quaid e azam vision of education

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Quaid-i-Azam’s concept of education

As hardworking student himself, quaid focused on his studies during his early years in karachi.

Like the great leaders of the world, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah was an ardent supporter of education. He envisioned a nation equipped with the best education available, both within the country and abroad. His concept of education was pragmatic, progressive, and utilitarian, aiming to build Pakistan on solid economic foundations.

As a hardworking student himself, the Quaid focused on his studies during his early years in Karachi and later in England, where he earned the degree of Bar-at-Law. Avoiding wasteful activities, he dedicated his energies to acquiring knowledge. His stay in England broadened his imagination, instilling in him the spirit to shape the destinies of his people.

As early as 1911, while supporting Gokhale’s Elementary Education Bill on March 16, 1911, in the Council of the Governor General, he stated, “Now, so far as the principle of the bill is concerned, ... it wants gradually to introduce compulsion into the elementary educational system of our country... so far as that object is concerned, the Hon’ble Mr. Gokhale has entire support from me.... It is high time now to make a beginning in the direction of elementary education being made compulsory and free.”

Referring to the lack of resources at the disposal of the Government of India to provide free education, as agreed by the members of the Education Department, he emphasised, “I say find the money; if necessary, tax the people. But I shall be told that the people are already taxed. I shall be told that we shall be facing unpopularity, and I shall be asked why should we do all this? ... My answer is that ‘it is the duty of every civilized government to educate the masses, and if you have to face unpopularity, face it boldly in the name of duty.’ I say without hesitation that you will have the whole educated public with you in the struggles.”

The attitude towards the advancement of education in the masses characterised his early life, strengthening and intensifying with the passage of time. Addressing the Leagues Session in 1924, the Quaid observed, ‘We must not lose any opportunity to promote and advance mass education, making elementary education universal to dispel ignorance and darkness, bringing light to millions of our countrymen who cannot claim even three R’s. We must take steps, if necessary, to see that elementary education is made compulsory.’

The Quaid realised the importance of technical and scientific education for students to enable them to shoulder the heavy responsibilities of the modern age. Addressing the Annual Convocation of Islamia College, Lahore on March 24, 1946, he said, ‘Thousands of young men return from colleges and universities, counting on nothing but government service, clerkship, and other routine jobs. I ask you to seek fresh avenues... “Commerce and industry,” said Mr Jinnah, “are the very foundations of a nation.... Besides, scientific and technical knowledge are very essential in this age.... You should now train yourselves in this direction.”

The Quaid was confident of the capacity of the youth to achieve wonders if provided with proper opportunities. He regarded Aligarh Muslim University as ‘the arsenal of Muslim India,’ supplying an army of students to advance the cause of Pakistan. During his regular visits to the Aligarh Muslim University, he addressed important meetings organised by students and staff members. In these speeches, he articulated his thoughts on various crucial issues.

As an advocate of female education, he chose the platform of the Muslim University to express his views in support of women’s participation in national development. Speaking at the meeting of the Muslim University Muslim League on March 10, 1944, he noted, “It is a crime against humanity that our women are shut up within the four walls of houses as prisoners. I do not mean that we should imitate the evils of Western life. But let us try to raise the status of our women according to our own Islamic ideas and standards.... You should take your women along with you as comrades in every sphere of life, avoiding the corrupt practices of Western society. You cannot expect a woman who is herself ignorant to bring up your children properly. The woman has the power to bring up children on the right lines. Let us not throw away this asset.”

He further elaborated his ideas about the prevailing education system, specifying that the British government aimed to produce clerks to rule India with the help of the Indian-educated class. Lord Macaulay designed this system to produce ‘your most obedient servants.’ The cardinal principle of this system, quoting Lord Macaulay, was ‘we want Indians in color but Englishmen in taste and aptitude.’ This objective was particularly emphasised after the replacement of Persian by English as the Court Language in 1835.

The consensus of opinion has been that, since the existing system was designed by alien rulers to serve their imperialistic ends, it could hardly be expected to cater to the requirements of the newly established country-Pakistan. The Quaid was conscious of the onerous task of remodeling the colonial system of education so that a new structure responsive to the religious, socio-cultural, and economic needs of Pakistan could emerge. Responding to a suggestion that the education of Muslims in all states required complete overhauling, the Quaid replied, “Education will be one of the problems that the Pakistan government will be called upon to deal with when it is established, to be followed by economic and social reforms.”

“Education is the foundation of every nation,” said Mr Jinnah on January 12, 1947, adding that “It was a matter of regret that Sindh was the most backward province in the whole country in education. He was glad that there was some awakening now and urged for an earnest drive towards literacy throughout the province, extending to all communities.”

“The Muslim of today is very lazy,” said the Quaid. He further remarked, “It is through hard work, industry, and perseverance alone that anything could be achieved.”

At the time of partition, the entire education domain was unsatisfactory. Curricula and textbooks were outdated, and higher education was in a deplorable condition. There were only three universities, including the University of Sindh, which was established a few months before the creation of Pakistan in April 1947, and a few colleges in the areas that constituted Pakistan. Technical and science subjects were rarely studied at a higher level, and facilities for scientific, technical, and vocational education were very limited.

The British had no consideration for primary education, placing the main emphasis on higher education, while primary and secondary education were subordinated to the requirements of university education. After the establishment of Pakistan, efforts were made to encourage the development of primary education. New primary schools were opened, qualified teachers were appointed, and modern equipment was provided.

After the creation of Pakistan, the Quaid devoted his entire energies to harnessing the newborn state. He was greatly concerned about the education system left behind by the colonial government and intended to replace it with a task-oriented Islamic education that could arouse the spirit among the people to build a strong society capable of advancing and supporting its citizens’ genuine needs. To create such a society, it was necessary to teach and train the young generation on solid footing. He defined the concept of education in his message to the All Pakistan Education Conference on 27 November 1947 as follows:

“Education does not merely mean academic education, and even that appears to be of a very poor type. What we have to do is mobilise our people and build up the character of our future generations. There is an immediate and urgent need for training our people in scientific and technical education to build up our future economic life. We should ensure that our people undertake scientific commerce, trade, and particularly well-planned industries. But do not forget that we have to compete with the world, which is moving very fast in this direction. Also, I must emphasise that greater attention should be paid to technical and vocational education.”

The Quaid declared that the newborn State of Pakistan demands nation builders, not clerks to administer Pakistan.

In his Convocation Address to Dacca University on March 24, 1948, he maintained, “The main object of the old system of education and the system of government existing hitherto was really to have well-trained, well-equipped clerks. Of course, some of them went higher and found their level, but the whole idea was to get well-qualified clerks... The whole principle was to create a mentality, a psychology, a state of mind that an average man, when he passed his B.A or M.A, was to look for some job in the government. I know, and you all know, what has been really the result of this. Our experience has shown that an M.A. earns less than a taxi driver, and most of the so-called government servants are living in a more miserable manner than many menial servants who are employed by well-to-do people. Now I want you to get out of that rut and that mentality, especially now that we are in free Pakistan. The government cannot absorb thousands. Impossible... There is no shame... But in the competition to get government service, most of you get demoralised. The government can take only a certain number, and the rest cannot settle down to anything else, being disgruntled and always ready to be exploited by persons who have their own axes to grind... There is no shame in doing manual work and labor. There is immense scope in technical education, for we want technically qualified people very badly. You can learn banking, commerce, trade, law, etc., which provide so many opportunities now. Already, you find that new industries are being started, new banks, new insurance companies, new commercial firms are opening, and they will grow as you go on.”

We have to build up the character of our younger generations, which means the highest sense of honor, integrity, selfless service to the nation, and a sense of responsibility. We have to ensure that they are fully qualified and equipped to play their part in the various branches of economic life in a manner that will do honour to Pakistan.

-This is an unpublished

piece which the author wrote before his death. The author was HEC eminent scholar and former director, Quaid-i-Azam Academy, Karachi.

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Early years

Entry into politics, political unity, creator of pakistan.

What did Mohammed Ali Jinnah study?

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Mohammed Ali Jinnah

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• Table Of Contents

What is Mohammed Ali Jinnah known for?

Mohammed Ali Jinnah was the founder and first governor-general (1947–48) of Pakistan. He is revered as the father of Pakistan. He also sought the political union of Hindus and Muslims, which earned him the title of “the best ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity.”

Where was Mohammed Ali Jinnah born?

Mohammed Ali Jinnah was born in Karachi in what is today Pakistan in 1876 or 1875.

When did Mohammed Ali Jinnah die?

Mohammed Ali Jinnah died on September 11, 1948, in Karachi, Pakistan.

Mohammed Ali Jinnah was sent to England by his father to acquire business experience, but he was interested in becoming a barrister. In London, he joined Lincoln’s Inn, one of the legal societies that prepared students for the bar. In 1895, at the age of 19, he was called to the bar.

When did Mohammed Ali Jinnah join the Muslim League?

Mohammed Ali Jinnah joined the Muslim League in 1913. He did so only when he was assured that the league was as devoted as the Congress Party to the political emancipation of India.

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Mohammed Ali Jinnah (born December 25, 1876?, Karachi, India [now in Pakistan]—died September 11, 1948, Karachi) was an Indian Muslim politician, who was the founder and first governor-general (1947–48) of Pakistan .

Jinnah was the eldest of seven children of Jinnahbhai Poonja, a prosperous merchant , and his wife, Mithibai. His family was a member of the Khoja caste, Hindus who had converted to Islam centuries earlier and who were followers of the Aga Khan . There is some question about Jinnah’s date of birth: although he maintained that it was December 25, 1876, school records from Karachi (Pakistan) give a date of October 20, 1875.

After being taught at home, Jinnah was sent in 1887 to the Sind Madrasat al-Islam (now Sindh Madressatul Islam University) in Karachi. Later he attended the Christian Missionary Society High School (also in Karachi), where at the age of 16 he passed the matriculation examination of the University of Bombay (now University of Mumbai , in Mumbai , India ). On the advice of an English friend, his father decided to send him to England to acquire business experience. Jinnah, however, had made up his mind to become a barrister . In keeping with the custom of the time, his parents arranged for an early marriage for him before he left for England .

In London he joined Lincoln’s Inn, one of the legal societies that prepared students for the bar. In 1895, at the age of 19, he was called to the bar. While in London Jinnah suffered two severe bereavements—the deaths of his wife and his mother. Nevertheless, he completed his formal studies and also made a study of the British political system , frequently visiting the House of Commons . He was greatly influenced by the liberalism of William E. Gladstone , who had become prime minister for the fourth time in 1892, the year of Jinnah’s arrival in London. Jinnah also took a keen interest in the affairs of India and in Indian students. When the Parsi leader Dadabhai Naoroji , a leading Indian nationalist, ran for the British Parliament , Jinnah and other Indian students worked day and night for him. Their efforts were crowned with success: Naoroji became the first Indian to sit in the House of Commons.

When Jinnah returned to Karachi in 1896, he found that his father’s business had suffered losses and that he now had to depend on himself. He decided to start his legal practice in Bombay (now Mumbai), but it took him years of work to establish himself as a lawyer.

It was nearly 10 years later that he turned actively toward politics. A man without hobbies, he divided his interest between law and politics. Nor was he a religious zealot: he was a Muslim in a broad sense and had little to do with sects. His interest in women was also limited, to Rattenbai (Rutti)—the daughter of Sir Dinshaw Petit, a Bombay Parsi millionaire—whom he married in 1918 over tremendous opposition from her parents and others. The couple had one daughter, Dina, but the marriage proved an unhappy one, and Jinnah and Rutti soon separated. It was his sister Fatima who gave him solace and company.

Jinnah first entered politics by participating in the 1906 session of the Indian National Congress (Congress Party) held at Calcutta (now Kolkata ), in which the party began to split between those calling for dominion status and those advocating independence for India. Four years later he was elected to the Imperial Legislative Council—the beginning of a long and distinguished parliamentary career. In Bombay he came to know, among other important Congress Party personalities, Gopal Krishna Gokhale , the eminent Maratha leader. Greatly influenced by those nationalist politicians, Jinnah aspired during the early part of his political life to become “a Muslim Gokhale.” Admiration for British political institutions and an eagerness to raise the status of India in the international community and to develop a sense of Indian nationhood among the peoples of India were the chief elements of his politics. At that time, he still looked upon Muslim interests in the context of Indian nationalism .

But, by the beginning of the 20th century, the conviction had been growing among the Muslims that their interests demanded the preservation of their separate identity rather than amalgamation in the Indian nation that would for all practical purposes be Hindu. Largely to safeguard Muslim interests, the All-India Muslim League was founded in 1906. But Jinnah remained aloof from it. Only in 1913, when authoritatively assured that the league was as devoted as the Congress Party to the political emancipation of India, did Jinnah join the league. When the Indian Home Rule League was formed, he became its chief organizer in Bombay and was elected president of the Bombay branch.

Jinnah’s endeavours to bring about the political union of Hindus and Muslims earned him the title of “the best ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity,” an epithet coined by Gokhale. It was largely through his efforts that the Congress Party and the Muslim League began to hold their annual sessions jointly, to facilitate mutual consultation and participation. In 1915 the two organizations held their meetings in Bombay and in 1916 in Lucknow , where the Lucknow Pact was concluded. Under the terms of the pact, the two organizations put their seal to a scheme of constitutional reform that became their joint demand vis-à-vis the British government. There was a good deal of give and take, but the Muslims obtained one important concession in the shape of separate electorates, already conceded to them by the government in 1909 but hitherto resisted by Congress.

Meanwhile, a new force in Indian politics had appeared in the person of Mohandas (Mahatma) Gandhi . Both the Home Rule League and the Congress Party had come under his sway. Opposed to Gandhi’s noncooperation movement and his essentially Hindu approach to politics, Jinnah left both the league and the Congress Party in 1920. For a few years he kept himself aloof from the main political movements. He continued to be a firm believer in Hindu-Muslim unity and constitutional methods for the achievement of political ends. After his withdrawal from Congress, he used the Muslim League platform for the propagation of his views. But during the 1920s the Muslim League, and with it Jinnah, had been overshadowed by Congress and the religiously oriented Muslim Khilafat movement .

When the failure of the noncooperation movement and the emergence of Hindu revivalist movements led to antagonism and riots between Hindus and Muslims, the Muslim League began to lose strength and cohesion, and provincial Muslim leaders formed their own parties to serve their needs. Thus, Jinnah’s problem during the following years was to convert the Muslim League into an enlightened , unified political body prepared to cooperate with other organizations working for the good of India. In addition, he had to convince the Congress Party, as a prerequisite for political progress, of the necessity of settling the Hindu-Muslim conflict.

To bring about such a rapprochement was Jinnah’s chief purpose during the late 1920s and early 1930s. He worked toward this end within the legislative assembly, at the Round Table Conference in London (1930–32), and through his “14 points,” which included proposals for a federal form of government, greater rights for minorities, one-third representation for Muslims in the central legislature, separation of the predominantly Muslim Sindh region from the rest of the Bombay province, and introduction of reforms in the North-West Frontier Province . His failure to bring about even minor amendments in the Nehru Committee proposals (1928) over the question of separate electorates and reservation of seats for Muslims in the legislatures frustrated him. He found himself in a peculiar position at that time: many Muslims thought that he was too nationalistic in his policy and that Muslim interests were not safe in his hands, while the Congress Party would not even meet the moderate Muslim demands halfway. Indeed, the Muslim League was a house divided against itself. The Punjab Muslim League repudiated Jinnah’s leadership and organized itself separately. In disgust, Jinnah decided to settle in England. From 1930 to 1935 he remained in London, devoting himself to practice before the Privy Council . But when constitutional changes were in the offing, he was persuaded to return home to head a reconstituted Muslim League.

Soon preparations started for the elections under the Government of India Act of 1935. Jinnah was still thinking in terms of cooperation between the Muslim League and the Hindu-controlled Congress Party and with coalition governments in the provinces. But the elections of 1937 proved to be a turning point in the relations between the two organizations. Congress obtained an absolute majority in six provinces, and the league did not do particularly well. The Congress Party decided not to include the league in the formation of provincial governments, and exclusive all-Congress governments were the result. Relations between Hindus and Muslims started to deteriorate, and soon Muslim discontent became boundless.

Jinnah had originally been dubious about the practicability of Pakistan, an idea that the poet and philosopher Sir Muhammad Iqbal had propounded to the Muslim League conference of 1930, but before long he became convinced that a Muslim homeland on the Indian subcontinent was the only way of safeguarding Muslim interests and the Muslim way of life. It was not religious persecution that he feared so much as the future exclusion of Muslims from all prospects of advancement within India, as soon as power became vested in the close-knit structure of Hindu social organization. To guard against that danger, he carried out a nationwide campaign to warn his coreligionists of the perils of their position, and he converted the Muslim League into a powerful instrument for unifying the Muslims into a nation.

At that point, Jinnah emerged as the leader of a renascent Muslim nation. Events began to move fast. On March 22–23, 1940, in Lahore , the league adopted a resolution to form a separate Muslim state, Pakistan . The Pakistan idea was at first ridiculed and then tenaciously opposed by the Congress Party. But it captured the imagination of the Muslims. Pitted against Jinnah were many influential Hindus, including Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru . And the British government seemed to be intent on maintaining the political unity of the Indian subcontinent. But Jinnah led his movement with such skill and tenacity that ultimately both the Congress Party and the British government had no option but to agree to the partitioning of India. Pakistan thus emerged as an independent state in 1947.

Jinnah became the first head of the new state. Faced with the serious problems of a young country , he tackled Pakistan’s problems with authority. He was not regarded as merely the governor-general. He was revered as the father of the nation. He worked hard until overpowered by age and disease in Karachi, the place of his birth, in 1948.

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Quaid-e-Azam’s Vision for Pakistan: An Islamic or Liberal State?

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The founder of Pakistan, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, is a revered figure in the country’s history, known for his tireless efforts to secure a separate homeland for Muslims in the Indian subcontinent. However, a contentious debate persists regarding whether Quaid-e-Azam envisioned Pakistan as an Islamic state or a liberal one. This article will explore the nuances of Jinnah’s vision and the complexities of the Islamic versus liberal state debate.

One perspective suggests that Quaid-e-Azam aimed to establish Pakistan as an Islamic state, rooted in the principles of Islamic law or Sharia. Jinnah’s speeches and statements often emphasized the importance of Islamic values in the new nation. He spoke of justice, equality, and the welfare of the people, all of which are consistent with Islamic principles.

Jinnah’s efforts to secure the rights of Muslims in a majority-Hindu India also highlight his commitment to the protection of religious minorities, a fundamental Islamic principle. Additionally, the Objectives Resolution of 1949, which was passed after Jinnah’s death, laid the foundation for Pakistan as an Islamic state, committing to the promotion of Islamic values.

On the other hand, there are arguments suggesting that Quaid-e-Azam envisioned Pakistan as a liberal state, characterized by principles of democracy, rule of law, and individual freedoms. Jinnah’s famous speech on August 11, 1947, to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, emphasized the importance of religious freedom and the separation of religion from the state’s affairs. He said, “You may belong to any religion or caste or creed – that has nothing to do with the business of the state.”

Furthermore, Pakistan’s initial constitution in 1956 did not declare it an Islamic state. It was only later, during General Zia-ul-Haq’s regime in the late 1970s, that amendments were made to the constitution, explicitly labeling Pakistan as an Islamic Republic.

It is crucial to understand that Quaid-e-Azam’s vision for Pakistan was multifaceted and evolved over time. His primary objective was to secure a separate homeland for Muslims where they could freely practice their religion and live as equal citizens. While Islamic values were important to him, Jinnah also recognized the diversity within Pakistan and the need to protect the rights of all citizens, regardless of their religious beliefs.

The question of whether Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah aimed to establish Pakistan as an Islamic or liberal state is complex and has sparked ongoing debates. His vision was shaped by the historical context and the challenges he faced during the partition of India. Ultimately, Jinnah’s primary goal was to create a nation where Muslims could exercise their rights and live in harmony, and whether Pakistan is an Islamic state or a liberal one continues to be a matter of interpretation and debate.

The writer can be reached at: [email protected]

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QUAID-E-AZAM MUHAMMAD ALI JINNAH

Father of the Nation Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah's achievement as the founder  of Pakistan, dominates everything else he did in his long and crowded public life spanning some 42 years. Yet, by any  standard, his was an eventful life, his personality multidimensional and his achievements in other fields were many, if not  equally great. Indeed, several were the roles he had played with distinction: at one time or another, he was one of the  greatest legal luminaries India had produced during the first half of the century, an `ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity, a  great constitutionalist, a distinguished parliamentarian, a top-notch politician, an indefatigable freedom-fighter, a dynamic  Muslim leader, a political strategist and, above all one of the great nation-builders of modern times. What, however,  makes him so remarkable is the fact that while similar other leaders assumed the leadership of traditionally well-defined  nations and espoused their cause, or led them to freedom, he created a nation out of an inchoate and down-trodden  minority and established a cultural and national home for it. And all that within a decade. For over three decades before  the successful culmination in 1947, of the Muslim struggle for freedom in the South-Asian subcontinent, Jinnah had  provided political leadership to the Indian Muslims: initially as one of the leaders, but later, since 1947, as the only  prominent leader- the Quaid-i-Azam . For over thirty years, he had guided their affairs; he had given expression,  coherence and direction to their legitimate aspirations and cherished dreams; he had formulated these into concrete  demands; and, above all, he had striven all the while to get them conceded by both the ruling British and the numerous  Hindus the dominant segment of India's population. And for over thirty years he had fought, relentlessly and inexorably,  for the inherent rights of the Muslims for an honorable existence in the subcontinent. Indeed, his life story constitutes, as it  were, the story of the rebirth of the Muslims of the subcontinent and their spectacular rise to nationhood, phoenixlike . phoenixlike .

Political Career

Three years later, in January 1910, Jinnah was elected  to the newly-constituted Imperial Legislative Council. All through his parliamentary career, which spanned some four  decades, he was probably the most powerful voice in the cause of Indian freedom and Indian rights. Jinnah, who was also  the first Indian to pilot a private member's Bill through the Council, soon became a leader of a group inside the legislature.  Mr. Montagu (1879-1924), Secretary of State for India, at the close of the First World War, considered Jinnah "perfect  mannered, impressive-looking, armed to the teeth with dialectics..." Jinnah , he felt, "is a very clever man, and it is, of  course, an outrage that such a man should have no chance of running the affairs of his own country."

For about three decades since his entry into politics in 1906, Jinnah passionately believed in and assiduously worked for  Hindu-Muslim unity. Gokhale , the foremost Hindu leader before Gandhi, had once said of him, "He has the true stuff in  him and that freedom from all sectarian prejudice which will make him the best ambassador of Hindu-Muslim Unity: And,  to be sure, he did become the architect of Hindu-Muslim Unity: he was responsible for the Congress-League Pact of 1916,  known popularly as Luck now Pact- the only pact ever signed between the two political organizations, the Congress and  the All-India Muslim League, representing, as they did, the two major communities in the subcontinent.

The Congress-League scheme embodied in this pact was to become the basis for the Montagu-Chemlsford Reforms, also  known as the Act of 1919. In retrospect, the Luckhnow Pact represented a milestone in the evolution of Indian politics.  For one thing, it conceded Muslims the right to separate electorate, reservation of seats in the legislatures and weightage  in representation both at the Centre and the minority provinces. Thus, their retention was ensured in the next phase of  reforms. For another, it represented a tacit recognition of the All-India Muslim League as the representative organization  of the Muslims, thus strengthening the trend towards Muslim individuality in Indian politics. And to Jinnah goes the  credit for all this. Thus, by 1917, Jinnah came to be recognized among both Hindus and Muslims as one of India's most  outstanding political leaders. Not only was he prominent in the Congress and the Imperial Legislative Council, he was also  the President of the All-India Muslim League and that of the Bombay Branch of the Home Rule League. More importantly,  because of his key-role in the Congress-League entente at L uckhnow , he was hailed as the ambassador, of Hindu-Muslim  unity.

Constitutional Struggle

In subsequent years, however, he felt dismayed at the injection of violence into politics. Since Jinnah stood for "ordered progress", moderation, gradualism and constitutionalism, he felt that political violence was not the pathway to national liberation but, the dark alley to disaster and destruction.

In the ever-growing frustration among the masses caused by colonial rule, there was ample cause for extremism. But, Gandhi's doctrine of non-cooperation, Jinnah felt, even as Rabindranath Tagore(1861-1941) did also feel, was at best one of negation and despair: it might lead to the building up of resentment, but nothing constructive. Hence, he opposed tooth and nail the tactics adopted by Gandhi to exploit the Khilafat and wrongful tactics in the Punjab in the early twenties. On the eve of its adoption of the Gandhian programmed, Jinnah warned the Nagpur Congress Session (1920): "you are making a declaration (of Swaraj within a year) and committing the Indian National Congress to a programme, which you will not be able to carry out". He felt that there was no short-cut to independence and that any extra-constitutional methods could only lead to political violence, lawlessness and chaos, without bringing India nearer to the threshold of freedom.

The future course of events was not only to confirm Jinnah's worst fears, but also to prove him right. Although Jinnah left the Congress soon thereafter, he continued his efforts towards bringing about a Hindu-Muslim entente, which he rightly considered "the most vital condition of Swaraj". However, because of the deep distrust between the two communities as evidenced by the country-wide communal riots, and because the Hindus failed to meet the genuine demands of the Muslims, his efforts came to naught. One such effort was the formulation of the Delhi Muslim Proposals in March, 1927. In order to bridge Hindu-Muslim differences on the constitutional plan, these proposals even waived the Muslim right to separate electorate, the most basic Muslim demand since 1906, which though recognized by the Congress in the Luckhnow Pact, had again become a source of friction between the two communities. surprisingly though, the Nehru Report (1928), which represented the Congress-sponsored proposals for the future constitution of India, negated the minimum Muslim demands embodied in the Delhi Muslim Proposals.

In vain Jinnah argued at the National Convention of Congress in 1928 that "What we want is that Hindus and Mussalmans should march together until our objective is achieved...These two communities have got to be reconciled and united and made to feel that their interests are common". The Convention's blank refusal to accept Muslim demands represented the most devastating setback to Jinnah's life-long efforts to bring about Hindu-Muslim unity, it meant "the last straw" for the Muslims, and "the parting of the ways" for him, as he confessed to a Parsee friend at that time. Jinnah's disillusionment at the course of politics in the subcontinent prompted him to migrate and settle down in London in the early thirties. He was, however, to return to India in 1934, at the pleadings of his co-religionists, and assume their leadership. But, the Muslims presented a sad spectacle at that time. They were a mass of disgruntled and demoralized men and women, politically disorganized and destitute of a clear-cut political programme.

Muslim League Reorganized

Thus, the task that awaited Jinnah was anything but easy. The Muslim League was dormant: even its provincial organizations were, for the most part, ineffective and only nominally under the control of the central organization. Nor did the central body have any coherent policy of its own till the Bombay session (1936), which Jinnah organized. To make matters worse, the provincial scene presented a sort of a jigsaw puzzle: in the Punjab, Bengal, Sindh, the North West Frontier, Assam, Bihar and the United Provinces, various Muslim leaders had set up their own provincial parties to serve their personal ends. Extremely frustrating as the situation was, the only consolation Jinnah had at this juncture was in Allama Iqbal (1877-1938), the poet-philosopher, who stood steadfast by him and helped to chart the course of Indian politics from behind the scene.

Undismayed by this bleak situation, Jinnah devoted himself to the sole purpose of organizing the Muslims on one platform. He embarked upon country-wide tours. He pleaded with provincial Muslim leaders to sink their differences and make common cause with the League. He exhorted the Muslim masses to organize themselves and join the League. He gave coherence and direction to Muslim sentiments on the Government of India Act, 1935. He advocated that the Federal Scheme should be scrapped as it was subversive of India's cherished goal of complete responsible Government, while the provincial scheme, which conceded provincial autonomy for the first time, should be worked for what it was worth, despite its certain objectionable features. He also formulated a viable League manifesto for the election scheduled for early 1937. He was, it seemed, struggling against time to make Muslim India a power to be reckoned with.

Despite all the manifold odds stacked against it, the Muslim League won some 108 (about 23 per cent) seats out of a total of 485 Muslim seats in the various legislatures. Though not very impressive in itself, the League's partial success assumed added significance in view of the fact that the League won the largest number of Muslim seats and that it was the only all-India party of the Muslims in the country. Thus, the elections represented the first milestone on the long road to putting Muslim India on the map of the subcontinent. Congress in power with the year 1937 opened the most momentous decade in modern Indian history. In that year came into force the provincial part of the Government of India Act, 1935, granting autonomy to Indians for the first time, in the provinces.

The Congress, having become the dominant party in Indian politics, came to power in seven provinces exclusively, spurning the League's offer of cooperation, turning its back finally on the coalition idea and excluding Muslims as a political entity from the portals of power. In that year, also, the Muslim League, under Jinnah's dynamic leadership, was reorganized de novo, transformed into a mass organization, and made the spokesman of Indian Muslims as never before. Above all, in that momentous year were initiated certain trends in Indian politics, the crystallization of which in subsequent years made the partition of the subcontinent inevitable. The practical manifestation of the policy of the Congress which took office in July, 1937, in seven out of eleven provinces, convinced Muslims that, in the Congress scheme of things, they could live only on sufferance of Hindus and as "second class" citizens. The Congress provincial governments, it may be remembered, had embarked upon a policy and launched a programme in which Muslims felt that their religion, language and culture were not safe. This blatantly aggressive Congress policy was seized upon by Jinnah to awaken the Muslims to a new consciousness, organize them on all-India platform, and make them a power to be reckoned with. He also gave coherence, direction and articulation to their innermost, yet vague, urges and aspirations. Above all, he filled them with his indomitable will, his own unflinching faith in their destiny.

The New Awakening

As a result of Jinnah's ceaseless efforts, the Muslims awakened from what Professor Baker calls (their) "unreflective silence" (in which they had so complacently basked for long decades), and to "the spiritual essence of nationality" that had existed among them for a pretty long time. Roused by the impact of successive Congress hammerings, the Muslims, as Ambedkar (principal author of independent India's Constitution) says, "searched their social consciousness in a desperate attempt to find coherent and meaningful articulation to their cherished yearnings. To their great relief, they discovered that their sentiments of nationality had flamed into nationalism". In addition, not only had they developed" the will to live as a "nation", had also endowed them with a territory which they could occupy and make a State as well as a cultural home for the newly discovered nation. These two pre-requisites provided the Muslims with the intellectual justification for claiming a distinct nationalism (apart from Indian or Hindu nationalism) for themselves. So that when, after their long pause, the Muslims gave expression to their innermost yearnings, these turned out to be in favour of a separate Muslim nationhood and of a separate Muslim state.

Demand for Pakistan

"We are a nation", they claimed in the ever eloquent words of the Quaid-i-Azam- "We are a nation with our own distinctive culture and civilization, language and literature, art and architecture, names and nomenclature, sense of values and proportion, legal laws and moral code, customs and calendar, history and tradition, aptitudes and ambitions; in short, we have our own distinctive outlook on life and of life. By all canons of international law, we are a nation". The formulation of the Muslim demand for Pakistan in 1940 had a tremendous impact on the nature and course of Indian politics. On the one hand, it shattered for ever the Hindu dreams of a pseudo-Indian, in fact, Hindu empire on British exit from India: on the other, it heralded an era of Islamic renaissance and creativity in which the Indian Muslims were to be active participants. The Hindu reaction was quick, bitter, and malicious.

Equally hostile were the British to the Muslim demand, their hostility having stemmed from their belief that the unity of India was their main achievement and their foremost contribution. The irony was that both the Hindus and the British had not anticipated the astonishingly tremendous response that the Pakistan demand had elicited from the Muslim masses. Above all, they failed to realize how a hundred million people had suddenly become supremely conscious of their distinct nationhood and their high destiny. In channeling the course of Muslim politics towards Pakistan, no less than in directing it towards its consummation in the establishment of Pakistan in 1947, none played a more decisive role than did Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. It was his powerful advocacy of the case of Pakistan and his remarkable strategy in the delicate negotiations that followed the formulation of the Pakistan demand, particularly in the post-war period, that made Pakistan inevitable.

Cripps Scheme

While the British reaction to the Pakistan demand came in the form of the Cripps offer of April, 1942, which conceded the principle of self-determination to provinces on a territorial basis, the Rajaji Formula (called after the eminent Congress leader C.Rajagopalacharia, which became the basis of prolonged Jinnah-Gandhi talks in September, 1944), represented the Congress alternative to Pakistan. The Cripps offer was rejected because it did not concede the Muslim demand the whole way, while the Rajaji Formula was found unacceptable since it offered a "moth-eaten, mutilated" Pakistan and the too appended with a plethora of pre-conditions which made its emergence in any shape remote, if not altogether impossible. Cabinet Mission, the most delicate as well as the most tortuous negotiations, however, took place during 1946-47, after the elections which showed that the country was sharply and somewhat evenly divided between two parties- the Congress and the League- and that the central issue in Indian politics was Pakistan.

These negotiations began with the arrival, in March 1946, of a three-member British Cabinet Mission. The crucial task with which the Cabinet Mission was entrusted was that of devising in consultation with the various political parties, constitution-making machinery, and of setting up a popular interim government. But, because the Congress-League gulf could not be bridged, despite the Mission's (and the Viceroy's) prolonged efforts, the Mission had to make its own proposals in May, 1946. Known as the Cabinet Mission Plan, these proposals stipulated a limited centre, supreme only in foreign affairs, defense and communications and three autonomous groups of provinces. Two of these groups were to have Muslim majorities in the north-west and the north-east of the subcontinent, while the third one, comprising the Indian mainland, was to have a Hindu majority. A consummate statesman that he was, Jinnah saw his chance. He interpreted the clauses relating to a limited centre and the grouping as "the foundation of Pakistan", and induced the Muslim League Council to accept the Plan in June 1946; and this he did much against the calculations of the Congress and to its utter dismay.

Tragically though, the League's acceptance was put down to its supposed weakness and the Congress put up a posture of defiance, designed to swamp the League into submitting to its dictates and its interpretations of the plan. Faced thus, what alternative had Jinnah and the League but to rescind their earlier acceptance, reiterate and reaffirm their original stance, and decide to launch direct action (if need be) to wrest Pakistan. The way Jinnah maneuvered to turn the tide of events at a time when all seemed lost indicated, above all, his masterly grasp of the situation and his adeptness at making strategic and tactical moves.

Partition Plan

Partition Plan By the close of 1946, the communal riots had flared up to murderous heights, engulfing almost the entire subcontinent. The two peoples, it seemed, were engaged in a fight to the finish. The time for a peaceful transfer of power was fast running out. Realizing the gravity of the situation. His Majesty's Government sent down to India a new Viceroy- Lord Mountbatten. His protracted negotiations with the various political leaders resulted in 3 June (1947) Plan by which the British decided to partition the subcontinent, and hand over power to two successor States on 15 August, 1947. The plan was duly accepted by the three Indian parties to the dispute- the Congress the League and the Akali Dal (representing the Sikhs).

Leader of a Free Nation

In recognition of his singular contribution, Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was nominated by the Muslim League as the Governor-General of Pakistan, while the Congress appointed Mountbatten as India's first Governor-General. Pakistan, it has been truly said, was born in virtual chaos. Indeed, few nations in the world have started on their career with less resources and in more treacherous circumstances. The new nation did not inherit a central government, a capital, an administrative core, or an organized defence force. The Punjab holocaust had left vast areas in a shambles with communications disrupted. This, alongwith the en masse migration of the Hindu and Sikh business and managerial classes, left the economy almost shattered.

The treasury was empty, India having denied Pakistan the major share of its cash balances. On top of all this, the still unorganized nation was called upon to feed some eight million refugees who had fled the insecurities and barbarities of the north Indian plains that long, hot summer. If all this was symptomatic of Pakistan's administrative and economic weakness, the Indian annexation, through military action in November 1947, of Junagadh (which had originally acceded to Pakistan) and the Kashmir war over the State's accession (October 1947-December 1948) exposed her military weakness. In the circumstances, therefore, it was nothing short of a miracle that Pakistan survived at all. That it survived and forged ahead was mainly due to one man-Muhammad Ali Jinnah. The nation desperately needed a charismatic leader at that critical juncture in the nation's history, and he fulfilled that need profoundly. After all, he was more than a mere Governor-General: he was the Quaid-i-Azam who had brought the State into being.

In the ultimate analysis, his very presence at the helm of affairs was responsible for enabling the newly born nation to overcome the terrible crisis on the morrow of its cataclysmic birth. He mustered up the immense prestige and the unquestioning loyalty he commanded among the people to energize them, to raise their morale, to raise the profound feelings of patriotism that the freedom had generated, along constructive channels. Though tired and in poor health, Jinnah yet carried the heaviest part of the burden in that first crucial year. He laid down the policies of the new state, called attention to the immediate problems confronting the nation and told the members of the Constituent Assembly, the civil servants and the Armed Forces what to do and what the nation expected of them. He saw to it that law and order was maintained at all costs, despite the provocation that the large-scale riots in north India had provided. He moved from Karachi to Lahore for a while and supervised the immediate refugee problem in the Punjab. In a time of fierce excitement, he remained sober, cool and steady. He advised his excited audience in Lahore to concentrate on helping the refugees, to avoid retaliation, exercise restraint and protect the minorities. He assured the minorities of a fair deal, assuaged their inured sentiments, and gave them hope and comfort. He toured the various provinces, attended to their particular problems and instilled in the people a sense of belonging. He reversed the British policy in the North-West Frontier and ordered the withdrawal of the troops from the tribal territory of Waziristan, thereby making the Pathans feel themselves an integral part of Pakistan's body-politics. He created a new Ministry of States and Frontier Regions, and assumed responsibility for ushering in a new era in Balochistan. He settled the controversial question of the states of Karachi, secured the accession of States, especially of Kalat which seemed problematical and carried on negotiations with Lord Mountbatten for the settlement of the Kashmir Issue.

The Quaid's last Message

It was, therefore, with a sense of supreme satisfaction at the fulfillment of his mission that Jinnah told the nation in his last message on 14 August, 1948: "The foundations of your State have been laid and it is now for you to build and build as quickly and as well as you can". In accomplishing the task he had taken upon himself on the morrow of Pakistan's birth, Jinnah had worked himself to death, but he had, to quote Richard Symons, "contributed more than any other man to Pakistan's survival". He died on 11 September, 1948.

A man such as Jinnah, who had fought for the inherent rights of his people all through his life and who had taken up the somewhat unconventional and the largely misinterpreted cause of Pakistan, was bound to generate violent opposition and excite implacable hostility and was likely to be largely misunderstood. But what is most remarkable about Jinnah is that he was the recipient of some of the greatest tributes paid to any one in modern times, some of them even from those who held a diametrically opposed viewpoint.

The Aga Khan considered him "the greatest man he ever met", Beverley Nichols, the author of `Verdict on India', called him "the most important man in Asia", and Dr. Kailashnath Katju, the West Bengal Governor in 1948, thought of him as "an outstanding figure of this century not only in India, but in the whole world". While Abdul Rahman Azzam Pasha, Secretary General of the Arab League, called him "one of the greatest leaders in the Muslim world", the Grand Mufti of Palestine considered his death as a "great loss" to the entire world of Islam. It was, however, given to Surat Chandra Bose, leader of the Forward Bloc wing of the Indian National Congress, to sum up succinctly his personal and political achievements. "Mr Jinnah" he said on his death in 1948, "was great as a lawyer, once great as a Congressman, great as a leader of Muslims, great as a world politician and diplomat, and greatest of all as a man of action. By Mr. Jinnah's passing away, the world has lost one of the greatest statesmen and Pakistan its life-giver, philosopher and guide". Such was Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the man and his mission, such the range of his accomplishments and achievements.

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Creation of Pakistan is, doubtless, a miracle. Despite the lapse of over 70 years, India still has to reconcile with Pakistan as a reality. When Jinnah left India on August 7, 1947, Vallabhai Patel said, ‘The poison had been removed from the body of India’. But the Quaid said, ‘The past has been buried and let us start afresh as two independent sovereign States’. The 1916 Lucknow Pact was acknowledged as a pillar of Hindu-Muslim friendship. However, Motilal Nehru, at the behest of the fanatic Hindus, shattered the spirit of peaceful coexistence by formulating his Nehru Report (1928). His son Jawaharlal, outwardly liberal, regarded the creation of Pakistan as a blunder. His rancour against Pakistan reached a crescendo in his remark ‘I shall not have that carbuncle on my back’ (D. H. Bhutani, The Future of Pakistan , page 14).. Jaswant Singh, in his book, Jinnah: India, Partition, and Independence reveal that Jinnah shelved the idea of independent Pakistan by putting his signature to the Cabinet Mission’s recommendations. This Mission envisaged keeping India undivided for ten years. The constituent assemblies were to consider the question of division after 10 years. When Congress refused to accept the recommendations of the Cabinet Mission, the British government decided to divide India.

Quaid’s dream of a peaceful Sub-Continent and Indo-Pak joint defence

Akbar Ahmed, in his paper Why Jinnah matters(`Maleeha Lodhi (ed.), Pakistan Beyond the Crisis State , Chapter 2, pages 21-34) says, ‘Just before his own death, Jinnah proposed a joint defence pact with India as the Cold War started to shape the world and the two power blocs began to form. Jinnah was still thinking as a South Asian nationalist. Since he had won the rights and security of his community through the creation of Pakistan, he thought the problem of national defence was over….Had Jinnah’s vision prevailed_ and found an echo in India it would have seen a very different South Asia. There would have been two stable nations India and Pakistan, both supplementing and supporting each other. Indeed Jinnah’s idea of a joint defence system against the outside world would have ensured that there would have been no crippling defence expenditures. There would have been no reason to join one or other camp of the Cold War. There would have been open borders, free trade and regular visiting between the two countries’.

The Quaid keenly desired that the subcontinent and all of South Asia should remain aloof from the rivalry. Therefore, he proposed a joint defence pact with India. Had India accepted his idea, the two countries would not have been at daggers drawn after independence.

Before his final flight (Aug 7, 1947) from Delhi to Pakistan, he sent a message to the Indian government, “the past must be buried and let us start as two independent sovereign states of Hindustan and Pakistan, I wish Hindustan prosperity and peace.” Vallabhbhai Patel replied from Delhi “the poison has been removed from the body of India. As for the Muslims, they have their roots, their sacred places and their centres here. I do not know what they can possibly do in Pakistan. It will not be long before they return to us.”

Nehru’s followers continued their anti-Pakistan tirade in the post-Partition period. Fanatic Hindus in Indian National Congress thought that Pakistan would, at best, be a still-born baby. But, Pakistan was able to survive all hurdles. It proved its viability despite severe politico-economic jolts. A few words about the Quaid’s vision are in order.

The Quaid’s vision

A democracy, not a theocracy

Doubtless, the Quaid visualised Pakistan to be a democracy, not a theocracy. In a broadcast addressed to the people of the USA (February 1948), he said, ‘In any case Pakistan is not going to be a theocratic State to be ruled by priests [mullahs] with a divine mission. We have many non-Muslims, Hindus, Christians, and Parsees– but they are all Pakistanis. They will enjoy the same rights and privileges as any other citizen and will play their rightful part in the affairs of Pakistan’

Plain Mr. Jinnah, not Maulana Jinnah

When an over-ebullient admirer addressed him as `Maulana Jinnah’, he snubbed him. Jinnah retorted, ‘I am not a Maulana, just plain Mr. Jinnah’. About minorities, the Quaid often reminded Muslim zealots ‘Our own history and our and our Prophet (PBUH) have given the clearest proof that non-Muslims have been treated not only justly and fairly but generously.

Protector General of minorities

He added, ‘I am going to constitute myself the Protector-general of the Hindu minority in Pakistan’. Till his last breath, the Quaid remained an ardent supporter of rights of minorities as equal citizens of Pakistan. Our official dignitaries shun rituals and customs of minorities. But, the Quaid participated in Christmas celebrations in December 1947 as a guest of the Christian community. He declared: ‘I am going to constitute myself the Protector General of Hindu minority in Pakistan’.

One member of his post-Partition cabinet was a Hindu. A Jewish scholar, Mohammad Asad, who embraced Islam, held important positions in the post-Partition period in Pakistan.

The following extracts from the Quaid’s speeches and statements as Governor General of Pakistan epitomise his vision: “You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques, or to any other place of worship in this state of Pakistan…you may belong to any religion, caste or creed that has nothing to do with the business of the State…We are starting in the days when there is no discrimination, no distinction between one community and another, no discrimination between one caste or creed or another. We are starting with this fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of the one State”.

The Quaid visualised that `in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State”. A. K. Brohi, in his The Fundamental Law of Pakistan , argues that Pakistan is an Islamic state, but not a theocracy. Jinnah’s address to the Constituent Assembly on August 11, 1947, also, epitomises his vision.

He hoped India and Pakistan would live in peace after Partition. In his Will and Testament

He bequeathed a part of his fortune to educational institutions in Aligarh, Bombay and Delhi. He never changed his will as he hoped to visit India again.

Lord Ismay, Chief of Staff to the Viceroy, recorded an interview with the Quaid. Excerpt: ‘Mr. Jinnah said with the greatest earnestness that once Partition has been decided upon, everyone would know exactly all troubles would cease, and they would live happily ever after where they were’.

Concluding remarks

Stanley Wolpert paid tributes to the Quaid in following words, “Few individual significantly alter the course of history. Few still modify the map of the world. Hardly anyone could be credited with creating a nation State. Muhammad All Jinnah did all three”. Pakistan overcame insurmountable problems of influx of 1947 refugees, skimpy finances and myriad other problems to emerge as a viable entity. We welcomed refugees, while India is all set to drive out 4.7 million refugees from its eastern state of Assam.

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Passage to Siberia: Exploring historic Tyumen

Tyumen. View up the Tura River. From left: Church of the Elevation of the Cross, School of Commerce, Trinity Monastery with Church of Sts. Peter and Paul and Trinity Cathedral. September 4, 1999

At the beginning of the 20th century, Russian chemist and photographer Sergey Prokudin-Gorsky developed a complex process for vivid color photography. His vision of photography as a form of education and enlightenment was demonstrated with special clarity through his images of architectural monuments in the historic sites throughout the Russian heartland.

Tyumen. View up the Tura River. From left: Annunciation Cathedral (demolished); Church of Elevation of the Cross; Church of the Ascension & St. George; Trinity Monastery. Summer 1912

In June 1912, Prokudin-Gorsky ventured into western Siberia as part of a commission to document the Kama-Tobolsk Waterway, a link between the European and Asian sides of the Ural Mountains. The town of Tyumen served as his launching point for the journey north to Tobolsk, on the Irtysh River.

Cathedral of Icon of Virgin of the Sign, south view. August 29, 1999

During his journey, Prokudin-Gorsky took several extraordinarily valuable photographs of both Tyumen and Tobolsk . My photographs of Tyumen and Tobolsk were taken in the late Summer of 1999.

Humble beginnings

Cathedral of Icon of Virgin of the Sign, southwest view. August 29, 1999

Considered the earliest permanent Russian settlement in Siberia, Tyumen was founded in 1586 on the site of a Tatar encampment at the confluence of the Tura and Tiumenka Rivers. The initiative for its creation came from Boris Godunov, the power behind the throne of Tsar Fedor (son of Ivan the Terrible) and, eventually, to become tsar himself in 1598. 

Cathedral of Icon of Virgin of the Sign, south facade. August 29, 1999

Godunov was closely allied with the Stroganovs, who from their commercial center at the northern town of Solvychegodsk had sent a detachment of Cossacks commanded by a certain Yermak deep into Siberia to challenge the power of the ruler of Siberian Tatars, Khan Kuchum. Although the precise dates are open to question, it appears that, in the Fall of 1581, Yermak captured Chingi-Tura (later Tyumen), but abandoned his conquest, in order to proceed straight to Kashlyk, capital of Khan Kuchum, whom Yermak defeated in 1582 during a battle near the Irtysh River. 

Church of the Miraculous Image of the Savior, southwest view. Originally built in 1794-1819, this is an excellent example of "Siberian Baroque" architecture. August 29, 1999

Following Yermak’s death in a surprise Tatar raid in 1584, his conquests remained temporarily unconsolidated after his death. Nonetheless, Boris Godunov was aware of the enormous significance of Siberia and launched a campaign to found settlements, as he did in other border areas of the medieval Muscovite state.

Church of the Ascension & St. George, south view. Originally built in 1770-89, defaced during the 1930s & restored after 2003 with rebuilding of bell tower. September 4, 1999

Like other early Russian Siberian towns, Tyumen originally served as a garrison fortress for Cossacks and other troops, who protected newly developing trade routes in all directions. The eastern connections with China gained particular importance during the 17th century. 

Location, Location, Location

Church of the Elevation of the Cross, southeast view. Built in 1774-91. August 29, 1999

Tyumen’s location on the Tura River also provided a direct link westward with the gateway town of Verkhoturye founded by Boris Godunov on the Asian side of the Ural Mountains in 1598. And to the east and north of Tyumen, the Tura River merges with the Tobol, which in turn joins the great Irtysh near Tobolsk. By virtue of its location, Tyumen was destined from the beginning to play a significant role in the Russian development of Siberia.

City Council Building. Originally built in 1828-33 in a simplified neoclassical style. Chiming clock was added in 1857. August 29, 1999

The opening of Siberia for Russian colonization during the late 16th and 17th centuries was an epic confrontation between the vast distances of this severe land and the enterprise of Russian merchants, whose commercial interests coincided with the tsars’ appetite for eastern expansion. Although its rivers were only tributaries of the Irtysh (itself a tributary of the great Ob River), Tyumen was well situated to utilize Siberia’s vast water network.      

Kolokolnikov house, corner of Republic Street 18 & Turgenev Street. Originally built in 1804 by the merchant Ivan Ikonnikov, this superb example of classical wooden architecture was acquired in 1888 by the merchant Ivan Kolokolnikov, who modified the original design. August 29, 1999

Like most early Russian towns in Siberia, Tyumen originally served as a fortified settlement for Cossacks and other troops, who in the 17th century protected newly developing trade routes, particularly with China. 

Nikolai Masharov mansion, Lenin Street 24. Built in the late 19th century by the founder of the Tyumen Ironworks. August 29, 1999

When the southern boundary of Moscow’s Asian territory became more settled during the 18th century, Tyumen’s importance increased for the development of transportation as well as small commercial and industrial enterprises. Its status as a transportation nexus also involved the exile system, which sent convicts and political exiles throughout Siberia.

Orthodox Church HQ

Commercial building (corner of Republic & Kirov Streets) built by the merchant Nikolai Yadryshnikov in 1897. Example of highly decorated "brick style" favored for commercial buildings in late 19th century. August 29, 1999

As a regional administrative point for western Siberia, Tyumen rapidly became a center of the Russian Orthodox Church. Its Trinity Monastery was founded in 1616 on the high right bank of the Tura River. Originally dedicated to the Transfiguration, the monastery was a modest collection of log buildings until its transformation in the early part of the 18th century by an energetic Ukrainian prelate, Bishop Fyodor Leshchinsky.          

School of Commerce (now Engineering Institute). Completed in 1914 during a Siberian building boom stimulated by development of commerce along the TransSiberian Railway. August 29, 1999

As an ally of Peter the Great, Bishop Fyodor saw architecture as a reflection of a broad cultural transformation and the Church of the Trinity that he built at the monastery in 1709-1715 is Tyumen’s earliest surviving building. Gutted during the Soviet era, the Trinity Church has been renovated (with modifications) together with its neighbor, the Church of Saints Peter and Paul, built in 1741-1755. Fortunately, Prokudin-Gorsky photographed both shrines in 1912. 

Tekutyev Crafts School, Dzerzhinsky Street 2. Completed in 1914, the building is a fine example of provincial "style moderne". August 29, 1999

These early examples of a provincial baroque style served as a model for other 18th-century churches in Tyumen, culminating with the lavish Cathedral of the Icon of the Virgin of the Sign (Znamensky), which has recently been splendidly refurbished. Built in several phases between 1768 and 1891, the cathedral displays the florid decoration typical of much of Siberian church architecture.            

Submitting Siberia

Shaichik mansion, Lenin Street 47. Built in 1914 by Yankel Shaichik, major store owner & trader in dry goods. August 29, 1999

The daunting vastness of Siberia’s reaches gradually submitted in the 19th century to new forms of transportation. The first steamboat to ply a Siberian river was constructed here in 1838. 

Burkov house, Dzerzhinsky Street 30. Built at turn of 20th century by Vasily Burkov, trader in Siberian grain on an international level (China, Japan). August 29, 1999

The greatest impulse for economic growth came with the completion of a railroad from Yekaterinburg, on the east slope of the Ural Mountains in 1885. This line ultimately became an important segment of the Trans-Siberian Railroad, transporting the wealth of Siberia’s forests, mines and new agricultural regions, as well as leather and other products of local factories. 

Kozlov house, Turgenev Street 9. Built at end of 19th century by Ivan & Maria Kozlov, local merchants. August 29, 1999

At the turn of the 20th century, over half a million settlers passed through the town toward Siberia’s open, fertile lands. Fortunately, remnants of this period have survived in the central part of the city. 

Nikolaevskoe (Nicholas) Primary School, Lenin Street 5. Wooden building constructed in 1897 as part of a public schools network. August 29, 1999

This memory of the past is especially evident in the city’s remarkable wooden houses, with elaborate framed and carved window surrounds in a style specific to Tyumen. These massive window constructions often include carved panels below the sill as an additional decorative and protective device.

Wooden houses. L:eft: Volodarsky Street. Built at end of 19th century, the house has exuberant carved decorative window frames. Right: Komsomol Street. Built around 1900 as a wing of the A. G. Andreev estate, this small structure displays remarkable examples of decorative fretwork. August, 1999

Their solid construction allowed rows of large windows in wooden houses even in this harsh climate, thus bringing maximum available light to interiors during the long Siberian winters.

The present & future  

Log apartment house, no. 57 (street unknown; house may have been demolished). Fine example of carved window frames on typical log structure. August 29, 1999

Tyumen today is the capital of an enormous province - stretching from Kazakhstan in Central Asia north to the Arctic Ocean - that is one of the world’s richest energy producing regions. Tyumen has benefited from this bounty of natural resources and is at present one of the few Siberian cities to show major population growth: from slightly over half a million in the 2002 census to some 850,000 in the latest estimate. As usual in Siberian cities, most residents live beyond the historic center in Soviet-era housing developments.           

Minshutin house, Vodoprovodnaia Street 43. Built in 1891, the house was restored in 1998 by architect A. Klimchenko with decorative window frames carved by Vadim Sheetov. September 4, 1999

A walk through the historic center of town shows vivid contrasts of modest pre-revolutionary brick and wooden buildings, rarely more than two stories in height, with ponderous Soviet buildings and sleek new commercial centers. Some of the new structures are private apartment houses, others are banks and office buildings and still others form a part of the expanding Tyumen State University. 

Minshutin house, detail of decorative carving by Vadim Sheetov. September 4, 1999

In the early 20th century, Russian photographer Sergey Prokudin-Gorsky developed a complex process for color photography. Between 1903 and 1916, he traveled through the Russian Empire and took over 2,000 photographs with the process, which involved three exposures on a glass plate. In August 1918, he left Russia and ultimately resettled in France where he was reunited with a large part of his collection of glass negatives, as well as 13 albums of contact prints. After his death in Paris in 1944, his heirs sold the collection to the Library of Congress. In the early 21st century, the Library digitized the Prokudin-Gorsky Collection and made it freely available to the global public. A few Russian websites now have versions of the collection. In 1986, architectural historian and photographer William Brumfield organized the first exhibit of Prokudin-Gorsky photographs at the Library of Congress. Over a period of work in Russia beginning in 1970, Brumfield has photographed most of the sites visited by Prokudin-Gorsky. This series of articles juxtaposes Prokudin-Gorsky’s views of architectural monuments with photographs taken by Brumfield decades later.

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