essay on dv lottery and its effect

Affecting Lives: How Winning the US Diversity Visa Lottery Impacts DV Migrants Pre- and Post-Migration

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• October 2018

The Labor Economics Case for the Diversity Visa Lottery

Patrick kennedy *.

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Introduction

Congress faces tough choices in the coming weeks and months about the design of our immigration system. Among those choices: the fate of the Diversity Visa (DV) lottery program, which grants up to 50,000 visas each year to emigrants from countries that do not traditionally send many people to the United States. President Trump has placed the DV program squarely in his crosshairs, claiming the lottery allows other countries to send “their worst people.” 1 Open this footnote Close this footnote 1 Rafael Bernal, What Is the Diversity Visa Lottery? , The Hill (Jan. 28, 2018, 7:30 AM EST), https://perma.cc/EE9D-ZB35 . … Open this footnote Close Furthermore, two of the five immigration proposals that were before Congress in recent months, but have not been acted upon lately, would eliminate the DV program entirely. 2 Open this footnote Close this footnote 2 See Lisa Desjardins, Every Immigration Proposal in One Chart , PBS NewsHour (updated Feb. 13, 2018, 6:17 PM EDT), https://perma.cc/C7RF-7UUA . … Open this footnote Close The Goodlatte bill would eliminate the lottery without replacing it, in effect reducing the number of immigrants that come from low-admission areas every year by at least 50,000. 3 Open this footnote Close this footnote 3 See id. … Open this footnote Close The Grassley/Cotton bill would also eliminate the lottery but replace it with increases in family-based and employment-based visas. 4 Open this footnote Close this footnote 4 While it is tempting to assume this would not restrict the number of legal immigrants eligible for visas, the bill also restricts who is eligible for a family-based visa. See id. … Open this footnote Close

Authors writing in many major political publications have spilled ink 5 Open this footnote Close this footnote 5 See, e.g. , Abed A. Ayoub, In Targeting Diversity Visa Program, Trump Gets it Wrong Again , The Hill (Nov. 2, 2017, 1:20 PM EDT), https://perma.cc/LGU8-4JQZ ; Dara Lind & P.R. Lockhart, The Diversity Visa Trump Hates, Explained , Vox (updated Dec. 15, 2017, 1:29 PM EST), https://perma.cc/4E53-96HY . … Open this footnote Close describing the diplomatic benefits and positive self-selection spurred 6 Open this footnote Close this footnote 6 Immigration produces a sorting function, in that people most likely to choose to migrate are those with high levels of unobservable motivation or similar characteristics, making them the most likely to succeed in business. See Barry R. Chiswick, Are Immigrants Favorably Self-Selected? An Economic Analysis 1, 2-7 (IZA Discussion Paper No. 131, 2000) (“[E]conomic migrants tend to be favorably ‘self-selected’ for labor market success. That is, economic migrants are described as tending, on average, to be more able, ambitious, aggressive, entrepreneurial, or otherwise more favorably selected than similar individuals who choose to remain in their place of origin.”). … Open this footnote Close by immigration programs like the DV, but there is a more fundamental economic case for keeping the DV lottery in place: Immigrants move to places where other immigrants live, so establishing a mechanism to encourage immigration from countries with few immigrants is critical. Without the DV program, America will lose an important advantage in the global war for talent over the long run.

I. The Diversity Lottery: What Is It and Who Benefits?

The Immigration Act of 1990 established the DV lottery system, 7 Open this footnote Close this footnote 7 Pub. L. 101-694, §§ 131, 104 Stat. 4978, 4997-99 (codified as amended at 8 U.S.C. § 1153(c) (2016)). … Open this footnote Close which grants lawful permanent residence visas to up to 50,000 applicants per year from “low-admission” countries. 8 Open this footnote Close this footnote 8 See 8 U.S.C. § 1153(c)(1)(B)-(E) (2016). … Open this footnote Close Low-admission countries must have sent fewer than 50,000 immigrants to the U.S. in the five preceding fiscal years. 9 Open this footnote Close this footnote 9 Id. § 1153(c)(1)(A)-(B). This is updated annually based on the previous five fiscal years. … Open this footnote Close Countries like Mexico, Canada, India, and China thus do not qualify for the DV lottery in a typical year. 10 Open this footnote Close this footnote 10 See, e.g. , Visa Bulletin for August 2018 , U.S. Dep’t State (July 10, 2018), https://perma.cc/M9DX-NJP3 . … Open this footnote Close Instead, the program is targeted toward countries such as New Zealand, Angola, Mongolia, Libya, and many others. 11 Open this footnote Close this footnote 11 See U.S. Dep’t of State, Instructions for the 2019 Diversity Immigrant Visa Program (DV-2019) 16-18 (2017), https://perma.cc/PA4C-ZMRJ . … Open this footnote Close Prospective immigrants apply online or at an embassy, with a hard deadline set in advance each year. There is no cap on the number of applicants. Lottery numbers are then pulled from the applications submitted before the deadline. Unlike the employment-based and family-based preference categories, DV applicants cannot join a long backlog and wait their turn for a visa to become available; instead, applicants must reenter the lottery each year and hope that their number is pulled.

Despite the Trump administration’s rhetoric, winning the lottery alone does not guarantee admission to the U.S.—it only makes one eligible to continue the visa application process. 12 Open this footnote Close this footnote 12 Diversity Visa Program—If You Are Selected , U.S. Dep’t State , https://perma.cc/GJ85-KRCF (archived Sept. 14, 2018). … Open this footnote Close When an immigrant’s number is called, so to speak, they proceed to the nearest U.S. embassy or consulate to submit their supporting documentation. 13 Open this footnote Close this footnote 13 The documents must be brought to the “visa interview at the U.S. Embassy or Consulate.” Diversity Visa Program—Prepare Supporting Documents , U.S. Dep’t State , https://perma.cc/XXF4-QLHP (archived Sept. 14, 2018). … Open this footnote Close The prospective immigrant must then show she has either a high school diploma (or the equivalent), or at least two years of experience working in an occupation that requires at least two years of training. 14 Open this footnote Close this footnote 14 See 8 U.S.C. § 1153(c)(2). … Open this footnote Close But the inquiry does not end there. Next, the review for suspected terrorist ties, criminal record, communicable illnesses, and the like is conducted. Courts grant consular officials significant deference in making these determinations, in a doctrine called “consular nonreviewability.” 15 Open this footnote Close this footnote 15 See Kleindienst v. Mandel, 408 U.S. 753, 770 (1972) (refusing to look behind the executive branch’s decision regarding whether to grant a visa). … Open this footnote Close All this goes to show: The Trump administration’s description of the program does not comport with reality.

II. What Role Does the DV Lottery Play in the Labor Market?

The story of immigration is not just about family reunification; instead, more than half of the immigrant visa categories deal with employment-based or family-based eligibility. 16 Open this footnote Close this footnote 16 See generally 8 U.S.C. § 1101(15) (laying out the categories of immigrant visa, nearly all of which are either based on employment or family relationships, with the exception of the diversity visa and several other smaller programs). For a more accessible format, see Directory of Visa Categories , U.S. Dep’t State , https://perma.cc/488S-HFDH (archived Sept. 14, 2018). … Open this footnote Close In other words, strengthening the labor market is one of the core goals of the immigration system. 17 Open this footnote Close this footnote 17 Jeb Bush et al., Council on Foreign Relations, Independent Task Force Report No. 63, U.S. Immigration Policy 13-20 (2009), https://perma.cc/WTY5-89CQ (describing the broad goals of immigration policy, including, among other things, maintaining the U.S.’s economic dynamism). … Open this footnote Close Many have dismissively suggested that the DV program has no role to play in this regard, 18 Open this footnote Close this footnote 18 See, e.g. , Peter H. Schuck, Why the ‘Diversity Lottery’ Needs to End , N.Y. Times (Nov. 2, 2017), https://perma.cc/5J3F-THFD . … Open this footnote Close but this is not the case. 19 Open this footnote Close this footnote 19 See Kelly Virella, Diversity Visa Lottery Winners Defend and Critique Maligned Program , N.Y. Times (Nov. 3, 2017), https://perma.cc/34RH-QBUP (showing that some DV lottery winners have far more than the minimum qualifications for the visa); see also Ryan Radia, A Highly-Skilled Opportunity for Trump on Immigration , Competitive Enterprise Inst. ( Jan.  29, 2018), https://perma.cc/A5YC-5KRR (“[M]any immigrants who are admitted into the United States under visa categories that don’t emphasize skills are nevertheless college graduates.”). … Open this footnote Close The DV lottery creates migration flows from areas where the U.S. would otherwise have virtually no immigration. Though not immediately obvious, these flows play a strong role as a “pull factor,” encouraging more settlement, particularly from countries where few migrants with significant skill or education typically emigrate. The DV program thus picks a random sample of trail-blazing immigrants who create the paths future high-skilled immigrants follow.

The DV program creates pathways for future immigrants because it generates a critical mass of people seeking specific amenities and may signal the possibility of job opportunities to potential future migrants. The reasons for seeking a better life in a different country are as varied as the people who choose to make those decisions, but some common themes emerge from this human tapestry of resettlement. First, people tend to resettle in areas where there are other people that come from the same country. 20 Open this footnote Close this footnote 20 See Ann P. Bartel, Where Do the New U.S. Immigrants Live? , 7 J. Lab. Econ. 371, 372, 380-82 (1989) (describing empirically the fact that immigrants tend to follow immigrants from the same country of origin when settling in a new country); Per-Andres Edin et al., Ethnic Enclaves and the Economic Success of Immigrants—Evidence from a Natural Experiment 2-3 (IFAU – Office of Labour Market Policy Evaluation, Working Paper No. 2000:9, 2000) (describing formation of ethnic enclaves via immigration generally, reviewing the literature before applying the observations to Sweden). My line of analysis draws on the theoretical model Enrico Moretti established with respect to city-sorting. Enrico Moretti, Estimating the Social Return to Higher Education: Evidence from Longitudinal and Repeated Cross-sectional Data , 121 J. Econometrics 175, 176-77, 180-184 (2004). Moretti describes inequality in cost of living between cities as a combination of preferences for specific amenities and need for a worker’s skills in a particular location. Id. Although Moretti’s model is not grounded in the context of immigration, the same logic applies to immigration. See David Albouy et al., Immigration and the Pursuit of Amenities 1-3 (Sept. 10, 2018) (unpublished manuscript), https://perma.cc/4RKT-4SRR (citing Enrico Moretti, Real Wage Inequality , 5 Am. Econ. J.: Applied Econ. 65 (2013)) (applying Moretti’s model to immigrant location choices). … Open this footnote Close At a human level, this makes sense, because people tend to feel more comfortable in areas that feel familiar. 21 Open this footnote Close this footnote 21 Jill H. Wilson & Shelly Habecker, The Lure of the Capital City: An Anthro-geographical Analysis of Recent African Immigration to Washington, DC , 14 Population, Space & Place 433, 440, 444 (2008) (“Feeling comfortable or ‘at home’ is important to the people interviewed.”). It is difficult to untangle the relevance of ethnicity as a stand-alone factor from other amenities, but evidence suggests some combination of location-based factors is important and leads migrants to follow previous migrants from their country of origin. See Bartel, supra note 20, at 372, 380-82 (describing the importance of ethnicity as a potential factor in explaining immigrant location choices); Edin et al., supra note 20, at 2 . … Open this footnote Close It should come as little surprise, then, that labor economists confirm this intuition. 22 Open this footnote Close this footnote 22 Of course, they do not phrase this observation in such humanistic terms; rather, they typically discuss the immigrant networks in economic terms—but the general point is the same. See David Card, Immigrant Inflows, Native Outflows, and the Local Labor Market Impacts of Higher Immigration , 19 J. Labor Econ. 22, 43 (2001); Bartel, supra note 20, at 372, 380-82; Edin et al., supra note 20, at 2-3. … Open this footnote Close Further, people tend to move to areas that have services and amenities that match their preferences, all else being equal. 23 Open this footnote Close this footnote 23 There is a long stream of research in this particular area, stemming back to Charles Tiebout’s original article describing “voting with your feet” between local communities. See Charles M. Tiebout, A Pure Theory of Local Expenditures , 64 J. Pol. Econ. 416, 420 (1956). … Open this footnote Close If there are virtually no people from a specific country, or even region, in a city, then there is little reason for businesses to spring up offering goods and services catering to the preferences of that specific country or region. 24 Open this footnote Close this footnote 24 See Barry R. Chiswick & Paul W. Miller, Do Enclaves Matter in Immigrant Adjustment? 4-8 (IZA Discussion Paper No. 449, 2002) (explaining that establishing ethnic enclaves produces an economies of scale effect with respect to ethnicity-specific amenities and markets); cf. Enrico Moretti, The New Geography of Jobs 124 (2012) (explaining that the “forces of agglomeration”—the presence of skilled workers with specific training, specialized service providers, and an exchange of ideas—accounts for companies’ decisions regarding where to locate). … Open this footnote Close On the other hand, if a settlement pattern begins to emerge, ethnic enclaves may form, attracting increasing numbers of people from the same country or region, in part because their favorite amenities from home are now available in the U.S. 25 Open this footnote Close this footnote 25 There is even some evidence that enclaves may improve labor market outcomes empirically for some immigrants, although this result tends to be somewhat agnostic as to the causal channel through which this effect operates. See Per-Anders Edin et al., Ethnic Enclaves and the Economic Success of Immigrants—Evidence from a Natural Experiment , 118 Q. J. Econ. 329, 331, 349-51, 354 (2003) (describing the results of a “natural experiment” in Sweden and concluding that ethnic enclaves may have high levels of ethnic income or ethnic self-employment). … Open this footnote Close These enclaves also reduce the uncertainty involved in moving to a new country, as the concentrated population of immigrants may form information networks that help newcomers find employment opportunities. 26 Open this footnote Close this footnote 26 See Chiswick & Miller, supra note 24, at 4 (“Not being connected to host country information networks when they arrive, immigrants have an incentive to create or ‘import’ information networks through living in geographic concentrations with other new and longer term immigrants from the same origin.”); see also Thomas Bauer et al., Herd Effects or Migration Networks? The Location Choice of Mexican Immigrants in the U.S. 3-4, 8-12 (IZA Discussion Paper No. 551, 2002). … Open this footnote Close While subsequent immigrants may not utilize the diversity visa, the DV program plays an important part in enticing future applicants in the merit-based visa categories. The result is that immigrants tend to proceed along well-worn paths, following their countrymen into the same cities and neighborhoods.

A. How Settlement Patterns Take Root: A Case Study of Mexican Settlement in Smyrna, Tennessee

Experience in the Southeastern automobile manufacturing corridor sheds some light on how these settlement patterns begin. 27 Open this footnote Close this footnote 27 See generally David Card & Ethan G. Lewis, The Diffusion of Mexican Immigrants During the 1990s: Explanations and Impacts , in Mexican Immigration to the United States 19 3, 193-94 (George J. Borjas ed., 2007) (describing “[t]he inflow of Mexican immigrants to Southeastern cities”); Mike Randle, The Southern Auto Corridor: The Past, Present and Future of the Center of North America’s Automotive Universe , Southern Bus. & Dev. , Spring 2013, at 14-15, https://perma.cc/R5LP-PTQL (describing the expansion of the Southern Auto Corridor). … Open this footnote Close In 1983, Nissan began manufacturing cars in Smyrna, Tennessee. 28 Open this footnote Close this footnote 28 Randle, supra note 27, at 15. … Open this footnote Close Prior to the plant opening, virtually no Mexican immigrants settled in the area; after the plant opened, immigration exploded, increasing Mexican immigration from near-zero to around 15,000 in just a decade. 29 Open this footnote Close this footnote 29 See Patrick Kennedy, Patterns of Migration Outside Origin Cities: Evidence from the Automobile Industry in the South from 1990-2000, at 10-13 (Aug. 13, 2018) (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Illinois-Chicago) (on file with author) (describing this in the context of Mexican-born immigrants moving to Smyrna’s metropolitan statistical area). … Open this footnote Close Part of the explanation is obvious: People initially moved to the region to take advantage of jobs in the automotive sector. The story does not end there, however, as many of the immigrants settling in the area did not work in automobile manufacturing; instead, immigrants likely took a number of other positions. 30 Open this footnote Close this footnote 30 This is an inference from data showing that the Mexican population increased by roughly 15,000, although the number of auto manufacturing workers only increased by around 150 in Smyrna’s metropolitan statistical area. See id. at 4, 10-13. … Open this footnote Close A quick infusion of jobs available for immigrants thus creates a magnet for subsequent immigration where none previously existed. 31 Open this footnote Close this footnote 31 See Kennedy, supra note 29, at 4-6, 10-13. … Open this footnote Close

Creating more moments like the Smyrna experience requires that immigrants have the ability to take advantage of emerging opportunities, without major delays while visas are processed. 32 Open this footnote Close this footnote 32 Visa retrogression, meaning longer delays before a visa becomes available for an applicant, may be problems for the employment-based and family-based visas. See Visa Retrogression , U.S. Citizenship & Immigr. Servs. (Mar. 8, 2018), https://perma.cc/7BQB-S7HT (acknowledging the delays in processing employment-based and family-based visas). The DV program requires an annual application, which means the probability of receiving a diversity visa in any given year is fairly stable; in contrast, eligible immigrants in the employment-based and family-based categories are placed in a backlog and often wait many years. See Can I Apply for the Lottery Every Year? , Am. Dream , https://perma.cc/6UL8-ZMMV (applicants must apply each year for the DV lottery, because the government does not roll over applications). … Open this footnote Close This is precisely why the DV program is essential: It creates the possibility of settlement patterns from far-flung corners of the globe, even where none previously existed, breaking the inertia of existing migration patterns. All it takes is one opportunity and a few well-placed folks to get the ball rolling.

To the Trump administration, the Smyrna example might seem like a platform for lamenting (the strawman of) domestic workers losing out on factory jobs in the favor of immigrant labor. But the reality of Smyrna undercuts that argument. First, it appears that not all of the jobs went to immigrants. 33 Open this footnote Close this footnote 33 This is difficult to assess precisely, given the imprecision of the American Community Survey data, but estimates suggest only a portion of manufacturing-specific workers were immigrants. See Kennedy, supra note 29, at 11-12. … Open this footnote Close Second, the availability of immigrant and native labor frequently produces a positive feedback effect, meaning that adding more immigrants does not mean losing American jobs. Immigrants increase productivity 34 Open this footnote Close this footnote 34 See Giovanni Peri, The Effect of Immigration on Productivity: Evidence from U.S. States , 94 Rev. Econ. & Stat. 348, 352-55 (2012) (concluding that immigrants create positive spillover effects in productivity across the skill distribution). … Open this footnote Close and produce roughly net zero effects for American workers as well. 35 Open this footnote Close this footnote 35 See Joseph G. Altonji & David Card, The Effects of Immigration on the Labor Market Outcomes of Less-skilled Natives , in Immigration, Trade and Labor 201, 221 (John M. Abowd & Richard B. Freeman eds., 1991) (describing small negative wage impacts from increased immigration on low-skilled segments of the labor force); Peri, supra note 34, at 352 (“This confirms previous studies . . . that report no evidence of crowding out of native employment by immigrants using correlation across local labor markets.”). … Open this footnote Close Thus, immigrant enclaves such as Smyrna bring dual benefits of immigration pull factors and net increases in productivity.

B. How Settlement Patterns Attract High-Skilled Immigrants: A Case Study of Nigerian and Ethiopian Settlement in Washington, D.C.

The historical move of African immigrants from Europe to the U.S. illustrates the labor market advantages of the DV program. “Diversity visas are one of the few ways people from Africa and the Caribbean can come to this country,” 36 Open this footnote Close this footnote 36 Pamela Constable, Green Card Lottery, A Ticket to Hope for Many, Could Be Eliminated , Wash. Post ( May 12, 2013), https://perma.cc/KF5L-TNT5 (quoting Representative Donald Payne Jr.). … Open this footnote Close and they therefore form an important part of the story of creating the conditions for continuous migration from Africa across the skill spectrum. 37 Open this footnote Close this footnote 37 See April Gordon, The New Diaspora-African Immigration to the United States , J. Third World Stud ., Spring 1998, at 79, 99 (“[P]rimary migrants arrive first. After becoming residents and citizens, they bring their families over. Those families in turn become residents and citizens . . . . This encourages even more of their countrymen and countrywomen to come, and so the process continues.”). … Open this footnote Close

While “push factors” have led to roughly 30% of Africans with bachelor’s degrees leaving the continent, their primary destination has traditionally been Europe. 38 Open this footnote Close this footnote 38 Id. at 86 (“From 1960 to 1989, an estimated 70,000-100,000, highly skilled African workers and professionals left their countries to go to Europe or, secondarily, the United States. . . . [A] third of all college graduates have left the continent.”). … Open this footnote Close But concurrent with the adoption of the DV program, Washington, D.C. saw an expansion in Ethiopian and Nigerian immigration in the 1980s, which took off after 1990, with many immigrants settling in areas with a majority-black population. 39 Open this footnote Close this footnote 39 Samantha Friedman et al., Race, Immigrants, and Residence: A New Racial Geography of Washington, D.C. , 95 Geographical Rev. 210, 217-19 (2005); African-Born Blacks in the Washington, D.C., Metro Area , Population Reference Bureau (Jan. 24, 2008), https://perma.cc/K4KD-RL58 . “While the population of Africans in the US is still small compared with most other immigrant regions of origin, it has grown rapidly, especially since 1990 . . . 70% of the 1.25 million foreign-born Africans in the US in 2005 had arrived within the previous 15 years.” Wilson & Habecker, supra note 21, at 437. … Open this footnote Close Subsequently, African immigration grew to more than 11% of D.C. immigration, compared to a national average of less than 3% 40 Open this footnote Close this footnote 40 Friedman, supra note 39, at 211. Current estimates place the number of African immigrants in Washington, D.C. at almost 17% of immigrants, with nearly half of them arriving after the year 2000. See Facts on the District’s African Community , D.C., https://perma.cc/H8XH-6G4H (archived Sept. 24, 2018). … Open this footnote Close Today, the African countries with higher numbers of DV recipients have higher-skilled immigration streams, as opposed to African countries with higher numbers of refugees or more family-based immigration. 41 Open this footnote Close this footnote 41 See Randy Capps et al., Migration Policy Inst., Diverse Streams: Black African Migration to the United States 1 (2012). The DV program has been responsible for the growth in highly-skilled immigration from Africa, particularly those in professional and technical occupations. See Ann M. Simons, African Immigrants Are More Educated Than Most—Including People Born in U.S. , L.A. Times (Jan. 12, 2018, 7:15 PM), https://perma.cc/8DB7-WMLL (“[T]he influx [from the DV lottery] includes many immigrants from sub-Saharan Africa who are highly skilled professionals.”). … Open this footnote Close This demonstrates the promise of the DV program: Where previously high-skilled immigrants settled in Europe, following behind their countrymen, “[o]nce migrant paths are established, the movement of other migrants becomes easier because there are networks of kin and friends . . . . Services for migrants also become established. All of these factors combine to encourage an acceleration of migration.” 42 Open this footnote Close this footnote 42 Gordon, supra note 37, at 82. … Open this footnote Close The results are clear in D.C. enclaves today, where Ethiopian immigrants are attracted to “the region’s large Ethiopian community who have settled here through the visa program.” 43 Open this footnote Close this footnote 43 See Constable, supra note 36; see generally Bartel, supra note 20, at 380-381. … Open this footnote Close The end result is greater high-skilled immigration from African countries, such as Nigeria and Ethiopia. 44 Open this footnote Close this footnote 44 See U.S. Diversity Visas Are Attracting Africa’s Best and Brightest , Population Reference Bureau (July 1, 2001), https://perma.cc/2HFQ-4XMH (“The diversity visa program . . . provided a swift path of entry to African [immigrants in professional, managerial, and technical occupations] who could not qualify for a visa through . . . family ties. . . . Thus, the diversity visa program became the primary vehicle for the increased outflow of skilled Africans to the United States.”). … Open this footnote Close

The takeaway from the Ethiopian and Nigerian enclaves in Washington, D.C. is this: In order to attract the best and the brightest from their home countries, it helps to have a bedrock of immigration from enterprising people with less to lose from moving their lives overseas.

III. Why Immigrants Cannot Just “Stand in Line”

It is tempting to assume that immigrants from high-immigration countries can simply “fill in” for any loss in immigration—and that there is thus no need for the DV program—but this ignores the strict limitations the Immigrant and Nationality Act imposes on legal migration, particularly employment-based immigration. First, immigrants must meet stringent qualifications to receive lawful permanent residence, such as demonstrating international excellence in their occupation, or possession of an bachelor’s or advanced degree, or years of experience. 45 Open this footnote Close this footnote 45 See 8 U.S.C. § 1153(b) (2016). The EB-3 subcategory includes a cap of 10,000 visas for unskilled workers, which is the lowest preference category. Id. § 1153(b)(3)(B). … Open this footnote Close Second, even when immigrants meet all statutory qualifications, there must be a visa “available,” which is unlikely in many cases, given extreme backlogs and low caps for the most commonly used visas, such as the H-1B, EB-1, EB-2, and EB-3 visas. 46 Open this footnote Close this footnote 46 See Visa Bulletin for June 2018 , U.S. Dep’t. State (May 7, 2018), https://perma.cc/PDQ6-MUHB (showing visa retrogression dates for employment-based visas for immigrants from certain countries); Stuart Anderson, Will Congress Ever Solve the Long Wait for Green Cards? , Forbes ( May 21, 2018, 12:05 AM ), https://perma.cc/C5U8-J7SX ; The Latest Visa Bulletin, Explained , Boundless (Sept. 13 , 2018), https://perma.cc/6G3M-QBWG . … Open this footnote Close The per-country cap further exacerbates the shortfall, since the cap limits the number of available family-based and employment-based visas for each country. 47 Open this footnote Close this footnote 47 See 8 U.S.C. § 1152(a)(2) (limiting “the total number of immigrant visas made available to natives of any single foreign state or dependent area” to 7% each fiscal year). … Open this footnote Close In other words, there could be years when the overall visa cap is not hit, but when too many high-admission countries hit their per-country quota.

Even if Congress removed the per-country cap, which it certainly will not do, eventually all of the best matches from high-admission countries could apply and be admitted, 48 Open this footnote Close this footnote 48 Of course, it is also possible that the growth in the population interested in migration would outstrip the U.S. immigration system’s ability to process visas, even in a world with neither a per-country or per-category cap on immigration. Estimating empirically which of these competing theories is correct is difficult. Regardless, the point remains that it is politically infeasible to remove either cap, both of which have existed since the early days of the Immigration and Nationality Act, passed in 1965. … Open this footnote Close leaving fewer interested and qualified prospective additions to the labor market. 49 Open this footnote Close this footnote 49 This is the result of two trends in immigration from India and China. First, immigrants in lower-end qualifying positions in high-technology industries, such as computer programmers, face additional application barriers and are choosing to go to Europe, Canada, or other more hospitable places. See Ananya Bhattacharya, Indian Techies Look to Canada as the American Dream Turns into an H-1B Nightmare , Quartz (Feb. 26, 2018), https://perma.cc/7HCN-D4W4 (discussing Indian immigrants already in the U.S. leaving for Canada).; see also Julia Funke, Supply and Demand: Immigration of the Highly Skilled and Educated in the Post-9/11 Market , 48 J. Marshall L. Rev. 419, 437 (2015) (“[T]his advantage is quickly disappearing as other countries relax their immigration systems to make it easier for highly skilled workers to come to their countries at the same time the U.S. is making its system more restrictive than ever,” causing “many foreign-born workers to settle elsewhere.”). Second, as economic conditions improve in China and India, the wage differential between working in the U.S. and remaining in China or India may shrink. Should this occur, immigrants are unlikely to bear the increasing costs and uncertainty of applying to immigrate to the U.S. when they face diminishing returns in terms of wage gains. See Chiswick, supra note 6, at 2-3. … Open this footnote Close In other words, even if everyone that wanted to emigrate from China and India were exempt from all caps and quotas, eventually all interested and qualified candidates would move to the U.S., particularly as economic conditions improve in their countries of birth. Put differently, not everyone wants to leave their home country; in fact, most people want to stay. This means we cannot expect to keep attracting talent from the same pool of countries indefinitely. Eventually, those pools will run dry. 50 Open this footnote Close this footnote 50 In fact, with respect to workers from the U.S. and many other developed nations, high-skilled labor availability is declining. See Karen Harris & Andrew Schwedel, Automation, Older Workers to Shape US Workforce in 2020s , The Hill (May 17, 2018, 11:30 AM EDT), https://perma.cc/9XR5-BLQY ; Beige Book – January 17, 2018 , Board Governors Fed. Res. (Jan. 17, 2018, 2:00 PM EST), https://perma.cc/9XKA-8C3U (“Most Districts cited on-going labor market tightness and challenges finding qualified workers across skills and sectors, which, in some instances, was described as constraining growth.”); see also Hays plc, Regional Dynamics of the Global Labour Market: Skills in Demand and Tomorrow’s Workforce 4 (2017), https://perma.cc/8WE5-QCPQ (noting that organizations across the globe “continue to deal with skills shortages”). … Open this footnote Close

Even when significant factors push immigrants to the U.S., such as a long history of migration, unrest, or civil strife, the DV lottery still plays an important role. While in these cases the combination of push and pull factors likely would propel immigrants, neither resolves the issues identified here. First, the per-country caps work strongly against Indian, Chinese, and Pilipino immigrants, which have long histories of sending emigrants to the U.S., forcing them to wait years for visas. 51 Open this footnote Close this footnote 51 See The Latest Visa Bulletin, Explained , supra note 46 (providing updates on the general backlog for employment-based and family-based visas); Anderson, supra note 46 (explaining that some Indian immigrants can face wait times of between ten and twenty-five years). … Open this footnote Close Second, countries experiencing distress typically produce significant numbers of refugees who either do not meet requirements for such visas or cannot afford to wait. 52 Open this footnote Close this footnote 52 Some refugees cannot wait because they are fleeing persecution. See Kalena E. Cortes, Are Refugees Different from Economic Immigrants? Some Empirical Evidence on the Heterogeneity of Immigrant Groups In the United States , 86 Rev. Econ. & Statistics 465, 465, 471 (2004). … Open this footnote Close Though these refugees may be eligible for asylum and able to stay in the country, in many cases they will not be eligible for asylum (for any number of reasons, including strict procedural bars) and will not qualify for entry. 53 Open this footnote Close this footnote 53 See Linda Camp Keith & Jennifer S. Holmes, A Rare Examination of Typically Unobservable Factors in US Asylum Decisions , 22 J. Refugee Stud. 224, 225-28, 229 & tbl.1, 230 (2009) (describing increasing restrictions in the asylum process and showing that the national rate of denial is around 60%). … Open this footnote Close Even if they do, refugees may not be self-selected the same way as economic migrants, because they are fleeing persecution, rather than affirmatively seeking economic opportunities. 54 Open this footnote Close this footnote 54 See Cortes, supra note 52, at 465. … Open this footnote Close

In other words, although it seems like “there are always people willing to fill in,” the reality is that those streams will eventually run dry without new sources of labor running into them. The DV program is the obvious solution: Lottery spots create flows of immigrants from new sources; those immigrants then begin to create ethnic goods and services, including information networks, attractive enough to help pull the highly skilled into the U.S. Thus, the DV system creates the necessary preconditions for the U.S. to serve as a global magnet for the best and brightest—because without it, as history shows us, highly-skilled individuals remain at home.

The DV program plays an important role in the long-term strategy for maintaining the competitiveness of the U.S. labor force. Without additional streams of immigrants looking to resettle, per-country caps on immigration and an eventual lack of interested, qualified candidates from high-admission countries would set the U.S. back competitively. 55 Open this footnote Close this footnote 55 See Funke, supra note 49, at 435-37 (arguing that the visa caps are responsible for much of the decline in skilled immigration, which in turn harms U.S. competitiveness); see also supra note 48 (explaining caveats to the theoretical argument that there could eventually be no interested, qualified candidates). … Open this footnote Close Even though many qualified candidates for admission come from the two most populous countries, India and China, both nations also suffer from major backlogs caused by the per-country cap and visa caps. 56 Open this footnote Close this footnote 56 See Carla N. Argueta , Cong. Research Serv., Numerical Limits on Permanent Employment-Based Immigration: Analysis of the Per-country Ceiling 7 (2016) https://perma.cc/Y7WE-BR9G (“Current” in this source means a visa is presently available, while “priority date” means the date at which one would have needed to apply to receive a visa, based on the most recently approved application.). This is also true for Mexican immigrants with respect to family-based visas. See Samuel W. Bettwy, A Proposed Legislative Scheme to Solve the Mexican Immigration Problem , 2 San Diego Int’l L.J. 93, 97 (2001). … Open this footnote Close These caps prevent quick and mobile movement of many workers into the U.S. labor market, necessitating further sources of labor. 57 Open this footnote Close this footnote 57 See David Bier, 150-Year Wait for Indian Immigrants with Advanced Degrees , Cato Inst . (June 8, 2018, 12:45 PM), https://perma.cc/5Q4W-5Q6N (wait times can stretch on for decades for Indian immigrants because of per-country caps); cf. Anderson, supra note 46 (explaining reduced mobility in the context of immigrants who cannot leave their original employers without first receiving a green card). … Open this footnote Close

Not all of the proposals recently before Congress would cut the DV program: Several bipartisan immigration reform efforts would maintain visa eligibility at current levels and also keep the DV program. 58 Open this footnote Close this footnote 58 Desjardins, supra note 2. … Open this footnote Close The Republican reform plan included a modified version of Representative Goodlatte’s proposal, which would end the DV program and restricted family migration. 59 Open this footnote Close this footnote 59 Don Wolfensberger, House GOP Leaders Fail to Find Compromise Immigration Fix , The Hill , (July 3, 2018, 7:30 AM EDT), https://perma.cc/5T78-ELHL . … Open this footnote Close Even this plan faced significant political difficulties and the possibility of a presidential veto. 60 Open this footnote Close this footnote 60 It remains unclear whether President Trump will make good on his promise, since he has waffled on his threat to veto. Scott Detrow, Latest Republican Immigration Bill Fails to Win Approval in the House , NPR ( June 27, 2018, 5:27 PM ET), https://perma.cc/7VJU-S3NV (“But within the last two weeks alone, the president said he might veto this bill. Then, he said he supported it. Then, he said it was a waste of time.”). … Open this footnote Close Given recent statements that President Trump is willing to play hardball with Democrats over immigration, a plan that does not end the DV program may have little chance of becoming law. 61 Open this footnote Close this footnote 61 See Erin Corbett, Trump Threatens to Shut Down Government If Democrats Don’t Back Immigration Policies , Fortune (July 29, 2018), https://perma.cc/3GZ5-JLH5 . … Open this footnote Close The Democrats and moderate Republicans should stand strong against such proposals in light of the strong labor economics case for maintaining the DV program. They should not trade away the future immigration networks trailblazers from low-admissions countries will build through the DV lottery.

J.D. Candidate, Stanford Law School, 2019. PhD Candidate, University of Illinois-Chicago Department of Economics, 2019. Thanks to my family for reading and suggesting changes to the piece, especially Denise DeArmond, Sean, Chris, Michael, and Joan Kennedy. Thanks to the Stanford Law Review Online staff for their helpful comments and guidance, especially David Hoyt and Andra Lim.

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The Economic and Social Impact of the Diversity Visa Lottery

The Diversity Visa (DV) Lottery, commonly known as the Green Card Lottery, plays a significant role in shaping the demographic and cultural landscape of the United States. Beyond its primary goal of promoting diversity, the DV Lottery has substantial economic and social impacts. At AMERICANGC, we understand the importance of this program and are dedicated to helping applicants navigate the complexities of the process. This article explores the various economic and social benefits that the DV Lottery brings to the U.S. and its immigrant population.

Economic Impact

1. labor market contributions.

Filling Labor Gaps : Diversity Visa recipients often fill essential roles in various sectors, including technology, healthcare, and agriculture. This helps address labor shortages and supports economic growth.

Entrepreneurship and Innovation : Many DV Lottery winners bring entrepreneurial skills and start new businesses, creating jobs and fostering innovation. Immigrant-owned businesses contribute significantly to the U.S. economy.

Increased Consumer Spending : New immigrants boost local economies through their spending on housing, goods, and services. This increased demand can lead to job creation and economic stimulation.  

2. Skill Diversification

Variety of Skills : Diversity Visa immigrants bring a wide range of skills and experiences, enriching the U.S. labor market. This skill diversification enhances productivity and competitiveness in various industries.

Educational Attainment : Many DV Lottery winners possess higher education degrees or specialized training, contributing to the knowledge base and expertise in the U.S. workforce.

Social Impact

1. cultural enrichment.

Diverse Perspectives : The DV Lottery brings individuals from diverse backgrounds, fostering a multicultural environment. This diversity enhances cultural exchange and understanding, enriching American society.

Cultural Contributions : Immigrants introduce new traditions, cuisines, languages, and arts, adding to the cultural mosaic of the United States. This cultural enrichment benefits communities and promotes inclusivity.  

2. Community Building

Stronger Communities : DV Lottery recipients often become active members of their communities, participating in local events, schools, and civic activities. This engagement strengthens community ties and social cohesion.

Support Networks : Immigrant communities create support networks that help newcomers adjust to their new environment. These networks provide assistance with employment, housing, and social integration.

Broader Implications

1. enhancing global relations.

Diplomatic Ties : The DV Lottery helps strengthen diplomatic relations between the U.S. and participating countries. By providing opportunities for their citizens, the U.S. fosters goodwill and collaboration on a global scale.

Global Perspective : Immigrants bring unique perspectives that can enhance U.S. foreign policy and international business relations. This global perspective is invaluable in an interconnected world.  

2. Addressing Demographic Challenges

Population Growth : The DV Lottery contributes to U.S. population growth, addressing challenges associated with an aging population. A steady influx of young, working-age immigrants supports social security systems and economic stability.

Demographic Balance : By promoting immigration from underrepresented regions, the DV Lottery helps maintain a balanced and diverse demographic profile, which is essential for social harmony and resilience.

About AMERICANGC

At AMERICANGC, our mission is to make your dream of living and working in the United States a reality. We specialize in simplifying the Green Card Lottery registration process, ensuring accuracy, efficiency, and compliance with all requirements. Our team of experts will guide you through every step, from determining eligibility to submitting your application and preparing for your interview.

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• Green Card Lottery Registration : We manage the entire registration process, ensuring your application is completed correctly and on time.
• Application Review : Our meticulous review process helps prevent any errors that could disqualify you.
• Photo Assistance : We assist in gathering and preparing all necessary documentation and photos to meet the required standards.
• Ongoing Support : We provide continuous support throughout the registration period, addressing any questions or concerns you may have.

Ready to take the first step towards your American Dream? Register with AMERICANGC today and let our experienced team handle the complexities of the Green Card Lottery process for you. With our comprehensive services, you can be confident that your application is in good hands.

By following this guide and utilizing our professional services, you are well on your way to securing a spot in the Diversity Visa Lottery and potentially obtaining permanent residency in the United States.

Contact AMERICANGC today to learn more and start your journey to the American Dream!

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Myth vs. fact: the Diversity “Lottery” Visa

In preparation for the 2024 elections, hopeful GOP candidates are busy fine-tuning and promoting their immigration policy strategies. While there are some differences in each candidate’s immigration approach, eliminating lottery-based routes for legal immigration –including the Diversity Immigrant Visa (DV) program–is nearly unanimous. 

Also known as the “Green Card Lottery,” the DV program was initially designed to increase legal immigration from Ireland without granting the Irish special treatment . Since 1995, the U.S. has offered 50,000 immigrant visas per year to eligible applicants from countries with low immigration rates to the U.S.( countries with fewer than 50,000 natives admitted to the U.S. over the past five years). Now, most visas go to applicants from Morocco, Kenya, Nepal, and Poland, which have relatively small immigrant populations in the U.S. Over 11 million people submit a DV application annually. Still, the DV accounts for just 4 to 5 percent of legal immigration to the U.S.

One underlying misunderstanding fueling criticism of the DV is that merit-based systems would bring more skilled migrants than the DV and that the U.S. should prioritize these kinds of legal immigration programs. Former President Donald Trump vehemently opposed the DV, suggesting that its applicants are unskilled and don’t contribute to the American economy. But closer scrutiny demonstrates how incorrect these assumptions are, rendering it worthwhile to unpack this and other myths surrounding the DV.

Myth #1: Diversity “lottery” recipients do not significantly contribute to the U.S. economy. 

Fact : Research has shown that growing the diversity and size of the immigrant population in the U.S. increases workers’ innovation and productivity , strengthens the American middle class, increases the number of jobs , and grows the U.S. economy . In part, DV recipients drive these significant benefits and thus contribute to growing the U.S. economy. Moreover, these positive impacts are felt across socioeconomic groups, with low and high-income earners experiencing economic benefits. 

Myth #2: The DV is not merit-based.

Fact : Though minimum DV eligibility requires a high school diploma, the additional two-year work experience requirement indirectly selects those with higher educational attainment. 

The median DV immigrant has a bachelor’s degree compared to the median U.S. native with just a high-school diploma. Research from the University of Iowa also showed that diversity visa holders have the highest increase in employment over time. Further, migrants brought to the U.S. through the DV have lower unemployment rates than other immigrants , demonstrating their ability to utilize their education to find work.  

Myth #3: DV migrants have lower levels of English fluency.

Fact : Research from the Niskanen Center shows that new DV winners have higher levels of English fluency than new immigrants from other visa categories. Specifically, while new legal immigrants across the board have high rates of English fluency, only 6 percent of new DV immigrants speak English “not at all,” compared to 22 percent of other new, non-DV immigrants.

Myth #4: The DV doesn’t benefit the U.S. globally.  

Fact: A significant yet underappreciated benefit of the DV is that it supports American soft power, often in countries where the U.S. has weaker economic and diplomatic relations. 

Increasing American soft power, particularly in Africa, can also counter the rising influence of Russia and China by boosting pro-U.S. sentiments. Winners of the DV lottery become intermediaries between the U.S. and their native country and thus strengthen American ideals abroad. This can counter anti-U.S. propaganda by rival governments, terrorist groups, and other adversaries . 

Myth #5: Diversity visa recipients are likely to increase domestic crime and terrorism.

Fact: Following a terror attack in 2017 by a Uzbek national who entered the U.S. through the DV program, the DV received increased scrutiny from skeptics concerned about safety. 

Research by the Cato Institute has demonstrated that the DV is not an attractive immigration choice for potential terrorists due to arduous application and screening and is thus not an especially weak link in the system. Cato also found that the incarceration rates in past years for immigrants from the 20 countries that sent the greatest number of DV immigrants are lower than for native-born Americans. 

Takeaways & Opportunities for DV reform

The realities of the DV demonstrate the substantial advantages it brings to the U.S. economy, foreign relations, and civic life. Still, there are opportunities for reform , like weighting the lottery by skills or introducing a lag before a winner receives their green card. The Brookings Institution’s Hamilton Project has also suggested keeping the DV and indexing its cap to GDP. These reforms could adjust the DV to increase its political support while preserving its fundamental qualities.

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Walden Dissertations and Doctoral Studies

Diversity visa lottery: threats to u.s. national security.

John Suvor , Walden University Follow

Date of Conferral

Public Policy and Administration

Richard Worch

The diversity visa (DV) lottery was created as part of a larger immigration bill in 1990 in order to diversify an immigrant pool that has favored Asian and Hispanic immigrants since the passage of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965. Traditional research on the national security ramifications of immigration policy has focused on highly publicized issues, such as illegal immigration and asylum and amnesty programs, to the exclusion of the risks of fraud and terrorism inherent in the DV lottery. The purpose of this qualitative single case study was to explore the national security vulnerabilities of the DV lottery. Open-ended interviews were conducted with a snowball sample of 10 foreign service officers who adjudicate lottery visas for U.S. immigration from nations designated as state sponsors of terror. Guided by the framework of systems theory and the theory of constraints, content analysis was employed to reveal patterns and themes in the data. The findings were consonant with the framework, revealing the barriers and vulnerabilities of the DV lottery. Other findings showed both that the DV lottery has a negative impact on U.S. national security and fraud remains a serious concern, and yet there was no consensus on the scope and origin of potential terrorist threats. Recommendations include increasing collaboration and integration among agencies implementing the DV lottery, developing information-sharing agreements with other countries, and taking measures to eliminate fraud. The implications for social change include informing the public, immigration agencies, academics, and policy makers about the vulnerability of the DV lottery to fraud and misrepresentation; enhancing the debate about balancing immigration policies and national security; and possibly ending the DV lottery.

Recommended Citation

Suvor, John, "Diversity Visa Lottery: Threats to U.S. National Security" (2015). Walden Dissertations and Doctoral Studies . 1326. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/1326

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• DOI: 10.4314/JDCS.V3I1
• Corpus ID: 152369122

The US DV Visa Lottery Program and the African experience: Cultural mediation or brain drain?

• E. Ngwainmbi
• Published 2014
• Sociology, Political Science
• The Journal of development communication

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A multilateral approach for optimizing africa’s access to strategic human talent, an external examination of emerging democratic institutions and the problem of social and economic security, migrating under the usa diversity visa programme: intentions and motivations of university of ghana students.

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Lived experiences of diversity visa lottery immigrants in the united states..

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Acculturation, discrimination, and adaptation among second generation immigrant youth in Montreal and Paris

The brain drain, international integration of markets for professionals and unemployment; a theoretical analysis, the human cost of african migrations, immigrants and immigration policy: individual skills family ties and group identities., writing immigration: scholars and journalists in dialogue, is assimilation theory dead the effect of assimilation on adolescent well-being., crossroads: the psychology of immigration in the new century, ethnic enclaves and the earnings of immigrants, the influence of experiences of discrimination on psychological stress: a comparison of seven immigrant groups., related papers.

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essay on dv lottery and its effect in Nepal

Edv result 2021 | dv result 2021 with namelist | easy way.

EDV RESULT 2021, When Is The Result Of EDV 2021 Published? EDV result in 2021, Every Nepali individual has a fantasy to go to America or be a changeless occupant of us of America. The fantasy of every Nepali individual can’t be satisfied with no problem at all. When Publish EDV Result 2021? DV-2021 Entrants … Read more

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Lived Experiences of Diversity Visa Lottery Immigrants in the United States

2012, The Qualitative Report

Related Papers

M. Lahman , Veronica Richard

International Migration

Onoso Imoagene

Usual debates about the diversity visa (DV) programme revolve around the impact of DV initiated mass migration on African countries' development, on whether the programme sufficiently diversifies U.S. immigrant streams, and on whether there is a tradeoff in immigrant quality for diversity. This article seeks to extend the focus of these debates by examining the impact of the diversity visa programme on DV migrants at the micro-level pre-and post-migration. Based on in-depth interviews with sixty-one diversity visa lottery winners from Ghana and Nigeria, the article examines how this immigration policy has become a contextual determinant of immigrant incorporation. It argues that an account of the impact of immigration policies on immigrants pre-and post-migration must be added to theorization of state agency in shaping migration flows. It concludes with a discussion on ways the diversity visa programme can be modified to facilitate incorporation of DV migrants in the United States.

Leiding Taylor

Ruth Ellen Wasem

Annemargaret McKeon

Careen Shannon

In this article I co-authored with Austin T. Fragomen, Jr., we take a look at the history of the Diversity Visa Lottery, which has recently come under fire as the White House and Congress have sought (unsuccessfully) to make a deal on immigration. A lottery is probably a crazy way to run an immigration program. But even if you believe in #MAGA or #AmericanFirst, dismissing the virtues of diversity in immigration is short-sighted for all sorts of reasons. Published in February 2018 in The Current: The Journal of PLI Press, Vol. 2, No. 1, Winter 2018 (© 2018 Practising Law Institute).

Nancy Foner

Understanding the factors that help—or hinder—the success of immigrant children is a pressing issue in contemporary American society as the number and proportion of foreign born and their children continue to grow. Not surprisingly, many scholars and popular commentators writing about this topic set their analyses against the backdrop of the last great immigration of the turn of the twentieth century when the proportion (though not absolute number) of immigrants in the United States was even larger than it is today. In 1910, 35 percent of U.S. residents, or 56 million people, were born abroad or were the U.S.-born children of immigrants. In 2006, the number was almost 70 million, although given the much larger U.S. population, the share of immigrants and U.S.-born children of immigrants was close to a fourth. In the quest to contribute to what might be called a ―sociology of success,‖ this chapter offers a historical approach, looking at the children of immigrants in the earlier era...

Economics Letters

Alan Barrett

Kon K Madut

Universitas Psychologica

The focus of this paper is to discuss the cycle of migration and its psychological impact on the lives of immigrants. An overview of current migration trends, a discussion on the cycle of immigration (Casas, 2014), and its psychological consequences are presented. A qualitative phenomenological approach was utilized to analyze the stories of four immigrants, which resulted in a thematic analysis that discusses the cycle of immigration and its impact. The paper concludes with a discussion of implications, limitations, and future research.

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What We Know About the Global Microsoft Outage

Airlines to banks to retailers were affected in many countries. Businesses are struggling to recover.

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By Eshe Nelson and Danielle Kaye

Eshe Nelson reported from London and Danielle Kaye from New York.

Across the world, critical businesses and services including airlines, hospitals, train networks and TV stations, were disrupted on Friday by a global tech outage affecting Microsoft users.

In many countries, flights were grounded, workers could not get access to their systems and, in some cases, customers could not make card payments in stores. While some of the problems were resolved within hours, many businesses, websites and airlines continued to struggle to recover.

What happened?

A series of outages rippled across the globe as information displays, login systems and broadcasting networks went dark.

The problem affecting the majority of services was caused by a flawed update by CrowdStrike , an American cybersecurity firm, whose systems are intended to protect users from hackers. Microsoft said on Friday that it was aware of an issue affecting machines running “CrowdStrike Falcon.”

But Microsoft had also said there was an earlier outage affecting U.S. users of Azure, its cloud service system. Some users may have been affected by both. Even as CrowdStrike sent out a fix, some systems were still affected by midday in the United States as businesses needed to make manual updates to their systems to resolve the issue.

George Kurtz, the president and chief executive of CrowdStrike, said on Friday morning that it could take some time for some systems to recover.

How a Software Update Crashed Computers Around the World

Here’s a visual explanation for how a faulty software update crippled machines.

How the airline cancellations rippled around the world (and across time zones)

Share of canceled flights at 25 airports on Friday

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