the trade but they can cause considerable disruption.
The sale of drugs at street level is done in a number of ways; some drugs are quite literally sold on the street by dealers, however, other dealers work from business or residential addresses, occasionally from cars. Although these dealers may be considered the ‘bottom’ of a chain of supply, which is best dealt with at an earlier point, it is still necessary to tackle street level dealing. It is this aspect of the drug trade that is most visible and, therefore, of concern to the public, raising their levels of fear of crime; however, it is also clear that disruption of supply is useful at any level. Such arrests can also supply intelligence about those further up the chain. It should also be noted that this level of dealing increases the acquisitive crimes committed in an areas, as addicts seek to fund their habit.
There have been a number of successful operations run by various police services to combat street level dealing. In Merseyside the problem of drug addiction and its associated crime has been rising steadily since the 1970s, with dealers using the M56 as a link with Liverpool. The problem in this area is focused on a number of socially deprived council estates, where drug dealing is very well established. Amulet-agency approach was decided on, called Operation Hawk, which provided enforcement by the police service in an attack on the drug supply; treatment, education and assurance being supplied by other bodies working with them in partnership. The initiative has produced large number of arrests, assets have been seized and the rates of acquisitive crime in the area have dropped significantly.
The implementation of the Proceeds of Crime Act (POCA) 2002 has helped increase the ‘war against drugs’ on another front. As mentioned the drugs industry produces large amounts of money, therefore, an assault on that money will be effective. A number of operations have been setup by enforcement agencies throughout the country to tackle this issue. Operation Airborne was a joint investigation between the Metropolitan Police and HM Revenue and Customs.
The group sought and acted upon intelligence that they shared between them, enhancing their ability to act against drug smuggling. The operation was successful in arresting drug smugglers, however, even more important was the recovery of assets; the criminal group were discovered to have an annual turnover of £7.6 million. £2 million was seized as part of the operation to arrest the drug smugglers and sellers. Operation Oregano in Lancashire was an equally successful operation, which seized £2.2 million in assets from one criminal individual. Clearly, the arrest of any individual engaging in crime connected to drugs is useful, however, attacking the assets has a more significant long-term effect.
A final strategy being used by enforcement agencies in their fight against these crimes is to use the media. They have begun to engage in social marketing techniques, such as those used against drunk-driving offences and domestic violence. It is seen that these campaigns can be used in a number of ways: one, to educate the public about the dangers of drug taking and, two, to encourage people to inform on those engaging in the trade. A third result is to help reassure the public that ‘something is being done’ about this form of crime.
One of the most worrying crimes associated very closely with the misuse of drugs is the increase of violent acts involving guns. As we have mentioned the drugs industry is a very lucrative one, often run by groups of organised criminals, who increasingly seek to protect their markets with the use of firearms. The majority of gun related violence and armed kidnappings in the Metropolitan Police area are directly related to the drug industry.
Young adults are becoming increasingly active in selling drugs; often these youths do not take drugs themselves. This has been a growing trend in the US since the early nineties that is now evident in Britain. There are a number of reasons for this occurrence. In many cases drug sales are linked with ‘gangs’ and gangs are appealing because they provide an income (the proceeds of criminal activity) and status, which is otherwise absent from these young men’s lives.
These young men offer an even more difficult challenge for the criminal justice system. The link between gang membership and drug misuse in Britain is greater than in the US. One of the suggested explanations of the fact that drug sellers in gangs were less likely to be drug users is that it ‘clashes’ with the objectives of the group.
A recent phenomena in this country is the growth of gangs of fro-Caribbean men, often referred to as ‘hardies’; some of these men were born in this country, many have recently come to the country from Jamaica. These men involve themselves in selling sex and drugs in an organised manner. Their methods are often brutal and there is a high level of gun crime associated with these groups. It is clear that these men are introducing young girls to drugs and then to prostitution today for their new habit.
There is a strong correlation between drugs and prostitution. It has been suggested that there are two reasons for this. The first is that the need to pay for the drugs, which as the addiction becomes stronger and larger amounts of the drug are needed to have the same effects the amount needed to fund the habit increase exponentially. It is also clear that drugs help remove inhibitions, making an unpleasant activity palatable. An analysis of drug culture in the borough of Haringey in London in 2001 revealed that prostitutes were seen as the ‘front end ‘of the retail chain for crack, and were integral in the successful functioning of crack houses.
In order to tackle this type of crime, two factors need to be dealt with, the prostitute’s addiction to the drug and her life style. In Southampton the Royal South Hampshire Hospital has a Working Women’s Project aimed at helping prostitutes maintain their health.
Twice weekly there are dedicated sexual health clinic, run by women doctors, nurses and health workers, which the women can attend with any health problems; they run a late night outreach service that provides condoms, clean needles and a newsletter; they are also given self-defence training by a female instructor, specifically geared towards their needs. The project has worked with the Hampshire Constabulary, who setup Operation Trojan to tackle drug crime, to establish an ‘exit strategy’ for these women.
A number of initiatives have been tried to disrupt the work of prostitutes and their connections with crack houses. In the borough of Haringey the police decided to use Anti-Social Behaviour Orders (ASBOs)on prostitutes to get them off the streets.
However, local government also took action; vulnerable areas have had gates installed and new fences erected, making it difficult for the prostitute and punter to find a location for their transaction; street lighting has been improved on roads, roundabouts, two local housing estates and a key road junction, again to remove areas of privacy; a traffic management scheme has been established to prevent ‘curb crawling’; and a local authority block of flats has had its access system upgraded and security cameras installed. These measures succeeded in reducing the levels of anxiety and fear of crime within the community. In this we can see that multi-agency work is most effective.
A newly recognised crime associated with drug misuse is ‘drug-driving’. This particular crime seems to be associated with particular life-style, that is the young person who regularly goes ‘clubbing’. Research in Scotland has shown that 5% of 17-39 year olds had driven on a public road in the previous twelve months while over the drink-drive limit and another 5% while under the influence of recreational drug.
The survey goes further and pin-points young unmarried men between the ages of 20 and 24 as those most likely to drive while over the alcohol limit, however, those who drove while under the influence of a drug had the same profile with the addition of also being unemployed. A report in Manpower Motoring Magazine, April 2001 recording the results of a survey of their readers discovered 39% admitted to driving at least once a month while under the influence of recreational drugs. The CJWS briefing paper suggests that these pieces of research are signs of a growing problem.
Clearly there is a correlation between drugs and crime, however, it is equally clear that a great deal more research needs to be done before the causal links for this are found.
Drugs became perceived as a social ‘problem’ in the late 1880s and the response to this was a moral outrage, worthy of the late Victorian period. From this early period drugs have been perceived as being the ‘gateway’ to violence and destructive of social ‘norms’; the reaction has been to rely on criminal sanctions. In this chapter we will consider what types of treatments are available for an offender and ask at what stage is it best to begin this treatment.
The idea of drug taking as a moral outrage means that every time a drug user takes or buys his/her drugs they are undermining law and the social order; the obvious response to this is to hold them criminally accountable. Sentences for ‘drug crime’ have increased in severity. In the US, studies have shown that in New York, California and the federal prison systems drug users make up the largest inmate group. In the federal prison system in 1990, 50% of the inmates were drug users. Society in the US and in this country are insistent that their politicians ‘do’ something about problems caused by drugs; so strong is this call that in the US this has been described as a ‘war on drugs’. However, it is not clear the punitive action is the best form of action.
Jeffrey Fagan believes it has to be questioned if the deterrent effect of prison is at all successful. He suggests that although imprisonment serves to symbolise the moral outrage of society to someone transgressing societal norms, it is not the most useful response.
In a study of arrestees in the 1980s, Fagan discovers that, although those with the longest prison sentence had lower recidivism rates than shorter medium term sentences, those sentenced to probation had the lowest rates. Walters agrees that deterrence is not productive as it neither deters nor inhibits future illegal drug abuse. For a deterrent to work the potential criminal has to be able to assess his/her situation in considered manner.
Fagan points out that deterrence requires people to rationally calculate the ‘costs and benefits’ of crime to themselves, however, this is not always possible. Many drug users live in poor economic and social conditions in inner cities that ‘skew’ their ability to make the rational decision required to make imprisonment a successful sanction.
Or it could be argued that in an environment where there is little hope of ‘normal’ employment, selling drugs is the ‘rational’ choice, so the deterrent effects of criminal sanctions will depend on individual circumstances. Fagan suggests that the most value way of helping drug users to stop is by a complex process, requiring a change imperceptions of the self and management of social interaction. This is not always possible; drugs are addictive, mind altering and this affects the ability to think clearly.
There is, however, evidence that reductions in re-offending can save significant amounts of money, therefore, it is worth looking into ways of pursuing this course of action. A briefing paper produced by the Criminal Justice Social Work Development Centre for Scotland, suggests that ‘the costs of criminal behaviour far outweighed the costs of treatment’.
It quotes a longitudinal study carried out for the Department of Health, which suggests community based interventions reduced re-offending rates by 20%, residentially based interventions were even better at 25%; it further suggests that this would lead to a saving of £5.2 million or, put more simply, for every £1 spent on prevention, £3 would be saved on the costs of victims and the criminal justice system. There are a number of times in the life of a drug abuser where intervention could take place. These are: interventions before sentence; community penalties instead of a prison sentence and interventions in prisons (Hough). I would like to consider these options in the next section.
‘Research has brought us to the conclusions that drug abuse is preventable behaviour and that addiction is an eminently treatable disease’ explained Dr Alan Lasher, Director of the National Institution Drug Abuse, to a US Senate Judiciary Committee in 2001. He continued that ‘we are seeing science, rather than ideology, intuition, or common sense, beginning to drive the national discourse on these issues’.
In a briefing paper published the same year, the Criminal Justice Social Work Centre for Scotland concurred with this view. The author states, ‘the development and delivery of effective and appropriate interventions are dependent on an understanding of the patterns of drug use and their relationships to health and social difficulties’. If time and money is to be spent wisely on treatment measures it is necessary to take a multi-disciplinary approach to research in order to produces large a body of useable knowledge as possible.
One result of this strategy is that there is an understanding that the conventional wisdom of striving for complete abstinence is the least cost-effective method of dealing with the problem. It suggests that reviews of existing research material reveal:
Clearly it is worth considering each of these conclusions, particularly as they are all employed by various sections of the Criminal Justice system (CJS). The CJS use arrest referral schemes, drug treatment and testing, drugs abstinence orders and CARATs (counselling, assessment, referral, advice and through-care). Therefore, which if any of these methods are the most effective?
The primary aim of detoxification programmes is to aid the addicted person cope with the unpleasant withdrawal symptoms from ceasing to use opiate drugs. A secondary aim is to offer support to the person as they adjust to a drug-free state. Most authorities make it clear that thesis not a treatment for addiction. The treatment can be carried out inn- and out-patient facilities.
The treatment itself can take 48-72hours for the worst of the physical symptoms to dissipate, and they disappear completely within a fortnight. Unfortunately, this is not the end of the experience; once the initial physical symptoms subside there is a period of ‘abstinence syndrome’, which consists of a general malaise and opioid cravings. This treatment can help in a person’s treatment but alone it will not suffice.
Treatment with methadone, a drug that suppresses the withdrawal symptoms experienced by people who cease to take narcotic drugs, is common response. It also relieves the physical cravings that are familiar part of opiate addiction. Other drugs, such as Buprenorphine, are also used in a similar manner. However, again if this is used to ‘wean’ the drug taker off the drug but no further treatment is given, then it is likely that ultimately this strategy will be unsuccessful.
Therefore, if simply replacing the illegal drug with a substitute is not sufficient what else can be done? Many addicts also benefit from behavioural therapies, preferably alongside the medical treatment they are receiving. In the US two of the most useful therapies are Contingency management therapy and Cognitive-behavioural therapy. Contingency management employs a voucher system, where patients earn points for each negative drugs test they pass. The vouchers can be exchanges for items that encourage a healthy way of living.
This ‘reward’ approach to treatment is not common in Britain. Cognitive-behavioural therapy attempts to change the patient’s ideas and perceptions related to their life-style and expectations while addicted. This method is particularly popular and successful in Britain. It is possible that cultural difference between the two countries account for these different outcomes. The dual approach of chemical and behavioural therapy is supported by the study we discussed earlier in this dissertation that the chemical effects of the drug and environmental factors around its administration caused neural sensitivity. Both aspects that initially caused the drug taking must be tackled if there is to be any hope of success.
We discussed earlier that often in communities there is a partnership between a number of agencies that help ensure a multidirectional attack on abuse. The Drugs Committee of the Association of Chief Police Officers produced a review in April 2002. One of their main conclusions was that the police must attack this problem on two fronts: disruption of the supply and demand reduction.
The Blackpool Tower Project is police project that pursues the aim of demand reduction. The police, Probation service, the Crown Prosecution service and health workers provide a service ‘target’ drug offenders and all work together to resolve the many complex issues contributing to continuing abuse. The project has been operational since 2002; in that time crime has been reduced in the town by a significant amount. For instance house burglaries have reduced by 42%. Clearly more evidence that multidirectional effort produces significant results.
It is often claimed that dropout rates for drug prevention and treatment programmes are so large that the programmes are not cost-effective; however, research in the US suggests that this is not true. Lasher sites an article published in the Journal of the American Medical Association, which shows that addiction treatments are as effective as treatments for other chronic disorders like asthma, high blood pressure and diabetes; he also quotes the article to claim that ‘drop-out’ rates from all four ‘disease’ treatments are the same. However, duel treatments are more successful than any single treatment.
The timing of treatment is also seen to be significant. A major proposal discussed in the CJSW briefing paper mentioned earlier is the need for young offenders to be assessed after arrest in the hope that prosecution can be avoided, rather than assessing the young person after conviction or their sentence has been served. It also suggests that ‘legal coercion seems to be an effective way of first getting drug abusers into treatment early, and, secondly, of keeping them there’.
An American survey makes the same point, treatments should ‘vary depending on the individual’ and stresses that another factor that was important to understand was the need to intervene as early as possible. Concentrating on formulating treatments that deal with the individual, however, is not without its problems; few, if any, studies have been carried out to investigate if there is a gender or ethnic difference in treatment needs, which makes tailoring a programme to meet their specific needs is difficult.
However, the academic world is not in agreement over the efficacy of treatment for miss-users of drugs. There is a substantial body of research that questions the efficacy of either criminal deterrence or treatment programme. The accepted ‘wisdom’ was that ‘nothing works’. However, the work of Andrews, Zinger, Huge, Bonita, Gendered and Cullen, shows that this is not true. They found that if you studied people who had been treated appropriately then the recidivism rates were reduced by 50%.
Clearly a careful, sensitive choice is necessary when choosing treatment programme for the drug miss-user. It is also true that residential programmes are slightly more successful at lowering the recidivism rates. The situation in Britain seems to be more positive than in the US; a briefing paper from the NTASA published in 2002maintains that after four to five years around 50% of cocaine users who have completed treatment remain non-drug users.
Interestingly, the most successful treatments have something in common, that is they all provide the drug user with the motivation to change and are ‘people intensive’. This desire for close human contact and the motivation to change could explain the success of the Open Book project. Open Book, an organisation based at Goldsmith’s College, which is part of the University of London, has established a radical new strategy to help people to escape from the cycle of committing crime, serving a sentence, and coming out only to re-offend. The group is run by Joe Baden, a former ex-offender who had ended up in prison because of criminality caused by alcohol and drug abuse.
He decided to use education ‘as a vehicle out of a life of addiction and criminality’. After completing a degree in History in 1998, he became a tutor with the probation service, which is where he became aware that many of thee-prisoners he met had the potential to enter higher education. He got involved with a pilot project at Goldsmiths College to encourage others to follow the route he’d taken.
The experiment was a success and at the time of the article in The Independent, had 27 ex-prisoners or drug addicts on degree courses. A typical student was reported as saying, ‘I was surrounded by drugs, crime and prostitution, and in prison at the age of 20’, he went on to describe how, with encouragement, he enrolled on a course. ‘I’ve never re-offended and I’ve discovered a belief in myself.’
This venture has the support of the lobby group, Forum on Prisoner Education and the Howard League for Penal Reform. A spokeswoman for them enthusiastically explained, ‘supporting ex-prisoners into higher education increases their employment opportunities, improved their self-esteem and reduces the risk that their children will struggle at school’.
The endeavour also fits in very well with the notion that it makes economic sense to prevent drug taking, or help those jailed for drug and drug related offences from re-offending. The running costs of Open Book are about the same as the amount needed to keep one offender imprison for twelve months, £35,000. However, Dr Lasher, in his evidence to a US Senate judiciary hearing in 2001, claims that attention needs to be paid to treatments received while offenders are in the criminal justice system. He insists that only the ‘blended public health/public safety approach of dealing with addicted offenders benefits not only the patient, but the family and community as well’.
More evidence of the importance of a ‘person intensive’ treatment is found in a briefing paper produced by the National Treatment Agency for Substance Misuse. It claims that a good relationship between the client and counsellor during drug treatment is essential if the outcome is tube successful. It is vital that the counsellor engenders confidence and commitment in the client to the treatment.
Policy makers must take the evidence showing the importance of highly skilled counsellors into consideration. Money needs to be provided forth training of more such workers. As we have seen earlier although this might seem an expensive option, ultimately it will be seen to be cost effective as there is a drop in the crime rates and fewer people incarcerated in the prison and young offender system. It could be argued we can’t afford not to undertake this measure.
Successful treatment of drug offenders has already been shown to be successful in relation to economics savings due to the decrease in criminal activities of those who have completed treatment. The reductions in offences were associated with a drop in crime costs from£5.8 million to £1.8 million at the one-year follow-up, according to the NTORS study. This is a significant amount. The report continues, ‘the cost of crimes committed by the high-rate offenders accounted for95% of the total crime costs’. The study maintains that treatments costing £2 million pounds led to savings of £27 million pounds overall.
Clearly treatment of drug misuse is important and valuable both for the individual involved and for a society increasing fearful of crime; it is also clear that it has enormous economic benefits. It is clear that further research into how best to accomplish these treatments is important and must be pursued.
In this dissertation we have asked a number of question and attempted to draw conclusions in the light of an incomplete research base. We began by considering what led to people becoming drug users. There is clearly no simple factor. There is a greater amount of drug use to be found in socially deprived areas, however, there are also wealthy drug users, so the social and economic factors cannot be the whole story.
There is also evidence of genetic and personality factors being involved, but again it is not clear from the evidence what the link is. It is also clear that many more people who share these various factors do not go on to take or abuse drugs. However, it must not be forgotten that the selling of drugs has become a lucrative business and that the ‘products’ are now marketed in the same way as any other commodity.
There is a similar problem when considering the link between drug abuse and crime. There is clearly a correlation as so many convicted criminals are found to have taken drugs. But again the link itself is unclear. It could be purely that drug taking is expensive and the money has to be found from illegitimate means if it can’t be found legitimately. Or it could be that someone predisposed to commit crime is also predisposed to take drugs, should either opportunity arise. Again much more research needs to be done before a definitive causal link is found.
However, whether or not the causal link can be found it is clear that drug abuse leads to a substantial amount of crime on an international, national and local level. The production and sales of drugs has reached the size of a large multi-national corporation. It has become clear that in order to fight this level and magnitude of crime, enforcement agencies have to be prepared to act together on a global scale, sharing information and activities.
It is also clear that governmental states have to work together to produce policies that can tackle the issues, such as the fact that Afghanistan’s economy would collapse without its production of opium, as would the economies of a number of Latin-American countries. Crime of this magnitude can only be successfully combated if people and agencies work together all the way from an international level to a street level.
We have looked at individual examples of the co-operation that is being undertaking at the international level, even down to the provision of money and intelligence to enforcement agencies in other countries. We’ve looked at efforts made to prevent drugs entering this country but have also looked at the attempts made to disrupt the market before it reaches street level. At street level, there has been an increase in government agencies working together in order to combat drug crime at all levels; this is proving to be the most successful way of dealing with the specific problems created by drug misuse.
Treatment of drug misuse of individuals is very important. The drugs industry relies on demand as well as supply to keep functioning. It is necessary to work on the drug industries organisation but also on the people they supply. Up until now society’s response has been punitive, but apart from making a statement about its abhorrence of drugs and their associated crimes it is difficult from the evidence to see the justification for long prison sentences; after they do not appear to have a deterrent effect.
Other treatment methods have been much studied; again the response by academics has been mixed. Some believe it is all a ‘waste of time’ while others can see the value in some treatments. What is evident is that treatment needs to be holistic –treating the whole physical and psychological body, not just one or the other.
The most significant finding is that individual people are vitally important in the success of such treatments. If society invested more money in its treatment personnel, then it would allow the police the time to turn to dealing with the very serious end of the drugs trade – the organised international gangs.
It is also clear that not just drug using individuals in society need to be aware of the problems both in the destruction of the lives of the individual drug takers to the crime it leads to; only when the general public are interested and motivated to take action will government agencies and not-for-profit organisations get the support them need in terms of political power, money and voluntary help.
Clearly drug abuse causes enormous problems to both the user and society. There is a great deal of money and effort being directed at dealing with this problem; however, to facilitate the most useful and constructive ways of dealing with the problem more research is necessary and advisable.
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Greg midgette , greg midgette associate professor - department of criminology and criminal justice, university of maryland peter reuter , and peter reuter professor, school of public policy and department of criminology - university of maryland vanda felbab-brown vanda felbab-brown director - initiative on nonstate armed actors , co-director - africa security initiative , senior fellow - foreign policy , strobe talbott center for security, strategy, and technology.
August 20, 2024
In the show’s second episode, host Vanda Felbab-Brown talks with Dr. Peter Reuter and Dr. Greg Midgette, criminology professors at the University of Maryland, about the current state of the U.S. drug market, discussing changes to U.S. consumption patterns from cocaine to various opioids. The episode also explores the dramatic rise in lethality in the U.S. drug market, not just because of the widespread prevalence of fentanyl, but also because of the increasing potency of methamphetamine.
FELBAB-BROWN: I am Vanda Felbab-Brown, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution. And this is The Killing Drugs . With more than 100,000 Americans dying of drug overdoses each year, the fentanyl crisis in North America, already the most lethal drug epidemic ever in human history, remains one of the most significant and critical challenges we face as a nation.
In this podcast and its related project, I am collaborating with leading experts on this devastating public health and national security crisis to find policies that can save lives in the United States and around the world.
On today’s episode, we are delving into the complex dynamics of the U.S. drug crisis. Joining me are two esteemed experts: Doctor Peter Reuter, renowned professor at the School of Public Policy and the Department of Criminology at the University of Maryland, and Doctor Greg Midgette, an associate professor of criminology and criminal justice at the same institution. Their project paper is titled “The dynamics of the U.S. drug markets.” Peter, welcome to the podcast.
REUTER: Thank you very much. I look forward to the discussion.
FELBAB-BROWN: And Greg, also welcome to the podcast.
MIDGETTE: Yeah, thank you so much. It’s my pleasure to be here.
FELBAB-BROWN: Peter, let me start with you. The U.S. is experiencing the most lethal drug epidemic in its history. We have tens of thousands of Americans dying yearly since 2016, and in the last several years, that number has topped 100,000. How has this crisis come about?
REUTER: The crisis is one that has been unfolding over decades. And the sort of standard account starts really around 2000 when OxyContin became available to doctors as the first sort of long-acting opioid. And doctors were led to believe that it was not addictive and that they could safely prescribe this. They prescribed it very aggressively. And the result was that many people started using these drugs outside of medical supervision and overdose numbers rose substantially.
And by 2010, it was clear that there was a crisis of prescription opioids. And many states imposed restrictions that really made a difference in the sense that many fewer prescriptions were issued, and fewer overdoses related to prescription opioids.
But unfortunately, many of those who’d been addicted to prescription opioids then shifted to heroin. And heroin death numbers went up. And then in, starting around 2014, fentanyl entered the U.S. market for the first time in any substantial way, and over the next ten years, the numbers continued to rise. And that’s a fair account of one part of the problem.
But what’s really interesting is that the number of fatal overdoses in this country has been rising almost relentlessly for 45 years. Starting in 1978, you see these numbers go up with great regularity, around 7% per annum until COVID hit, and then you see a spike. And we’re probably returning to that underlying 7% curve.
So, while we focus on fentanyl, it’s not just a fentanyl crisis. We have a long-term problem in this country. And Greg knows a lot more about methamphetamine than I do. And the methamphetamine numbers, even unrelated to fentanyl, have been rising very rapidly. The figure I remember for 2021 was something like 12,000 methamphetamine overdose deaths without fentanyl. When you add in fentanyl, it adds up to about 40,000 that involve both methamphetamine and methamphetamine and fentanyl.
So, while we focus on fentanyl, there’s really a long-term problem that we do not understand that needs to be addressed. Which isn’t to say I know how to address it, but there is a long-term problem here. It’s not just fentanyl.
FELBAB-BROWN: Thank you, Peter. Greg, I will ask you about fentanyl, as well as about meth. But let me just stay with the basic proposition. So, in addition to the prevalence of use, the big game changer is what Peter is speaking about, it’s the lethality of drugs. Do you want to add or elaborate anything what Peter said about why we have such high fatality despite the fact that the United States, North America has been using recreational drugs for a long time?
MIDGETTE: Essentially, I think it’s the shift towards synthetic drugs. That with synthetic drugs you have the ability to fine tune the, the composition of the drug in moving toward more potent, less expensive versions of some product that already exists in the market.
So, in the case of fentanyl, it’s 40 or 50 times more potent than heroin. So, much more deadly, in which a much finer margin for error in mixtures as the drug enters the market. And that’s that is one of the major causes of the lethality of the drug in the market. That unexperienced users or users who don’t … people who are expecting to be consuming heroin or an illicitly obtained prescription painkiller instead consume fentanyl in a lethal dose. And that explains some of the increasingly lethality.
In addition, fentanyl has entered a bunch of other markets where heroin did not exist. And many of those markets grew, as Peter said in his response to your first question, from the growth in oversupply of prescription opioids. And so, in those markets that when there was a crackdown, there was still demand for opioids among people who had opioid use disorder. Fentanyl enters those markets pretty readily and easily.
So, most of the increase in lethality and the total number of overdose mortality counts that we see in the U.S. comes from fentanyl, and not from a big increase in the prevalence of fentanyl use, but rather from just how toxic the drug is.
REUTER: And the fact that in comparison to heroin users, fentanyl users seem to consume many more times a day. So, sort of if you think of this as a roulette, they’re spinning the wheel many more times. And so even if … so, you can do this sort of thought experiment: even if it wasn’t more lethal, they’re just taking it more frequently and exposing themselves to that risk.
So, I think we’re focused on the lethality of the individual dose. But I think it’s the number of doses is also a big driver here, which we haven’t given much attention to.
FELBAB-BROWN: And that’s because the effects wear off much faster?
REUTER: Yes. They wear off faster. I think they’re more intense. Greg, do you know more about?
MIDGETTE: That’s my understanding.
FELBAB-BROWN: Greg, before we speak about methamphetamine, a very important issue that is not getting enough attention. Let me just ask about xylazine. So, you were talking about the fact that users often do not know what they are consuming, and xylazine is the next thing hitting at least the East Coast. Will it spread west just like fentanyl did is something to watch? Can that be stopped? Tell us very briefly about xylazine.
MIDGETTE: So, xylazine is a veterinary tranquilizer that that is being mixed in a street drug called “tranq,” it’s a mixture of fake fentanyl and xylazine. It extends the period of intoxication for an opioid, typically fentanyl. But it’s incredibly destructive to the body.
So, a theme, in I think in our discussion today will be problems of data and understanding where things exist and to what extent. We’re aware because of how obvious and visible the problems of xylazine in places like Kensington, a neighborhood in Philadelphia, where there’s open air drug markets, people who are using the drug on the street, who remain in this one neighborhood for prolonged time until they’re hospitalized or some other intervention or potentially death.
So, it’s an incredibly dangerous mixture of drugs. The appeal to a person who uses drugs or who uses fentanyl is pretty obvious from the initial description. It extends the intoxicant time or the time when someone is intoxicated. But the consequences of the use of the drug are just dire, really tragic.
And because it is so readily available, the xylazine in the market, it becomes a really challenging problem because it’s a frequently used prescription in veterinary science. So, if it’s carefully regulated, we won’t be too concerned. But how carefully is it regulated? At least in the market serving Philadelphia, not too well.
FELBAB-BROWN: You spoke, Greg, about the fact how very destructive it is to the human body. Well, there are also concerns that it might not be responding well to the basic overdose prescription— overdose medication that is used to treat fentanyl overdose: naloxone. We have spoken about the fact that a hundred, 110,000 Americans have died in the last several years from overdose. Well, many more people have actually overdosed, multiple times that number. And they survived because naloxone, buprenorphine are reversing the overdose. And one of the big concerns is if drugs like xylazines are more and more mixed into the supply, that the effectiveness of the overdose reversal medication will go down and we’ll have another big spike in deaths.
In your paper, Greg and Peter, you are looking at what’s happening with all drugs in the U.S. market with the most lethal ones. But you’re also looking at what Peter has already mentioned, namely methamphetamine. Greg, please tell us what’s going on with meth and why should we be concerned much more than has been the case with what’s going on with the meth issue.
MIDGETTE: For drug policy researchers, the transformation of the methamphetamine market is fascinating. So, going back in time a bit—so in 2005, Congress passed the Combat Meth Epidemic Act, CMEA, which cracked down on precursor chemicals. So, pseudoephedrine, what we … what I take for my allergies, especially when I’m up in New England as I am now. That led to, in the short run, for about 3 or 4 years, a big decline in size of the methamphetamine market in terms of the amount of expenditures, best we could estimate it, the number of people who use methamphetamine.
But shortly thereafter a couple of things happened. The cocaine market collapsed in the United States, and the cannabis market changed dramatically with legalization and decriminalization at that point. So, drug traffickers and illicit market suppliers from South America and Central America and Mexico changed strategies in some ways. And one of the things that occurred was, Mexico, illicit drug producers in Mexico invested in alternative production methods for methamphetamine.
That led to a dramatic increase in the potency of the drug in the market because they were able to take a well-known method that produced low quality methamphetamine—basically, meth when it’s produced is produced as D-meth, which is intoxicating, valuable on the street, and L-meth, which is not intoxicating, it just makes your heart race. And so, this P2P method produced both. They were able to isolate with this newest method just the D-meth, the good stuff, the expensive, dangerous stuff. And so, that is what enters the market in the United States now. Whereas we saw 60%, 70% purity on average methamphetamine in the 2000s—so, prior to CMEA—now it’s nearly pure meth on the street in the U.S.
FELBAB-BROWN: So, it’s the super-potency of the meth entering the U.S. market from Mexico. And in fact, we are seeing the Mexican cartels, Sinaloa and Jalisco Nueva Generación, setting up meth production in Europe, with the focus on Asia-Pacific, Australia, but also really increased supply of meth. But, Greg, you said something fascinating, namely that the cocaine market in the U.S. collapsed. Of course, in the Andes there is more cocoa and cocaine production than ever before. Peter, what’s going on with the coke? Why did the U.S. market collapse? And where is it heading from the Andes?
REUTER: The collapse of the U.S. market—and collapse is a little strong, but there is a substantial decline, and it came out of the blue. It starts in 2006. And there are a couple of clever papers that try to explain in terms of things that happened in Colombia and Mexico, which I find unconvincing. But it’s not that I have a better explanation.
I mean, indeed, the decrease in cocaine between 2006 and 2010—and Greg and I were involved in a study that was sort of really the first one to identify that, and we just identified it as a puzzle. And it becomes more of a puzzle when you realize the history of methamphetamine, which is those are years in which methamphetamine was less available. And it’s not, I think, for the 2006-2010 period, that the story is methamphetamine replaced cocaine.
Now, you might argue that the methamphetamine is much cheaper than it used to be. Cocaine is not much cheaper than it used to be. It’s more potent. And so, it kind of has replaced cocaine. It’s a very, rather superficial story. It’s not as though we have studies, micro studies that show that people who used to use cocaine regularly have shifted to methamphetamine. It’s just that’s the best story to explain the aggregates that we observe. So, in a long-winded way said I do not know the answer to the first part of your question.
It’s no surprise that cocaine is now used in other rich countries. No particular reason. I mean, there was a period in the ‘80s when cocaine became so prominent here; it’s a very American drug. It’s about stimulants. I mean, the hope, very, very American. I think that was a delusion. And the rest of the rich, Western style world is ready for it to take up cocaine. So, I don’t think there’s anything particular to explain there except how did the roots emerge, and that takes us in a sort of different direction.
FELBAB-BROWN: Greg, let me ask you whether you want to add anything to the cocaine story and whether there are differences in the communities that have been affected by cocaine, crack cocaine, fentanyl, and methamphetamine today. Let me just pick up on one thing that Peter said, which is, you know, there was this notion that cocaine, the stimulant, was somehow specific to North America, and that the U.S. was somehow different, and the rest of the world would be immune.
And we’re hearing these arguments in many places today about fentanyl, that this is somehow specific to the North American market, and perhaps there should be a real cautionary lesson learned, from the cocaine story that what seemed to be so unique to specific market ultimately spread very significantly.
So, Greg, but let’s talk a little bit more about cocaine and also about communities in the United States. Are there differences in communities in what the dominant drug of use is or not, or has the market become very uniform?
MIDGETTE: So, things are changing. Historically, our understanding was that, where in the broadest terms—a generalization, a gross generalization—was that cocaine and particularly crack was a city drug and methamphetamine was a rural drug. And that’s how stimulants, or illicit stimulants existed in the U.S.
The reality, even historically, is that methamphetamine exists everywhere. Crack is prevalent in many places but is concentrated or was concentrated in cities predominantly. But as I said a little bit before, the story of fentanyl and its lethality is about how deadly the drug itself is, the story of overdose mortality from methamphetamine is a story of an increase in prevalence. So, it’s so much more common in many communities where it didn’t exist before. It’s cheaper, is more toxic.
FELBAB-BROWN: But you would say it’s both prevalence and potency. Right? Because part of the important story—
MIDGETTE: —yeah—
FELBAB-BROWN: —of meth is that it’s so much more potent than the meth that used to be produced in the United States. Correct?
MIDGETTE: That’s true. Meth has been nearly pure, over 90% pure, for over a decade in the United States. The work that Peter alluded to earlier, we used to have the access to seizure data from the DEA. They gave us some information on purity. But even back to 2012, the drug was very pure. And we see the ramp up in mortality in part, as Peter mentioned, three-quarters to two-thirds of methamphetamine overdose deaths include fentanyl.
But it is a story of both, that it is a much purer drug. We don’t have a ton of research. There’s anecdotes in journalism describing how this purer meth is more dangerous for people who use it in their communities. But really, what we see very clearly in our noisy data is a large increase in the things that suggest prevalence has increased tremendously. So, in workplace drug testing results, in treatment admissions, and even in in general population survey, which has a really hard time measuring anything in terms of changes, still shows pretty clearly that there’s big increase.
Now cocaine, there is not a big increase. There’s was a pretty sizable decline, as we talked about, from 2005 to 2009. But then essentially flat to maybe increasing. But only marginally over that period. Cocaine lethality is completely driven by fentanyl. So, when we see an increase in cocaine overdose deaths, that increase is driven by the combination of fentanyl and cocaine.
FELBAB-BROWN: And this is indeed what’s happening with other drugs as well, including meth. Right? It’s that very often it is a mixture of fentanyl with meth, a mixture of cocaine with fentanyl and also other drugs, other dilutants or stimulants, or in this case tranquilizer like xylazine. So, users go and think they’re buying a hit of cocaine and they’ll end up with a very different drug than they are expecting.
Peter, let’s return to fentanyl. It is the most important focus of the U.S. government in its response to the drug epidemic and the current crisis. It is the most lethal drug. Synthetic opioids are particularly unique in their potency, in their lethality. And one of the most striking aspects of the paper you and Greg wrote is policy interventions that are geared specifically toward fentanyl, that have made fentanyl the centerpiece of policy, have, in fact, had very little effect on what’s happening with the market, what’s happening with lethality. Perhaps this past year, for the first time in several years, we have seen some stabilization in the number of lethal overdose, around 100,000. But that’s still an egregiously high numbers of Americans that are dying. It’s not stabilization that we can live with. So, why have policies have so little effect on reducing deaths?
REUTER: So, I want to go back to my 45 years story. We have seen drugs come and go. We had a crack crisis in the ‘80s, we had prescription opioids in the 2000s, and heroin, now fentanyl. You know, the curve just doesn’t change. It keeps on going up around 7% per annum. Now, maybe that’s some strange statistical coincidence. The dice was rolled and every year it came out six. But it that’s hard to believe.
So, while it’s appropriate to focus on fentanyl, I think the big observation is how little difference specific drugs and specific policies make. I mean, we had in the 1980s, probably into the early ‘90s a big increase in the number of people incarcerated for drug offenses. And then starting, I think, maybe 2005, you see, you know, substantial declines. Nothing in those overdose curves that suggest that made any difference whatsoever.
Prices go down pretty steadily over this same time period. There’s more variation than for the overdose rate. But you just … policy changes, it’s not just with fentanyl, policy changes just don’t show up in the most important indicator.
And I think what that suggests is that we need to look at the more fundamental drivers, which brings up deaths of despair. So, this is the work of Anne Case and Angus Deaton about the unexpected increase in mortality rates for, I think, 35- to 54-year-old males was the original one, I’ve forgotten now exactly what the group is. But what they were able to show was that deaths from suicide and drugs and alcohol accounted for a large part of the increased mortality for that age group, and that that was actually affecting life expectancy. I mean, with life expectancy has risen, you know, forever. But suddenly in the U.S. it has turned down, and drugs play a very important role in in that. Maybe deaths of despair are really what’s driving this. All the factors that have led to communities, particularly that that were previously manufacturing centers.
I don’t raise that as the most likely explanation, but as a reminder that we may be focusing on the wrong things when we try to say how will policy reduce overdose rates? There is something else driving it. And unless we tackle that other set of factors, we’re doomed to just sort of watch this and that, that, that lets me make a very characteristic skeptical comment.
FELBAB-BROWN: No, certainly identifying what are the root causes, the structural drivers that need to be tackled, is crucial. But of course, policy does make a difference. If one has a policy like was the case in the 1990s and early 2000s, where overprescription of opioids was common, one ends up with many more people developing substance use disorder. If we had a policy that prohibits naloxone or makes access to naloxone very difficult—that used to be the case in the United States for several decades—many more people would be dead from fentanyl whose lives now have been saved by naloxone.
And certainly, across the project and in the podcasts and papers that will be coming up, we are delving into very many different aspects of policies, from how to deal with demand, how to deal with harm reduction, treatment, what is the effectiveness, what is the effectiveness of supply measures, what kind of supplies measures can be taken.
But since we are talking about structural factors, you brought up the beyond the policy control. Well, one of the big structural factors is the emergence of synthetic drugs, Peter. And I, with two of our other colleagues on this project, have written about that the global drug market is undergoing a synthetic drugs revolution. Even a place like Afghanistan, where poppy had been grown in massive numbers and that supply heroin to Europe, now is producing methamphetamine, not of the Mexican quality, but is making meth. How different are the challenges associated with synthetic drugs versus plant-based drugs, in your view, Peter?
REUTER: We never did well even with natural drugs. We’re going to do worse with synthetic drugs. I mean, there’s just no way around that. Synthetic drugs are much more mobile in terms of production centers. Opium could grow in many places, but it has always been in a few very small number of countries. And there’s no reason why synthetic production couldn’t move from Poland to the Netherlands, as I think happened 20 years ago. And if the Netherlands actually figured out how to make, maybe they come up with sniffing cows and synthetic production centers would go away and they’d move to Malta. It is really hard to think of a supply side strategy that has any plausibility for synthetic drugs.
Precursor controls look like they sort of go to the fundamentals. That is, all of these synthetics are manufactured from various other drugs, and some of them are very specific, and you can control them. But it’s always turned out that there’s a workaround. That is, there’s another way of making the synthetic drug that works around those precursor controls. And so, it’s very hard not to be—I use the word relentless probably too much—but relentlessly skeptical about claims that there’s something to be done to reduce the production of synthetic drugs.
MIDGETTE: Yeah. So, the only thing I’d add is we see from the current market that producers of methamphetamine are resilient to precursor controls. There were short-term disruptions which were invaluable and saved thousands of lives. So, non-trivial and very important, but are not structural fixes. We have innumerable fentanyl analogs and potentially many more possible.
So, the idea that we’ll be able to identify the core set of chemicals that that should be carefully regulated and safeguarded is impractical and unrealistic.
The challenges are that we still need to do that even as unsatisfying as it is. Because what Peter referred to earlier is these more basic, fundamental, social, structural issues that are generating the potential for harm. The reason why Baltimore is so hard hit by fentanyl, and the reason why some communities are so hard hit by fentanyl and we’re disproportionately more likely to suffer during the COVID epidemic. Those are really, really hard to fix. And there is no precursor chemical for structural disadvantage. So, we need to be doing both the whole time. And, and both are very, very difficult to approach.
FELBAB-BROWN: Absolutely. There is a great deal for skepticism and perhaps despair on the policy side. But at stake is massive level of destruction of the people who are dying, the families that are suffering, that is amounting to massive levels of impact on the economy, perhaps around $2 trillion or even higher. And in fact, on national security and public safety. So, as hard and as elusive as policy is, it is the imperative of policymakers to be finding the scope, the holistic approach, the best design of policy to save lives.
But to do that, we need good data. And, Greg, this is my last question to you for this podcast episode. You know, we are going through this massive crisis. In order to address it, we need good data. Do we have good drug data?
MIDGETTE: This has been a bleak conversation, but I’ll try and end it with a little ray of light. We have worse data than we did ten years ago. We’ve never had great data to be able to identify and understand patterns of drug use or illicit drug use in the U.S. The earlier work that we did estimating the size of illicit markets for cocaine, methamphetamine, heroin, and cannabis, two of the major data sets that we relied on are no longer collected or no longer offered to researchers for analysis. The Arrestee Drug Abuse Monitor, ADAM it’s called colloquially, and the DEA STRIDE data, which were an aggregate of all different law enforcement agency drug seizures. Those data included undercover buy information, so we would see how much drugs were purchased for and what the lab results are in terms of purity. And we don’t have that information anymore. We could invest in that data infrastructure so that we could do those analysis again, however imperfect.
The other thing that, the ray of light I might offer is that we’ve seen from Europe and in a few places internationally, and even in the U.S. tracking COVID using wastewater epidemiology is a low-hanging fruit. It’s very expensive in terms of startup costs, but we’ve already invested a lot of that to understand, having the auto samplers in wastewater systems to be able to identify trends and drugs. And our ability to suss out from what is obviously a noisy data stream has improved dramatically recently. So, that’s something that we can do pretty quickly.
And in terms of identifying here is a new and novel synthetic drug that had not existed in this place and it’s very dangerous, that’s a way to get that information very quickly, because if we rely only on survey data of people’s self-reported drug use patterns, that’s noisy and very delayed. If we rely on law enforcement agencies to say, here’s what we arrested someone for, that’s noisy and very delayed. And we need to take steps to harness data that can be collected and analyzed rapidly. So, that’s what we should be investing in.
FELBAB-BROWN: Well, thank you very much, Greg, for this ray of optimism. Thank you for your terrific work in the project, in the paper, and beyond that. And thank you, Peter, for the dose of realism and pointing out that the challenge that we are dealing with today, much magnified as it is by synthetic drugs, has been in the making for a long time, and requires not just drug policy interventions, well designed as they need to be and informed by data as they need to be, but thinking beyond drugs and understanding how drugs are integrated into life, happiness, expectations, and designing structural responses to them as well.
REUTER: Thank you.
MIDGETTE: Yeah, thank you so much.
FELBAB-BROWN: The Killing Drugs is a production of the Brookings Podcast Network. Many thanks to all of my guests for sharing their time and expertise on this podcast and in this project.
Also, thanks to the team at Brookings who makes this podcast possible, including Kuwilileni Hauwanga, supervising producer; Fred Dews, producer; Gastón Reboredo, audio engineer; Daniel Morales, video editor; and Diana Paz Garcia, senior research assistant in the Strobe Talbot Center for Security, Strategy, and Technology; Natalie Britton, director of Operations for the Talbot Center; and the promotions teams in the Office of Communications and the Foreign Policy Program at Brookings. Katie Merris designed the compelling logo.
You can find episodes of The Killing Drugs wherever you like to get your podcasts and learn more about the show on our website at Brookings dot edu slash killing drugs.
I am Vanda Felbab-Brown. Thank you for listening.
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(Hons) Criminology with Forensic Science Olivia Mackay April 2020 . 2 Abstract The objective of this study is to examine the extent to which representations of drug use within ... question to be tested for this dissertation is 'how drug use is presented within popular culture and media, and how this can affect an individual's identity'. ...
White and Gorman (2000) explain the relationship between drugs and crime connection through three explanatory. models: "1) substance use leads to crime, 2) crime leads to substance use, and 3) the. relationship is either coincidental or explained by a set of common causes" (p. 170). The.
The underlying causal mechanism(s) is likely to be more complex than these explanations suggest (Bennett and Holloway, 2009, Seddon, 2000).Our previous work has highlighted the need for longitudinal studies with a non-drug user comparison group to examine the natural history of drug use and offending (Hayhurst et al., 2017).Whilst cross-sectional studies can provide information on the extent ...
Criminology Dissertation Ideas about Drugs. Analyzing the relationship between people of various backgrounds and police. What are the most effective methods of preventing drug trafficking internationally? Analyzing the effectiveness of drug courts. Reversible and irreversible impacts of drug abuse.
In the mid-1990s, a team of UK researchers developed a theoretical framework in which they argued that the use of some illicit drugs - specifically cannabis, nitrates and amphetamines, and equivocally ecstasy - had become "normalised". The proponents of this thesis argued that the recreational use of these drugs had become an ...
and serious health and social consequences…often as part of a pattern of poly drug use (UK Drug Policy ommission, 2008, p. 17, cited in Scott and Codd, 2010, p.130). Drug use rates within the prisons are rising due to new psychoactive substances (NPS) which are more accessible than traditional drugs (Ralphs et al., 2016, p.59).
Criminology & Criminal Justice Theses and Dissertations ... the current dissertation examines the extent to which criminal history records contain racial and ethnic bias. Theoretical predictions are tested using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997 (NLSY97). ... drugs, and concealed weapons, specifically concealed guns. The ...
Not only has much criminological research on drugs and crime been commissioned by state agencies, but it is also said to have been highly politicized in the sense that its purpose is 'to establish a causal link between drugs and crime that can be used to justify a policy approach towards drug users that is ultimately coercive' (p. 3).
A QUALITATIVE CASE STUDY OF STUDENT PERCEPTIONS OF A RANDOM DRUG TESTING POLICY . A Dissertation by . Shelia E. Rathbun . Master of Education, Wichita State University, 1999 . Master of Science, Kansas State University, 1988 . Bachelor of Science, Bethel College, 1981 .
Theses/Dissertations from 2015 PDF. Relationships Between Law Enforcement Officer-Involved Vehicle Collisions And Other Police Behaviors, John Andrew Hansen. PDF. In the Eye of the Beholder: Exploring the Dialogic Approach to Police Legitimacy, Justin Nix. PDF. Criminology on Crimes Against Humanity: A North Korean Case Study, Megan Alyssa ...
2014. Implementation of a Randomized Controlled Trial in Ventura, California- A Body-Worn Video Camera Experiment. Download. Zimmermann, B. 2011. Educational Level of Law Enforcement Officers and Frequency of Citizen Complaints: A Systematic Review. Download. We are pleased to post a selection of theses which have been given marks of distinction.
The core research question to be tested for this dissertation is 'how drug use is presented within popular culture and media, and how this can affect an individual's identity'. ... Sociological Criminology and Drug Use: A Review of Leading Theories. In Beaver, K., Barnes, J.C, & Boutwell, B (ed) The Nurture Versus Biosocial Debate in ...
Criminology And Psychology Dissertation Ideas. How attitudes and emotions compel people to criminal behaviour. Impact of domestic violence on a child's aggressive behaviour. A psychological examination of people who start trouble every time. How race is a critical factor in the police's judgment of criminal activity.
Preview text. Prison Based Drug Rehabilitation, A Critical Evaluation. A Literature Based Study. Name: Jordan Buck. Student Number: 19007522. Dissertation Supervisor: Malcolm Cumberbatch. I confirm that this is my own work and that all sources used have been fully acknowledged. and referenced in the prescribed manner. Signed ______________ NAME.
Department of Law and Criminology, Edge Hill University. September 2019 . i Abstract ... illicit drugs (National Crime Agency, 2017; 2019) - has seen increases in the use of children in drug supply and the exploitation of a number of vulnerable groups in society (Robinson et al., 2018). Like CCE, understandings of County Lines are varied and
An evaluation of the drugs crime nexus, legalization of drugs, drug enforcement, and drug treatment rehabilitation, James Richard Keesling PDF Evaluation of the operation New Hope Alternative School and lifestyle improvement program for at-risk juveniles , Matthew Ashley Robby
Dissertations on Criminology. Criminology is a social science that applies elements of sociology, psychology and law in the study of crime, criminal behaviour and law enforcement. View All Dissertation Examples. ... Behind Bars: The Truth about Drugs in Prisons. Dissertation Examples.
Masters and PhD. Criminology Dissertation Topic Ideas. Analyzing how marginalization and discrimination on the basis of religion contribute to crime. An examination of cybercrime laws and their role in preserving law and order. A critical examination of the United States government's response to terrorism threats.
Essex Criminology theses can be found in the following locations: Sociology Study Centre - print copies of dissertations submitted up to 2018 are available in the Sociology Study Centre (5A.307). These are all undergraduate (2.1 and 1st) and Master's dissertations. Submissions from 2018 onwards are available to access digitally, with a request ...
Tagged: Criminology Health. Share this: Facebook. Twitter. Reddit. LinkedIn. WhatsApp Drugs: their use, misuse and connections with crime. In this dissertation I would like to argue that the study of crime and drug use is complex. ... we will look at this in more depth later in the dissertation. The drugs industry is large and profitable, which ...
In the show's second episode, host Vanda Felbab-Brown talks with Dr. Peter Reuter and Dr. Greg Midgette, criminology professors at the University of Maryland, about the current state of the U.S ...