research topics about democracy in the philippines

Philippines: People’s Power and Defective Elite Democracy

First Online: 02 September 2022

Cite this chapter

research topics about democracy in the philippines

Aurel Croissant 2

Part of the book series: Springer Texts in Political Science and International Relations ((STPSIR))

711 Accesses

This chapter provides a systematic overview of the political actors, institutions, and dynamics of the Philippine political system and summarizes its history and recent developments. Despite the 30 years of democratic politics following the People’s Power Revolution in 1986, the political system of the Philippines remains a highly defective democracy. There are regular and strongly contested elections, and parties are free to organize and campaign for votes. There is a vibrant civil society, a pluralist media, and decentralization reforms that have brought the government closer to the people. However, human rights violations are widespread and have further increased in recent years. Nevertheless, the relevant political elites and social actors seem to accept the democratic institutions as the only game in town. Even the military, despite not being completely under civilian control, seems to have made its peace with democracy. Yet two caveats are in order: First, major political players, including President Duterte (2016–2022), have an electoralist rather than liberal understanding of what constitutes democracy. Secondly, elite support for democracy appears to be rooted, at least to some extent, in the fact that the post-Marcos democratic order has been essential for the preservation of elite control over the political process and its outcomes. This is manifested in the lack of political support for constitutional reforms, which would eliminate the presidential term limit or introduce a shift from presidentialism to a parliamentary system of government. Nonetheless, divisive politics, ongoing insurgencies, and the rise of an autocratic strongman such as Duterte reflect the fragility and weakness of Philippine democracy in successfully tackling problems relating to social, economic, and political inequality, both between social classes and between ethnic groups. In fact, vast segments of the population remain barred from equal access to economic opportunities and life chances in general.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this chapter

Available as PDF
Read on any device
Instant download
Own it forever
Available as EPUB and PDF
Compact, lightweight edition
Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
Free shipping worldwide - see info
Durable hardcover edition

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Institutional subscriptions

An encomienda consisted of a grant by the Spanish crown to a (European) person of a specified number of locals living in a particular area from which the holder of that grant could exact tribute (e.g., in labor). The encomendaro , in turn, was required to protect the local population and instruct them in the Catholic faith.

Technically, the constitution of the pro-Japanese Second Republic suspended the 1935 Constitution between 1943 and 1945.

Despite this constitutional provision, political dynasties are not defined by law.

Technically, there is a difference between amendment and revision. Revision broadly implies a change that alters a basic principle in the constitution, i.e., the system of checks and balances. Amendment broadly refers to a change that adds, reduces, or deletes without altering the basic principle involved. A revision under the people’s initiative is not possible.

For example, in the 18th Congress, the appropriations committee of the House of Representatives had 126members (43 percent of total members; Congress of the Philippines, 2022 ).

The ARMM included the five provinces of Basilan, Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao, Sulu, and Tawi-Tawi. Following two successful plebiscites, which approved the Bangsamoro Organic Law, it was replaced by the BARMM in 2019.

Abad, R. G. (2005). Social capital in the Philippines: Results from a national survey. Philippine Sociological Review, 53 , 1–57.

Google Scholar

Abinales, P. N. (2002). American rule and the formation of filipino ‘Colonial Nationalism.’ Southeast Asian Studies, 39 (4), 604–621.

Abinales, P. N. (2006). Asia’s last people’s war: The communist insurgency in the post-Marcos Philippines. In A. Croissant, S. Kneip, & B. Martin (Eds.), The politics of death: Political violence in Southeast Asia (pp. 189–218). LIT Verlag.

Abinales, P. N. (2011). The Philippines in 2010. Asian Survey, 51 , 163–172. https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2011.51.1.163

Article Google Scholar

Abinales, P. N., & Amoroso, D. J. (2005). State and society in the Philippines (State and society in East Asia series) . Rowman & Littlefield.

ABS. (2017). Asian Barometer Survey: Electronic data release for Wave 4, 2014–2016. http://www.asianbarometer.org/data/data-release

ABS-CBN News. (2019). INFOGRAPHIC: Party-list nominees who belong to political families. In ABC-CBN , February 4, 2019. https://news.abs-cbn.com/focus/multimedia/infographic/02/04/19/party-list-nominees-who-belong-to-political-families

Arugay, A. A. (2013). Saviors or spoilers?: Explaining ‘civil society coups’ in an age of democratization. Thammasat Review, 16 , 167–187.

Atienza, M. E. L. (2006). Local governments and devolution in the Philippines. In T. S. E. Tadem & N. M. Morada (Eds.), Philippine politics and governance: Challenges to democratization and development (pp. 415–441). University of the Philippines Press.

Atienza, M. E. L., & Baylon, F. C. (2006). The Judiciary. In T. S. E. Tadem & N. M. Morada (Eds.), Philippine politics and governance: Challenges to democratization and development (pp. 333–391). University of the Philippines Press.

Atienza, M. E. L. (2019). The Philippines in 2018. Broken promises, growing impatience. Asian Survey, 59 , 185–192.

Atienza, M. E. L. (2020). The Philippines in 2019. Consolidation of power, unraveling of the reform agenda. Asian Survey, 60 , 132–139.

Bankoff, G. (2004). Local associations and social services in the rural Philippines, 1565–1964. IIAS Newsletter, 34 (July), 19.

Banlaoi, R. C., & Carlos, C. (1996). Elections in the Philippines: From the pre-colonial period to the present . Konrad Adenauer Foundation.

Bello, W., & Gershman, J. (1990). Democratization and stabilization in the Philippines. Critical Sociology, 17 , 35–56. https://doi.org/10.1177/089692059001700102

Bertelsmann Stiftung. (2022). Bertelsmann Transformation Index 2022 . https://bti-project.org/en/?&cb=00000

Cabacungan, G. C. (2016). From 3 to 300, PDP-Laban forms ‘supermajority’ in House. Inquirer.net. Available at: https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/787547/from-3-to-300-pdp-laban-forms-supermajority-in-house

Caoili, O. (2006a). The Philippine Legislature: From Pre-Spanish times to the eve of martial law. In T. S. E. Tadem & N. M. Morada (Eds.), Philippine politics and governance: Challenges to democratization and development (pp. 249–279). University of the Philippines Press.

Caoili, O. (2006b). The restored Philippine Congress. In T. S. E. Tadem & N. M. Morada (Eds.), Philippine politics and governance: Challenges to democratization and development (pp. 299–333). University of the Philippines Press.

Carr, A. (2017). Psephos: Adam Carr’s election archive . http://psephos.adam-carr.net/

Casambre, A. L. (2006). Autonomous regions—The Cordillera autonomous region. In T. S. E. Tadem & N. M. Morada (Eds.), Philippine politics and governance: Challenges to democratization and development (pp. 441–459). University of the Philippines Press.

Celoza, A. F. (1997). Ferdinand Marcos and the Philippines: The political economy of authoritarianism . Praeger Publishers.

Choi, J. (2001). Philippine democracies old and new: Elections, term limits, and party systems. Asian Survey, 41 (3), 488–501.

CIA. (2021). The world factbook . https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook

CIVICUS. (2011). Civil society index: Philippines: An assessment of Philippine civil society.

Clarke, G. (1998). The politics of NGOs in South-East Asia: Participation and protest in the Philippines . Routledge.

Book Google Scholar

Claudio, G. (2004). Executive-legislative relations. In J. V. Abueva, V. A. Bautista, P. Domingo-Tapales, M. O. Z. Domingo, & E. E. Nicolas (Eds.), The Macapagal—Arroyo presidency and administration: Record and legacy, 2001–2004: President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and her administration (pp. 83–101). University of the Philippines Press.

Co, E. E. A., Tigno, J. V., Lao, M. E. J., & Sayo, M. A. (2005). Philippine democracy assessment: Free and fair elections and the democratic role of political parties . Ateneo de Manila University Press.

COMELEC. (1996). C ommission on elections resolution No. 2847 dated June 25, 1996 entitled, ‘rules and regulations governing the election of the party-list representatives through the party-list system’ . http://www.chanrobles.com/comelecresolutiono2847.htm

COMELEC. (2000). Commission on election resolution No. 3307-A dated November 9, 2000 entitled, ‘rules and regulations governing the filing of petition for registration, manifestation to participate, and submission of names of nominees under the party-list system of representation in connection with the May 14, 2001 national and local elections’ . http://www.chanrobles.com/comelecresolutiono3307a.htm

COMELEC. (2019). Election results . Update 15 November 2019, https://comelec.gov.ph/index.html?r=2019NLE/ElectionResults_

Congress of the Philippines. (2010). Resolution of both houses No. 1, approving the report of the joint committee, declaring the results of the national elections held on May 10, 2010, for the offices of president and vice president, and proclaiming the duly elected president and vice president of the republic of the Philippines . http://www.gov.ph/downloads/2010/06jun/20100609-laws-Joint-Resolution-1.pdf

Congress of the Philippines. (2021). List of Senate Committees . https://legacy.senate.gov.ph/committee/list.asp

Congress of the Philippines. (2022). House Committees . https://www.congress.gov.ph/committees/

Cook, M. (2021). The Philippines in 2020: Continuity despite Crisis. In D. Singh & M. Cook (Eds.), Southeast Asian Affairs 2021 (pp. 237–256). ISEAS.

Coronel, S. S. (2001). The media, the market and democracy: The case of the Philippines. Media and Democracy in Asia, 8 (2), 109–126.

Coronel, S. S., Chua, Y. T., Rimban, L., & Cruz, B. B. (2004). The rulemakers: How the wealthy and well-born dominate Congress . Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism.

Croissant, A. (2011). Staatlichkeit und Demokratie in Südostasien. In A. T. Paul, A. Pelfini, & B. Rehbein (Eds.), Globalisierung Süd (pp. 54–86, SpringerLink: Bücher). VS Verlag.

Croissant, A., & Völkel, P. (2012). Party system types and party system institutionalization: Comparing new democracies in East and Southeast Asia. Party Politics, 18 , 235–265.

Croissant, A., Kuehn, D., Lorenz, P., & Chambers, P. W. (2013). Democratization and civilian control in Asia . Palgrave Macmillan.

Desirto, D. (2009). A universalist history of the 1987 constitution. Historia Constitucional, 10 , 383–444.

Dohner, R. S., & Intal, P. I. (1989). Debt crisis and adjustment in the Philippines. In J. Sachs (Ed.), Developing country debt and the world economy (pp. 169–192). University of Chicago Press.

Espina-Varona, I. (2016). Opinion: Lawyering for the killers of journalists. In ABS-CBN News , May 31, 2016 . http://news.abs-cbn.com/blogs/opinions/05/31/16/opinion-lawyering-for-the-killers-of-journalists

Franco, J. C. (2004). The Philippines: Fractious civil society and competing visions of democracy. In M. Alagappa (Ed.), Civil society and political change in Asia: Expanding and contracting democratic space (pp. 79–137). Stanford University Press.

FRD. (2006). Country Profile: Philippines. Library of Congress, Federal Research Division. http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/profiles/Philippines.pdf

Gatmaytan, D. B. (2006). It’s all the rage: Popular uprisings and Philippine democracy. Pacific Rim Law & Policy Journal, 15 (1), 1–37.

Gatmaytan, D. B., & Magno, C. (2011). Averting diversity: A review of nominations and appointments to the Philippine supreme court (1988–2008). Asian Journal of Comparative Law . https://doi.org/10.2202/1932-0205.1259

Golder, M. (2005). Democratic electoral systems around the world, 1946–2000. Electoral Studies, 24 , 103–121. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2004.02.008

Guerrero, L. L., & Tusalem, R. F. (2008). Mass public perceptions of democratization in the Philippines: Consolidation in Progress? In Y.-H. Chu, L. J. Diamond, A. J. Nathan, & D. C. Shin (Eds.), How East Asians view democracy (pp. 61–82). Columbia University Press.

Chapter Google Scholar

Gutierrez, E. U., Torrente, I. C., & Narca, N. G. (1992). All in the family: A study of elites and power relations in The Philippines . Institute for Popular Democracy.

Hartmann, C., Hassall, G., Santos, S. M., & JR. (2001). Philippines. South East Asia, East Asia, and the South PacificIn D. Nohlen, F. Grotz, & C. Hartmann (Eds.), Elections in Asia and the Pacific: A data handbook (Vol. II, pp. 185–238). Oxford University Press.

Haynie, S. L. (1998). Paradise lost: Politicisation of the Philippine supreme court in the post Marcos era. Asian Studies Review, 22 , 459–473. https://doi.org/10.1080/10357829808713210

Hellmann, O. (2011). Political parties and electoral strategy: The development of party organization in East Asia . Palgrave Macmillan.

Hernandez, C. G. (1985). The Philippine military and civilian control: Under Marcos and beyond. Third World Quarterly, 7 , 907–923. https://doi.org/10.1080/01436598508419874

Hernandez, C. G. (2006). The military in Philippine politics: Democratization, governance, and security sector reform. In T. S. E. Tadem & N. M. Morada (Eds.), Philippine politics and governance: Challenges to democratization and development (pp. 391–408). University of the Philippines Press.

Hernandez, C. G. (2007). The military in Philippine politics: Retrospect and prospects. In L. C. Salazar & R. Severino (Eds.), Whither the Philippines in the 21st century? (pp. 78–99). ISEAS.

Hernandez, C. G. (2016). The Philippines in 2015: A house still not in order? Asian Survey, 56 , 115–122. https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.115

Hernandez, K. M. G., & Kraft, H. J. S. (2010). Armed forces as veto power: Civil-military relations in the Philippines. In P. W. Chambers & A. Croissant (Eds.), Democracy under stress: Civil-military relations in South and Southeast Asia (pp. 126–148). ISIS.

Hicken, A. (2009). Building party systems in developing democracies . Cambridge University Press.

Hicken, A. (2015). Party and party system institutionalization in the Philippines. In A. Hicken & E. M. Kuhonta (Eds.), Party system institutionalization in Asia: Democracies autocracies and the shadows of the past (pp. 307–327). Cambridge University Press.

Holmes, R. D. (2017). The dark side of electoralism: Opinion polls and voting in the 2016 Philippine presidential election. Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 35 (3), 15–38.

Hutchcroft, P. D. (1998). Booty capitalism: The politics of banking in the Philippines . Cornell Univ. Press.

Hutchcroft, P. D. (2008). The Arroyo Imbroglio in the Philippines. Journal of Democracy, 19 (1).

IDEA. (2017). Voter turnout database . http://www.idea.int/data-tools/data/voter-turnout

Internet World Stats. (2021). Internet 2021 usage in Asia . https://www.internetworldstats.com/stats3.htm

Kasuya, Y. (2003). Weak institutions and strong movements: The case of President Estrada’s impeachment and removal in the Philippines. In J. C. Baumgartner & N. Kada (Eds.), Checking executive power: Presidential impeachment in comparative perspective (pp. 45–64). Praeger Publishers.

Kasuya, Y. (2006). Presidential term limits and party system stability in new democracies . Prepared for delivery at the 2006 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science. http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p_mla_apa_research_citation/1/5/2/7/4/pages152743/p152743-1.php

Kasuya, Y. (2008). Presidential bandwagon: Parties and party systems in the Philippines . Anvil.

Kawanaka, T. (2007). Who eats the most?: Quantitative analysis of pork barrel distributions in the Philippines. IDE Discussion Paper 126 . IDE.

Kawanaka, T. (2010). Checking executive power: Presidential impeachment in comparative perspective. IDE Discussion Paper 233 . IDE.

Kerkvliet, B. J. (2002). The Huk rebellion: A study of peasant revolt in the Philippines . Rowman & Littlefield.

Kessler, R. J. (1989). Rebellion and repression in the Philippines . Yale University Press.

Kreuzer, P. (2007). Formen und Dynamiken politischer Gewalt in den Philippinen. In HSFK-Report 8/2007. Hessische Stiftung für Friedens- und Konfliktforschung.

Kuhonta, E. M. & Truong, N. (2020). The institutional roots of defective democracy in the Philippines. In A. Croissant & O. Hellmann (Eds.). Stateness and democracy in Asia (pp. 153–178). Cambridge University Press

Kuhonta, E. M.; Khim, K. & Huon, T. (2021). Covid-19 in the Philippines and Cambodia: Rising autocracy and weak state capacity. Unpublished manuscript on file with author.

Landé, C. H. (1965). Leaders, factions, and parties: The structure of Philippine politics . Yale University Press.

Landé, C. H. (2001). The return of “people power” in the Philippines. Journal of Democracy, 12 , 88–102. https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2001.0029

Linantud, J. L. (1998). Whither guns, goons, and gold?: The decline of factional election violence in the Philippines. Contemporary Southeast Asia, 20 (3), 298–318.

Liu, J. (2012). Democratic conceptions in East Asian societies: A contextualized analysis. Asian Barometer Working Paper Series No. 56.

Maddison, A. (2001). The world economy: Volume 1 & 2 . OECD.

Mahoney, J., & Thelen, K. (2010). A theory of gradual institutional change. In J. Mahoney & K. Thelen (Eds.), Explaining institutional change: Ambiguity, agency, and power (pp. 1–37). Cambridge University Press.

Manacsa, R. C., & Tan, A. C. (2005). Manufacturing parties. Party Politics, 11 , 748–765. https://doi.org/10.1177/1354068805057608

Maslog, C. C. (2000). Philippines. In S. A. Gunaratne (Ed.), Handbook of the media in Asia (pp. 372–402). SAGE Publications.

McCoy, A. W. (1994). An anarchy of families: State and family in the Philippines . Ateneo de Manila University Press.

McKenna, T. M. (1998). Muslim rulers and rebels: Everyday politics and armed separatism in the southern Philippines . University of California Press.

Mendoza, R. U., Beja, E. L., JR., Venida, V. S., & Yap, D. B. (2012). Inequality in democracy: Insights from an empirical analysis of political dynasties in the 15th Philippine Congress. Philippine Political Science Journal, 33 (2), 132–145.

Muga, F. P. (2014). How to fill the 58 party-list seats . http://www.rappler.com/nation/politics/elections-2013/29567-how-to-fill-the-58-party-list-seats

Noda, K. (2011). Politicization of Philippine budget system: Institutional and economic analysis on ‘Pork-Barrel’. In PRI Discussion Paper Series (No.11 A-04) . Research Department Policy Research Institute.

Norris, P., Wynter, T., Cameron, S. M. & Grömping, M. (2017). Perceptions of electoral integrity, (PEI-5.5). Harvard dataverse, V1 . http://dx.doi.org/ https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/EWYTZ7

NSCB. (2014). Philippine statistical yearbook . National Statistical Coordination Board.

O‘Donnell, G. A., & Schmitter, P. C. (1986). Tentative conclusions about uncertain democracies . Johns Hopkins University Press.

Onorato, M. P. (1970). Governor general Francis Burton Harrison and his administration: A re-appraisal. Philippine Studies, 18 (1), 178–186.

Panao, R. A. L. (2016). Tried and tested? Dynastic persistence and legislative productivity at the Philippine house of representatives. Asian Politics & Society, 8 , 394–417. https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12262

Parreño, E. (1998). Pork. In S. S. Coronel (Ed.), Pork and other perks : Corruption & governance in the Philippines (pp. 32–56). Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism.

Patiño, P., & Velasco, D. (2006). Violence and voting in post-1986 Philippines. In A. Croissant, S. Kneip, & B. Martin (Eds.), The politics of death: Political violence in Southeast Asia (pp. 219–250). LIT Verlag.

PEI. (2016). The perceptions of electoral integrity dataset: Version 4.5. https://sites.google.com/site/electoralintegrityproject4/projects/expert-survey-2

Philippine Daily Inquirer. (2016). Winners of 59 seats in party-list race announced. http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/786644/winners-of-59-seats-in-party-list-race-announced#ixzz4Zasa87le

Przeworski, A. (2003). Democracy and the market: Poltical and economic reforms in Eastern Europe and Latin America. In R. A. Dahl, I. Shapiro, & J. A. Cheibub (Eds.), The democracy sourcebook (pp. 76–92). MIT Press.

Putzel, J. (1999). Survival of an imperfect democracy in the Philippines. Democratization, 6 , 198–223. https://doi.org/10.1080/13510349908403603

Querubin, P. (2012). Political reform and elite persistence: Term limits and political dynasties in the Philippines. In APSA 2012 Annual Meeting Paper .

Querubin, P. (2016). Family and politics: Dynastic persistence in the Philippines. Quarterly Journal of Political Science, 11 , 151–181. https://doi.org/10.1561/100.00014182

Quilop, R. (2006). Nation-state formation in the Philippines. In T. S. E. Tadem & N. M. Morada (Eds.), Philippine politics and governance: Challenges to democratization and development (pp. 1–13). University of the Philippines Press.

Quimpo, N. G. (2005). The left, elections, and the political party system in the Philippines. Critical Asian Studies, 37 , 3–28. https://doi.org/10.1080/1467271052000305241

Quimpo, N. G. (2009). The Philippines: Predatory regime, growing authoritarian features. The Pacific Review, 22 , 335–353. https://doi.org/10.1080/09512740903068388

Quimpo, N. G. (2015). Can the Philippines’ wild oligarchy be tamed? In W. Case (Ed.), Routledge handbook of Southeast Asian democratization (pp. 335–351). Routledge.

Rappler, I. Q. (2019). List: Political clans, powerful figures among 2019 party-list nominees. In Rappler , February 6, 2019. https://www.rappler.com/newsbreak/iq/222846-list-party-list-nominees-2019-elections-political-clans-powerful-figures/

Rappler, I. Q. (2021). Impunity in the Philippines. Lawyers killed: 61 under Duterte, 49 from Marcos to Aquino. In Rappler , March 15, 2021 . https://www.rappler.com/nation/lawyers-killed-duterte-marcos-aquino-administrations-data-studies/

Rappler. (2022). 2022 Philippine Election Results. https://ph.rappler.com/

Ravanilla, N., Sexton, R., & Dotain, D. (2022). Deadly populism: How local political outsiders drive duterte’s war on drugs in the Philippines. The Journal of Politics . https://doi.org/10.1086/715257

Rebullida, L. G. G. (2006a). The executive: Martial law, constitutional authoritarianism, and the Marcos administration. In T. S. E. Tadem & N. M. Morada (Eds.), Philippine politics and governance: Challenges to democratization and development (pp. 153–179). University of the Philippines Press.

Rebullida, L. G. G. (2006b). The Philippine executive and redemocratization. In T. S. E. Tadem & N. M. Morada (Eds.), Philippine politics and governance: Challenges to democratization and development (pp. 179–217). University of the Philippines Press.

Reporters without Borders. (2015). World press freedom index 2015 . https://rsf.org/en/world-press-freedom-index-2015

Reporters without Borders. (2021). 2021 World press freedom index. https://rsf.org/en/ranking

Rimban, L. (2005). Party list: Messing with the party list. Philippine center for investigative journalism special report . http://pcij.org/stories/messing-with-the-party-list/

Rogers, S. (2004). Philippine politics and the rule of law. Journal of Democracy, 15 , 111–125. https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2004.0071

Rother, S. (2009). Changed in migration?: Philippine return migrants and (un)democratic remittances. European Journal of East Asian Studies, 8 , 245–274. https://doi.org/10.1163/156805809X12553326569713

Rüland, J. (2003). Constitutional debates in the Philippines: From presidentialism to parliamentarianism? Asian Survey, 43 , 461–484. https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.3.461

Rüland, J., Jürgenmeyer, C., Nelson, M. H., & Ziegenhain, P. (2005). Parliaments and political change in Asia . ISEAS.

Santos, S. M., JR., & Paz, V. M. (2010). Primed and purposeful: Armed groups and human security efforts in the Philippines . Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies.

Santos, S. M., JR., Abad, F., Rocamora, J., & Chay, F.-H. (1997). Shift . Ateneo Center for Social Policy and Public Affairs.

Santos, J. M. C. (2003). Out of reach: Television, the public sphere and civil society in the Philippines. In P. Kitley (Ed.), Television, regulation, and civil society in Asia (pp. 131–148). RoutledgeCurzon.

Sartori, G. (1994). Comparative constitutional engineering: An inquiry into structures incentives and outcomes . Macmillan.

Shugart, M. S., & Carey, J. M. (1992). Presidents and assemblies: Constitutional design and electoral dynamics . Cambridge University Press.

Slater, D. (2010). Ordering power: Contentious politics and authoritarian leviathans in Southeast Asia . Cambridge University Press.

Stevens, M. (1993). Origins of the 1986 constitution, national research project F 26 . National Defense University.

Supreme Court of the Philippines. (2009). Annual report 2009 . http://sc.judiciary.gov.ph/publications/reports/SC_Annual_09.pdf

Tate, C. N., & Haynie, S. L. (1993). Authoritarianism and the functions of courts: A time series analysis of the Philippine supreme court, 1961–1987. Law & Society Review, 27 , 707–740. https://doi.org/10.2307/3053951

Teehankee, J. (2002). Electoral politics in the Philippines. In A. Croissant, G. Bruns, & M. John (Eds.), Electoral politics in Southeast & East Asia (pp. 149–202). Friedrich Ebert Foundation.

Teehankee, J. (2006). Consolidation or crisis of clientelistic democracy? The 2004 Synchronized elections in the Philippines. In A. Croissant & B. Martin (Eds.), Between consolidation and crisis: Elections and democracy in five nations in Southeast Asia (pp. 215–277). LIT Verlag.

Teehankee, J. (2021). Factional dynamics in Philippine party politics, 1900–2019. Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 39 , 89–123. https://doi.org/10.1177/1868103420913404

The Philippine Star. (2001). NPA strength growing, MILF decreasing. In Phil Star , July 27, 2001. http://www.philstar.com/headlines/128079/npa-strength-growing-milf-decreasing

Thompson, M. R. (1995). The anti-Marcos struggle: Personalistic rule and democratic transition in the Philippines . Yale University Press.

Thompson, M. R. (2011). Moore meets Gramsci and Burke in Southeast Asia: New democracies and civil society. In A. Croissant & M. Bünte (Eds.), The crisis of democratic governance in Southeast Asia (pp. 57–74). Palgrave Macmillan.

Thompson, M. R. (2017). Bloodied democracy: Duterte and the death of liberal reformism in the Philippines. Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 35 (3), 39–68.

Tigno, J. V. (2006a). Electoral and party politics during the martial law period. In T. S. E. Tadem & N. M. Morada (Eds.), Philippine politics and governance: Challenges to democratization and development (pp. 77–97). University of the Philippines Press.

Tigno, J. V. (2006b). Electoral and party politics in Prewar Philippines. In T. S. E. Tadem & N. M. Morada (Eds.), Philippine politics and governance: Challenges to democratization and development (pp. 29–53). University of the Philippines Press.

Tocqueville, A. D. (1955). The old régime and the French revolution . Anchor Books.

Trinn, C., & Croissant, A. (2012). Democratic and semi-democratic conflict management in Southeast Asia. In J. J. Schwarzmantel & H. J. Kraetzschmar (Eds.), Democracy and violence: Global debates and local challenges (pp. 188–217). Routledge.

Tuazon, R. R. (1998). Sociocultural factors as determinants of press freedom: The Philippine experience. In A. Latif (Ed.), Walking the tightrope : Press freedom and professional standards in Asia (pp. 238–250). Asian Media Information and Communication Centre.

UNESCO. (2017). UNESCO institute for statistics data center . http://data.un.org/Browse.aspx?d=UNESCO

Velasco, R. S. (2006). Parties, elections, and democratization in post-martial law Philippines. In T. S. E. Tadem & N. M. Morada (Eds.), Philippine politics and governance: Challenges to democratization and development (pp. 97–116). University of the Philippines Press.

Villacorta, W. V. (1988). The dynamics and processes of writing the 1987 constitution. Philippine Journal of Public Administration, 32 (3–4), 299–309.

Vitug, M. D. (2010). Shadow of doubt: Probing the supreme court . Public Trust Media Group.

Vogel, B., Grabow, K., & Rieck, C. E. (2008). KAS-Demokratiereport 2008 . Konrad Adenauer Foundation.

Woo, J. (2011). Security challenges and military politics in East Asia: From state building to post-democratization. Continuum.

World Bank. (2017). Worldwide governance indicators . http://data.worldbank.org/data-catalog/worldwide-governance-indicators

World Bank. (2021). World development indicators . https://databank.worldbank.org/source/world-development-indicators

Wurfel, D. (1988). Filipino politics: Development and decay . Cornell University Press.

Yusingco, M.H. (2020). The Philippines’ Dalliance with authoritarianism in times of national emergency. In VerfBlog , April 4, 2020. https://verfassungsblog.de/the-philippines-dalliance-with-authoritarianism-in-times-of-national-emergency/ . doi: https://doi.org/10.17176/20200421-182538-0

Yusingco, M. H., Mendoza, R. U., Mendoza, G. A. & Yap, J. (2021). Legislative and constitutional reforms under the duterte administration. https://ssrn.com/abstract=3883136 or http://dx.doi.org/ https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3883136

Zimmermann, R. (2012). Alte Bande reißen nicht? Richterliche (Un-)Abhängigkeit am philippinischen supreme court. Internationales Asienforum, 43 (3–4), 325–350.

Download references

Author information

Authors and affiliations.

Institute of Political Science, Heidelberg University, Heidelberg, Germany

Aurel Croissant

You can also search for this author in PubMed Google Scholar

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

Copyright information

About this chapter

Croissant, A. (2022). Philippines: People’s Power and Defective Elite Democracy. In: Comparative Politics of Southeast Asia. Springer Texts in Political Science and International Relations. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05114-2_8

Download citation

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05114-2_8

Published : 02 September 2022

Publisher Name : Springer, Cham

Print ISBN : 978-3-031-05113-5

Online ISBN : 978-3-031-05114-2

eBook Packages : Political Science and International Studies Political Science and International Studies (R0)

Share this chapter

Anyone you share the following link with will be able to read this content:

Sorry, a shareable link is not currently available for this article.

Provided by the Springer Nature SharedIt content-sharing initiative

Publish with us

Policies and ethics

Find a journal
Track your research

UP Department of Political Science

Research and Extension

Recent Publications

Herman Joseph S. Kraft. 2022. “ Teaching International Relations in the Philippines: Opening Spaces While Maintaining Traditional Approaches .” Contemporary Southeast Asia 44 (2): 274-288.

Ronald A. Pernia and Rogelio Alicor L. Panao. 2022. “ Delegative democratic attitude and public opinion on human rights: empirical evidence from the Philippines .” Democratization, DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2022.2141229

Panao, Rogelio Alicor L and Ronald Pernia. 2022. “Fear and Loathing or Strategic Priming? Unveiling the Audience in Duterte’s Crime Rhetoric.” Journal of East Asian Studies, 1-22. DOI: 10.1017/jea.2022.1

Atienza, Maria Ela L., and Quilala, Dennis. 2021. “The Role of Civil Society in Disaster Response – The Philippine Experience.” In Humanitarianism in the Asia-Pacific. Singapore: Springer Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-4874-5_14

Atienza, Maria Ela L., and Quilala, Dennis. 2021. “Nongovernment Organizations in Humanitarian Activities in the Philippines: Local Contributions in Post-Disaster Settings and Implications for Humanitarian Action and Diplomacy.” Asian Journal of Comparative Politics, 6(4), 345–359. https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911211058146

Encinas-Franco, Jean. 2021. “The presidential kiss: Duterte’s gendered populism, hypermasculinity, and Filipino migrants.” NORMA, DOI: 10.1080/18902138.2022.2026107

Go, Jan Robert R. 2021. “ Political Science Research and Methodology in Contemporary Philippines: An Analysis of the Philippine Political Science Journal, 2000-2019 .” Asian Journal of Political Science Journal 29(2): 238-254. DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2021.1906289

Gloria, Enrico V. 2021. “Justifying economic coercion: the discourse of victimhood in China’s unilateral sanctions policy.” The Pacific Review. DOI: 10.1080/09512748.2021.1980605

Marcaida, Marielle Y. 2021. “Student Activism Offline and Online: A Mixed-Methods Study on College Students’ Protest Participation in the Philippines.” Philippine Social Sciences Review 72(1).

Marcaida, Marielle Y. 2021. “Understanding the Narratives of Pateros Mothers’ Resistance under the Philippine Drug War.” Philippine Political Science Journal, 42(3), 238-265. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025X-bja10022

Miranda, Matthew Manuelito S. 2021. “Policy Framing and Comparative Discourse Analysis.” Philippine Political Science Journal, 42(3), 208-237. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025X-bja10024

Tana, Maria Thaemar C. 2021. “Continuity or Change?: Prospects for Japan’s Mindanao Peacebuilding Strategy.” Asian International Studies Review, 22(2), 143-170. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1163/2667078X-bja10007

Arugay, Aries A. Sinpeng, A., and D. Gueorguiev . 2020. “Strong Fans, Weak Campaign: Social Media and Duterte in the 2016 Presidential Election.” Journal of East Asian Studies. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2020.11

Arugay, Aries A. 2020. “Transforming Korean Peninsula’s Insecurity through ASEAN’s Involvement.” In C.P. Hoo (ed.), The New Southern Policy: Catalyst for Deepening ASEAN-ROK Cooperation. Kuala Lumpur: Institute of Strategic and International Studies Malaysia, pp. 147-158.

Arugay, Aries A. 2020. “Charmed and Weakened: China’s Diplomatic Overtures and Democratic Erosion in the Philippines.” In S.C. Hsu and J.M. Cole (eds.), Insidious Power How China Undermines Global Democracy. Manchester: Eastbridge Books, pp. 237-265.

Atienza, Maria Ela; Eadie, Pauline; and Tan-Mullins, May. 2020. “Livelihood and vulnerability in the wake of Typhoon Yolanda: lessons of community and resilience.” Natural Hazards 103 (1) (August 2020): 211-230. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11069-020-03984-z

Atienza, Maria Ela; Tan-Mullins, May; and Eadie, Pauline. 2020. “Evolving social capital and networks in the post-disaster rebuilding process.” Asia Pacific Viewpoint. (Early view online) Available at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/apv.12268

Atienza, Maria Ela L. 2020. “The Philippines in 2019: Consolidation of Power, Unraveling of the Reform Agenda.” Asian Survey, Vol. 60 No. 1 (January/February): 132-139. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1525/AS.2020.60.1.132

Bautista, Aimee Dresa. 2020. “Exploring Political Socialization and Political Participation: The Filipino Youth and the Sangguniang Kabataan in Caloocan City’s First Legislative District.” Child & Youth Services, DOI: 10.1080/0145935X.2020.1859364

Cainghog, N.G., Raneses, N.G., Tamayao, M.M. and Gotera, K.M.C. 2020. “Consequences of kaizen practices in MSMEs in the Philippines: The case of the Manufacturing Productivity Extension Program (MPEX).” In Hosono. A, Page, J, and Shimada, G. (Eds.) Workers, managers, productivity: Kaizen in developing countries. Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan

Encinas-Franco, Jean. 2020. “Gendered Constructions of Overseas Filipino Workers and the Politics of National Shame.” Journal of Human Rights and Peace Studies, 6 (2) 283-310.

Go, Jan Robert R. 2020. “Online Course Learning in a Time of a Pandemic: The Wuhan Experience.” Philippine Journal of Public Policy: Interdisciplinary Development Perspectives 81-88.

Go, Jan Robert R. 2020. “Wuhan 武汉.” DX Machina: Journal of Contemporary Philippine Literature 14(2): 1-12.

Kraft, Herman Joseph S. 2020. “Key Legal Issues for the Philippines on the West Philippine Sea/South China Sea Dispute.” In Ha Ahn Tuan, ed. Ocean Governance in the South China Sea: Fishery Cooperation and Environmental Protection. Hanoi: National Political Publishing House, pp. 44-60.

Panao, Rogelio Alicor L. 2020. “Beyond Flypaper: Unconditional Transfers and Local Revenue Generation in the Philippines, 1992–2016.” International Journal of Public Administration. DOI: 10.1080/01900692.2020.1759628

Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion. 2020. “Writing Philippine Politics and the Marcos Technocrats”. Philippine Political Science Journal. 41, 263-268.

Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion. 2020. “A Panacea Gone Awry: A Review of Water Privatization Policy in the Philippines.” Asia Politics & Policy. Volume 12, Iss. 4, October, pp. 632-646. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12559

Arugay, Aries A. and Kraft, Herman Joseph S. (eds). 2020. Toward an Enhanced Strategic Policy in the Philippines . Quezon City: Center for Integrative and Development Studies, University of the Philippines.

Atienza, Maria Ela L., Aries A. Arugay, Jean Encinas-Franco, Jan Robert R. Go, and Rogelio Alicor L. Panao. 2020. “Constitutional Performance Assessment in the Time of a Pandemic: The 1987 Constitution and the Philippines’ COVID-19 Response.” International IDEA Discussion Paper 3/2020. Stockholm and Quezon City: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance and University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies. DOI: https://doi.org/10.31752/idea.2020.36

Atienza, Maria Ela L., Aries A. Arugay, Francis Joseph A. Dee, Jean Encinas-Franco, Jan Robert R. Go, Rogelio Alicor L. Panao, and A.J.D. Jimenez. 2020. “Constitutional Performance Assessment of the 1987 Philippine Constitution: Summary of Findings.” Stockholm and Quezon City: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance and University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies. DOI: https://doi.org/10.31752/idea.2020.2

Gloria, Enrico V. 2020. “Constructing Major Power Identity: China’s Discourses on the Belt and Road Initiative and Policy Insights for the Philippines.” in Toward an Enhanced Strategic Policy in the Philippines. Arugay, A. & Kraft, H. (eds). UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies. pp. 87-107.

Marcaida, Marielle Y. 2020. “Organized Crime, Illicit Economies and the Philippine-China Relations under the Duterte Administration.” In Toward an Enhanced Strategic Policy in the Philippines. Arugay, A. & Kraft, H. (eds). UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies. pp. 107-135.

Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion. 2020. “The Politics of a Middle-Class-Led Movement in the Philippines”. In Thinking With and Beyond Marx: Critical Essays on Politics, History and Art, Published in Commemoration of the 200th Birth Anniversary of Karl Marx. Vol. 1. Tadem, Eduardo C. and Honey B. Tabiola. Editors. University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies Public Policy Monograph Series, pp. 105-122.

Taguibao, Jalton G. Rebullida, Maria Lourdes. 2020. “Solid Waste Management, Environmental Governance, and Sustainable Development: Empowering Intergovernmental Relations in the National Capital Region.” UP CIDS Policy Brief 2020-06. Quezon City: UP Center for Integrative and Development Studies.

Arugay, Aries A., and D. Slater. 2019. “Polarization Without Poles: Machiavellian Conflicts and the Philippines’ Lost Decade of Democracy, 2000–2010.” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 681(1): 122-136. DOI: 10.1177/0002716218810385

Arugay, Aries A. 2019. “Fall from Grace, Descent from Power? Civil Society after Philippine Democracy’s Lost Decade.” In I. Deinla and B. Dressel (eds.) From Aquino II to Duterte (2010-2018): Change, Continuity – and Rupture. Singapore: ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute, pp. 285-308.

Arugay, Aries A., C. Misalucha-Willoughby, and J. Amador III. 2019. “Quad to Zero? Filipino Perceptions of the Quad, the Indo-Pacific, and the Alliance System.” APPFI Research Paper RSA-2019-04. Quezon City: Asia Pacific Pathways to Progress Foundation Inc.

Atienza, Maria Ela L. 2019. “The Philippines in 2018: Broken Promises, Growing Impatience.” Asian Survey, Vol. 59 No. 1 (January/February): 185-192. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1525/as.2019.59.1.185

Atienza, Maria Ela; Eadie, Pauline; Tan-Mullins, May. 2019. “Urban Poverty in the Wake of Environmental Disaster: Rehabilitation, Resilience and Typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda).” London: Routledge (Taylor and Francis Group). Available at: https://www.routledge.com/Urban-Poverty-in-the-Wake-of-Environmental-Disaster-Rehabilitation-Resilience/Atienza-Eadie-Tan-Mullins/p/book/9781138629998, https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315210056

Blanco, Dennis V. 2019. “Urban Domestic Water Governance in the Philippines: Paradigms and Capacities.” Philippine Political Science Journal, 40 (1/2), 69-99. Brill Publishers. https://doi.org/10.1163/2165025X-12340003.

Blanco, Dennis Vicencio and Rogelio Alicor Panao. 2019. “Caring for Orphans in the Philippines: A Policy-Capacity Review.” Child and Youth Services, 40 (1), 65-92. Taylor and Francis. https://doi.org/10.1080/0145935X.2018.1551723

Blanco, Dennis Vicencio and Alan Bairner. 2019. “College Basketball Governance in the Philippines: Actors, Stakeholders, Issues and Policies.” Sport in Society: Cultures, Commerce, Media and Politics. 22 (3), 361-383.Taylor and Francis, Routledge Press. https://doi.org/10.1080/17430437.2018.1490265.

Frago-Marasigan, Perlita M. 2019. “The Haiyan Crisis: Empowering the Local, Engaging the Global.” In Human Security and Cross-Border Cooperation in East Asia, edited by Carolina Hernandez, Eun Mee Kim, Yoichi Mine, Ren Xiao, 133-153. Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan.

Kraft, Herman Joseph S. 2019. “ASEAN and the Protection of Migrant Rights.” in Samuel C.Y. Ku, Wen-Pin Lin, and Khai Leong Ho, eds. Southeast Asia: Transition and Transformation. Kaohsiung: Wenzao Ursuline University Press, pp. 259-269

Kraft, Herman Joseph S. 2019. “Geopolitical Environment of Philippines-China Relations: Maintaining the Security Architecture in the Face of Shifting Power Relations.” Chinese Studies Journal, Vol. 12 (Philippines Association for Chinese Studies): 1-9.

Panao, Rogelio Alicor L. 2019. “Electoral persistence and the quality of public policies: evidence from the dynamics of lawmaking in the Philippine House of Representatives, 1992-2016.” Journal of Asian Public Policy 13(3): 295-318.

Panao, Rogelio Alicor L. 2019. “Does the upper house have the upper hand? The Dynamics of Distributive Policies in the Philippine Senate.” Philippine Political Science Journal 40(1): 201–229

Quilala, Dennis, F. 2019. “The Protracted Crisis in Mindanao: Japan’s Cooperation and Human Security.” In Human Security and Cross-Border Cooperation in East Asia, (co written with Sachiko Ishikawa)

Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion. 2019. “Philippine: la gauche sociale et politique face au “dutertisme.” Alternatives Sud, Vol. 26-2019, Belgium: Centre Tricontinental et Éditions Syllepse, pp. 145-151.

Tadem Teresa S. Encarnacion. 2019. “Re-defining governance to address socio-economic inequality in the Philippines.” Journal of Law and Administration 15(3):10-22. https://doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2019-3-52-10-22

Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion. 2019. “Tracing the Rise of Filipino Technocrats Through the Cold War.” Kyoto Review of Southeast Asia. In Eva Hansson & Meredith Weiss. “Beyond the Cold War in Southeast Asia”. Issue 26. Online journal: https://kyotoreview.org/issue-26/tracing-the-rise-of-filipino-technocrats-through-cold-war/.

Taguibao, Jalton G. 2019. “Sustainable Energy Policy in Southeast Asia: Domestic Variations and Congruence in Policy Discourses.” Asian Politics and Policy Journal, Volume 11, Issue No. 2, pp. 327-346.

Tigno, Jorge V. 2019. “Protecting Filipino Overseas Migrant Workers.” in Global Health Leadership: Case Studies from the Asia-Pacific edited by Mellissa Withers and Judith McCool. Switzerland: Springer Nature, pp. 133-146.

Atienza, Maria Ela; Lusterio-Rico, Ruth; Arugay, Aries A.; Encinas-Franco, Jean; and Quilala, Dennis. 2019. “Understanding Culture, Society, and Politics (for Senior High School) revised edition.” Quezon City: C & E Publishing.

Go, Jan Robert R. 2019. “Elections under the 1987 Constitution.” In Chronology of the 1987 Philippine Constitution, edited by Maria Ela L. Atienza. Quezon City: UP Centre for Integrative and Development Studies, 13-18.

Go, Jan Robert R. and Jean Encinas-Franco. 2019. “The Power of Impeachment.” In Chronology of the 1987 Philippine Constitution, edited by Maria Ela L. Atienza. Quezon City: UP Centre for Integrative and Development Studies, 45-51.

Go, Jan Robert R. 2019. “Implications for Governance and Future Policy.” In Rebuilding Disaster-Affected Communities for a Sustainable Future: Lessons and Policy Recommendations for Poverty Alleviation from the Typhoon Yolanda Experience, edited by Maria Ela L. Atienza. Quezon City: UP Centre for Integrative and Development Studies, 31-35.

Panao, Rogelio Alicor L. 2019. “Bribe as business: Culture, corruption, and investment behavior by Asian economies.” HanPil Occasional Papers 3: 5-30

Panao, Rogelio Alicor L. 2019. “Laws and jurisprudence as gauge of constitutional efficacy.” In Maria Ela L. Atienza, ed., Chronology of the 1987 Constitution. Public Policy Monograph Series. Quezon City: UPCIDS and the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA).

Tadem, Teresea S. Encarnacion. 2019. “Philippine Politics and the Marcos Technocrats: The emergence and evolution of a power elite.” Q.C.: Ateneo de Manila University Press.

Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion and Noel M. Morada. Editors. 2019. “Southeast Asian Politics: Issues of the Past Defining the Challenges of the Present.” Third World Perspectives in Politics. Diliman, Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion and Eduardo C. Tadem. 2019. “Reclaiming public services: Giving back ownership and control of the water sector to local government.” UP CIDS Program on Alternative Development Policy Brief”. UP CIDS Policy Brief 2019, pp. 1-8.

Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion and Noel M. Morada. Editors. 2019. “Introduction” In Southeast Asian Politics: Issues of the Past Defining the Challenges of the Present. Third World Perspectives in Politics. Diliman, Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, pp, 1-15.

Taguibao, Jalton G. 2019. “Kapwa, Loob, and the Political Relationship Between President and Citizens Based on an Analysis of Presidential Speeches from 1986 to 2013.” Handbook of Filipino Psychology Volume 2: Applications edited by Rogelia Pe-Pua. University of the Philippines Press. pp. 531-556.

Zialcita, Jean Paul L., 2019. “Presidential influence in the legislative process: The passage of the RH Bill in the Philippine House of Representatives.” Philippine Social Sciences Review 71(1): 27-41.

Arugay, Aries A., and Slater D. 2018. “Polarizing Figures: Executive Power and Institutional Conflict in Asian Democracies.” American Behavioral Scientist 62(1): 92-106.

Arugay, Aries A., and A. Sinpeng. 2018. “Varieties of Authoritarianism and the Limits of Democracy in Southeast Asia.” In M. Beeson and A. Ba (eds.) Contemporary Southeast Asia, 3rd ed. London: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 91-110.

Dee, Francis Joseph A. 2018. “Predictors of participation in protest in the Philippines.” Philippine Political Science Journal, 39:3, 155-178, DOI: 10.1080/01154451.2018.1565641

Kraft, Herman Joseph S. 2018. “Beyond the transmission of ideas: Pedro L. Baldoria and the field of geopolitics in the Philippines.” Philippine Political Science Journal 39(2): 132-135, DOI: 10.1080/01154451.2018.1535877

Panao, Rogelio Alicor L., and Bea Xandra De Leon. 2018. “Balancing the interests of labor and capital: An empirical analysis of Philippine Supreme Court labor cases from 1987 to 2016.” Philippine Political Science Journal 38(1): 24-46

Quilala, Dennis, F. 2018. “ Narratives and Counter-narratives: Responding to Political Violence in the Philippines .” Southeast Asian Affairs, pp. 285-296.

Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion. 2018. “Chapter 5: The Middle-Class-Led Left Movement in Civil Society’s Role in the Philippines’ Democratization Process.” In Middle Class, Civil Society and Democracy in Asia, edited by Hsin-Huang Michael Hsiao, 81–101. Routledge Contemporary Asia Series. New York, NY: Routledge.

Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion. 2018. “Technocracy and Class Politics in Policy-Making.” In Routledge Handbook of the Contemporary Philippines, edited by Mark R. Thompson and Eric Vincent C. Batalla, 262–72. London and New York: Routledge Taylor and Francis Group.

Tigno, Jorge V. 2018. “What One Hand Gives, the Other Takes Away: Migration, Food Insecurity, and Women in the Philippines.” in Ensuring a Square Meal; Women and Food Security in Southeast Asia edited by Theresa W. Devasahayam. Singapore: World Scientific Publishing Co. Pte. Ltd., pp. 203-238.

Tigno, Jorge V. 2018. “Labor Migration from the Philippines: Has the Country Had Enough?” in Southeast Asia; Beyond Borders and Boundaries edited by Samuel C.Y. Ku and HerlinChien. Kaohsiung: Wenzao University Press, pp. 143-158.

Tigno, Jorge V. 2018. “The Philippines” in Routledge Handbook of Civil Society in Asia edited by Akihiro Ogawara. Abingdon and New York: Routledge, pp. 110 – 128.

Atienza, Maria Ela L. 2018. “Human Security in the ASEAN Political-Security Community Blueprint: Assessing Success, Challenges and Lessons in ASEAN Human Security Cooperation in Post-Conflict Peace Building Measures.” in ASEAN: 50 Years Hence, edited by Rommel J. Casis and Celeste Ruth L. Cembrano-Mallari. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Law Center’s Institute of International Legal Studies (launched January 2020), pp. 280-307.

Encinas-Franco, Jean. et al. 2018. “Narratives of Filipino Bride Returnees from South Korea: Implications to Research and Policy.” Hanpil Occasional Paper Series on Korea and the Philippines. Vol. 3. December 2018.

Ferrer, Miriam C., 2018. “Remigio E. Agpalo.” In J. Tigno (Ed.), Twentieth-century Philippine political thinkers: Selected readings. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

Frago-Marasigan, Perlita M. 2018. “Renato Constantino.” In J. Tigno (Ed.), Twentieth-century Philippine political thinkers: Selected readings. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

Go, Jan Robert R. 2018. “Claro M. Recto.” In J. Tigno (Ed.), Twentieth-century Philippine political thinkers: Selected readings. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

Kraft, Herman Joseph S., 2018. “Pedro L. Baldoria.” In J. Tigno (Ed.), Twentieth-century Philippine political thinkers: Selected readings. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

Lusterio-Rico, Ruth R. 2018. “Felipe Agoncillo.” In J. Tigno (Ed.), Twentieth-century Philippine political thinkers: Selected readings. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

Naval, Jaime B., 2018. “Estrella D. Solidum.” In J. Tigno (Ed.), Twentieth-century Philippine political thinkers: Selected readings. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

Taguibao, Jalton G. 2018. “Jose Maria Sison.” In J. Tigno (Ed.), Twentieth-century Philippine political thinkers: Selected readings. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

Tigno, Jorge V. (ed). 2018. “Twentieth Century Philippine Political Thinkers.” Selected Readings. Quezon City: UP Press.

Zialcita, Jean Paul L., 2018. “Jose P. Laurel.” In J. Tigno (Ed.), Twentieth-century Philippine political thinkers: Selected readings. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

Toxic Democracy? The Philippines in 2018

Centre for Deliberative Democracy and Global Governance

Research output : A Conference proceeding or a Chapter in Book › Chapter › peer-review

Publication series

This output contributes to the following UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)

Access to Document

https://search.proquest.com/docview/2212624423/fulltextPDF/824AF79650914B44PQ/1?accountid=28889
https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/southeast-asian-affairs-2019/toxic-democracy-the-philippines-in-2018/6FA4F10CC363B214B482640000C555D2

The 2022 Philippine Election: Trouble for Democracy and Foreign Relations Ahead?

CaveDweller99 / Shutterstock.com

On May 9th, Filipinos went to the polls to cast their votes for President to succeed Rodrigo Duterte. The acerbic former Mayor of Davao oversaw a decline in Philippine democracy , a bloody drug war , the proliferation of disinformation , and a foreign policy that failed in its pivot to China but distanced Manila from Washington. Continuing this populist authoritarian trend, Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., the son of the former dictator ousted in the People Power Revolution of 1986, won by historic margins , along with his incoming Vice President, Rodrigo Duterte’s daughter, Sara Duterte.

The run-up to the election was marked by a shifting series of alliances and betrayals before the field solidified under a solid Marcos lead. While a late polling surge by Leni Robredo —the outgoing Vice President, a position that is elected separately from the President—raised some hopes for the opposition to mount a victorious campaign, Marcos held his early lead through election day. Many youth in the Philippines are unfamiliar with the corruption and human rights abuses of Marcos’ father’s dictatorship, and a rampant disinformation environment altered perceptions of history and amplified his populist appeal. Marcos and Sara Duterte, despite occasional criticism from Rodrigo Duterte , represented continuation of the current administration’s populist style of politics, which duly secured them victory alongside the influence of entrenched political dynasticism and online misinformation.

The implications of a six year term under Marcos-Duterte are significant for everyday Filipinos and the country’s standing in the Indo-Pacific. Indeed, the new administration is likely to continue many of Duterte’s policies , including efforts to court Beijing , thus heralding further declines in Philippine democracy and human rights, as well as in its relationship with the United States.

Dark Days for Philippine Democracy and Human Rights

From 2016 to 2022, the Philippine democracy declined substantially due to Duterte’s autocratic policies, from a 65 to a 55 in Freedom House’s democracy rankings. A violent wave of extrajudicial killings of thousands of suspected drug users, repression of journalists and civil society , and crackdowns on the opposition abounded under Duterte. These efforts led to the deaths of more than 6,200 according to the government’s own data, while others estimate up to 30,000 extrajudicial killings. Nobel Peace Prize recipient Maria Ressa, a journalist and founder of independent news outlet Rappler , exemplifies the impact of Duterte’s authoritarian turn. Convicted of cyber libel in 2020 , Ressa was targeted by the Duterte administration for her criticism of human rights abuses. While the case against Ressa is the highest profile, it is far from the only instance of government repression in the Philippines. The environment for civil society and the media is far more restricted in 2022 than in 2015.

With their victory, the Marcos-Duterte administration appears poised to continue many of Duterte’s autocratic policies. Although ambivalent about Duterte’s federalist push, Marcos appears set on continuing the “ Build, Build, Build” program , perhaps through further investment from China . When questioned regarding his father’s human rights abuses, Marcos dismissed the allegations . Early on in his campaign, the candidate said that he would continue the drug war, albeit in a “different way” by focusing on prevention and education, but he also reiterated that he will “behave as a non-signatory” towards an International Criminal Court investigation of Duterte’s drug war. He further explained that “we have a functioning judiciary, and that’s why I don’t see the need for a foreigner to come and do the job for us.” Regarding disinformation, Twitter suspended at least 300 accounts associated with the Marcos campaign for spreading misinformation . On issues of corruption, the Marcos family largely evaded justice for an estimated $10 billion theft of Philippine wealth during his father’s dictatorship, and a last ditch effort to disqualify him on the basis of tax evasion came to naught . These warning signs imply that the already serious damage to democracy and human rights in the Philippines will likely worsen during the next six years of Marcos’ tenure.

Courting Beijing

On foreign policy, Duterte similarly upended longstanding practice. Shortly after his win in 2016, Rodrigo Duterte announced that he would be ignoring the Philippines’ legal victory against Beijing in a Permanent Court of Arbitration ruling regarding disputed claims in the South China Sea. He promptly extended an olive branch to China. At the time, Duterte argued that “’there is no sense in going to war. There is no sense fighting over a body of water.” Within his first year, he embarked on a visit to Beijing to discuss the South China Sea with President Xi Jinping of China, which led to a Memorandum of Understanding for joint energy development. Much of impetus for this stemmed from Duterte’s fundamental distrust of the U.S. alliance’s reliability against China’s growing dominance in the region.

Yet, his foreign policy resulted in few, if any, wins for Manila. The Philippine public disfavors China , and only a fraction of promised Chinese investment has been implemented since 2016 . Indeed, Chinese harassment of Filipino fishermen and island militarization in the South China Sea continued regardless of Duterte’s supposed détente with Beijing, leading to a major standoff over Scarborough Shoal in 2021 . In spite of his best efforts, Duterte’s outreach to China came up short .

Regardless of the Philippines ability to court China, Marcos and Sara Duterte seem poised to carry this maverick foreign policy forward. While Marcos has advocated for a military presence in the disputed maritime region to defend Philippine interests, he said that he would order them “ ’not to fire upon’ ” Chinese vessels. Indeed, Marcos appears to share Duterte’s view that appeasement with China is in Manila’s best interests. He has stated his intention to not enforce the 2016 Arbitration ruling and expressed support for a bilateral deal with Beijing. He has argued for persuading China to accept Filipino fisherman in the South China Sea—despite Chinese vessels continuously harassing them regardless of Duterte's past efforts—and for an ASEAN Code of Conduct on maritime disputes, which would likely be to Beijing’s benefit. Marcos will also likely seek greater Chinese investment, including in what some have alleged are questionable deals and gifts beneficial to the Marcos family’s personal interests. In short, Rodrigo Duterte’s recent warning to his successor to continue the stalled Memorandum with China will likely be heeded.

Strain with the United States

In a corollary to his outreach to China, the Duterte administration oversaw significant strain to its ties with the United States. Almost immediately upon taking over, President Duterte damaged relations with the United States through personal attacks on President Barack Obama and the fallout of his human rights violations during the drug war. This, and the commensurate courting of Beijing, came out of a larger drive from Duterte to practice an “ independent foreign policy ,” where Manila would strive to be “ friends to all and enemies to none .”

Although ties improved somewhat during the Trump administration as Washington quieted its concerns over Manila’s human rights abuses and democratic decline, the downward trend reached a new low in 2020. Duterte threatened to end its Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) with the United States in a serious blow to the alliance. The VFA enables the United States military to maintain legal jurisdiction over its forces operating in the Philippines, including those assisting Philippines troops in the fight against Islamist militants in Mindanao and those attached to the 2014 Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) that provides for U.S. access and pre-positioning at five bases. The Duterte administration kept the United States in limbo with a VFA extension into the Biden administration before a high profile visit by Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin ultimately resulted in its restoration . Despite its eventual resurrection, the VFA’s loss could have been catastrophic for the U.S.-Philippine alliance and reflected Duterte’s unpredictability.

While U.S.-Philippine ties now appear more stable—Washington and Manila recently celebrated the largest ever Balikatan military exercises—the risk of a resurgence in tensions under Marcos is likely. Beyond his outreach to China, Marcos has troubled history with the United States, having fled to Hawaii following the 1986 democratic uprising against his father. A U.S. court issued contempt of court proceedings against Marcos in 1995 over a class action lawsuit against his family, a judgement which reportedly reached $353 million in 2011 and could theoretically lead to arrest upon his entry into the United States. Furthermore, while in the Philippine Senate in 2014, he pushed back against EDCA as unfair. During his electoral campaign, Marcos claimed that his negative history in the United States would not impact his foreign policy, but his message largely emphasizes a balanced approach between Beijing and Washington. Even if he abides by the VFA and EDCA , as he has stated he will, the relationship will likely be rocky.

From a U.S. perspective, the Philippine alliance and EDCA are hugely important for competition with China, because U.S. force posture remains over weighted towards Northeast Asia, and the Philippines is the only Southeast Asian candidate for a sizable U.S. military presence. Under Marcos, the potential that the Philippines moves away from EDCA and the VFA, or simply delays EDCA's implementation further, could threaten the wider U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy. At the very least, Washington and Manila are likely to butt heads again after reaching a modicum of understanding in 2021, which would complicate the wider effort to face China.

The Domestic and Foreign Policy Risks of a Marcos Presidency are Real

Overall, the likely domestic trajectory under a President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. is the continued tumult and authoritarianism of his predecessor. While Philippine democracy was never perfect, the decline under Duterte is notable and mirrors broader regional trends in the consolidation of strongman rule. The new administration may build off of Duterte’s popularity and represent a democratic electoral result, but it is fair to say that the outcome is a threat to Philippine democracy. The likelihood that the new president maintains Duterte’s anti-democratic policies oppressing civil society, the media, and the most vulnerable Filipinos is high.

On foreign policy, the erratic zig-zag in Philippine policy between the United States and China is liable to continue. To be sure, President Marcos is not likely to completely reject the U.S. alliance, nor entirely embrace China. Rather, he will likely follow a balancing effort. This is not unlike other countries in Southeast Asia, who prioritize non-alignment in great power competition, but it is a challenge considering that the Philippines is one of the United States’ most crucial allies in the Indo-Pacific.

For the Philippines’ interests itself, a balanced approach to the United States and China may not be all that Marcos hopes it can be. Beijing has shown little compunction about deploying coercive gray zone tactics to push Filipino fishermen out of the South China Sea regardless of Duterte’s best efforts to accommodate China, and few of the promised economic projects have come to fruition. From a regional perspective, a potentially more pro-China Philippines will further undermine an already struggling ASEAN and hamper its ability to stand up to Beijing. If it acquiesces too much to Beijing and alienates the United States or undermines ASEAN’s collective response, then Manila may find itself dictated to by a much more powerful China, the exact situation Duterte and now Marcos hope to avoid through accommodation.

The United States will need to prepare itself for unpredictability in one of its oldest allies, and it will have to decide if it can continue to look the other way at Philippine democratic decline in favor of narrower security interests"

But, Washington has little ability to change Marco’s mind on these issues. The United States will need to prepare itself for unpredictability in one of its oldest allies, and it will have to decide if it can continue to look the other way at Philippine democratic decline in favor of narrower security interests, such as EDCA and the VFA. To be sure, an overemphasis on “ democracy versus authoritarianism ” in foreign policy can be problematic for Washington’s relationships in the Indo-Pacific, but there are legitimate human rights concerns that will be difficult to ignore as well, especially considering the Marcos family's record. Going forward, there are storms ahead in U.S. relations with the Philippines.

In the end, the biggest potential losses under another autocratic Marcos presidency will be borne by the most vulnerable Filipinos. The rise of misinformation has clouded popular understanding of the Marcos’ crimes and corruption, and many in the Philippines now feel nostalgia for the earlier Marcos era. But, the realities of the dictatorship were harsh, with widespread corruption (an estimated $10 billion stolen) and human rights violations. According to Amnesty International , President Marcos himself reported in 1975 that 50,000 were arrested during martial law while over 3,200 killed and tens of thousands tortured , which Marcos Jr. publicly denies.

If past is precedent and the many warning signs come to fruition, further damage to already fragile institutions in the Philippines is likely under the new administration.

In his victory statement , incoming President Marcos asked to be judged not by his father's record but by his own actions, all while promising to be a president for all Filipinos. Yet, if past is precedent and the many warning signs come to fruition, further damage to already fragile institutions in the Philippines is likely under the new administration. If he is to continue the crackdown on civil society and the media or mirror his father’s corruption, Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. and Sara Duterte pose a substantial risk to Philippine democracy over the next six years.

Follow Lucas Myers, Program Coordinator and Associate for Southeast Asia, on Twitter @lucasdeanemyers

About the Author

Lucas myers, indo-pacific program.

The Indo-Pacific Program promotes policy debate and intellectual discussions on US interests in the Asia-Pacific as well as political, economic, security, and social issues relating to the world’s most populous and economically dynamic region. Read more

Explore More from Asia Dispatches

Prime Minister Kishida stands at a lecturn giving a speech, Vice President Harris and Speaker Johnson are seated behind him.

What the Philippines tells us about democracy

.chakra .wef-1c7l3mo{-webkit-transition:all 0.15s ease-out;transition:all 0.15s ease-out;cursor:pointer;-webkit-text-decoration:none;text-decoration:none;outline:none;color:inherit;}.chakra .wef-1c7l3mo:hover,.chakra .wef-1c7l3mo[data-hover]{-webkit-text-decoration:underline;text-decoration:underline;}.chakra .wef-1c7l3mo:focus,.chakra .wef-1c7l3mo[data-focus]{box-shadow:0 0 0 3px rgba(168,203,251,0.5);} Julia Andrea R. Abad

.chakra .wef-9dduvl{margin-top:16px;margin-bottom:16px;line-height:1.388;font-size:1.25rem;}@media screen and (min-width:56.5rem){.chakra .wef-9dduvl{font-size:1.125rem;}} Explore and monitor how .chakra .wef-15eoq1r{margin-top:16px;margin-bottom:16px;line-height:1.388;font-size:1.25rem;color:#F7DB5E;}@media screen and (min-width:56.5rem){.chakra .wef-15eoq1r{font-size:1.125rem;}} ASEAN is affecting economies, industries and global issues

A hand holding a looking glass by a lake

.chakra .wef-1nk5u5d{margin-top:16px;margin-bottom:16px;line-height:1.388;color:#2846F8;font-size:1.25rem;}@media screen and (min-width:56.5rem){.chakra .wef-1nk5u5d{font-size:1.125rem;}} Get involved with our crowdsourced digital platform to deliver impact at scale

Stay up to date:.

It’s more fun in the Philippines – observers of Philippine democracy could very well apply our tourism slogan to our political landscape. Hard-won after centuries of colonization, years of occupation and decades of dictatorship, Philippine-style democracy is colourful, occasionally chaotic – and arguably inspiring.

Take elections, for example, the cornerstone of democratic institutions. Voters see their power to choose their leaders as their strongest check on the behaviour of the government, their one chance to exact accountability.

Analysts and commentators have branded political campaigns in the Philippines as “highly entertaining”. The mix of old political clans, showbiz personalities and the ubiquitous song and dance that pepper the campaign trail provide plenty of amusement. But be not deceived; the power to choose is a right and responsibility that Filipinos hold dear.

Indeed, ballots are almost sacred in the Philippines. Voters have risked their personal safety to exercise the right. In many cases, the public has seen it as their one weapon against those who abuse their position.

Beyond balloting, democracy is a “government by discussion” (to quote the Indian economist Amartya Sen), characterized by public dialogue and interaction. The vibrancy of democracy in the Philippines hinges largely on the quality of this dialogue and interaction. A government that engages its citizens, is inclusive in its decision-making and, most importantly, enjoys the trust of its electorate, can almost certainly count on public support when making tough decisions. The reverse has also been seen, as in the case of a leadership facing a “crisis of legitimacy” that was seen to make decisions out of political expediency rather than the public good; in this case the people’s mandate, won squarely in an electoral contest, has proven itself to be a potent force for positive change.

The authors of a working paper for the National Bureau of Economic Research argue that democracy is good for economic growth for various reasons, including the ability of democracies to implement economic reforms. They present evidence from a panel of countries between 1960 and 2010 showing that the “robust and sizeable effect of democracy on economic growth … suggests that a country that switches from non-democracy to democracy achieves about 20% higher GDP per capita in the long run (or roughly in the next 30 years)”.

We can see this in the case of the Philippines, which has enjoyed 60 straight quarters of economic growth since the 1997 Asian financial crisis. Average GDP growth from 2010 to 2013 was recorded at 6.3%, significantly higher than the 4.5% average GDP growth registered from 2001 to 2009. That this relatively higher rate of growth has happened alongside a series of economic reforms backed up by a strong electoral mandate should not be taken as pure coincidence. Closing loopholes in tax collection, an overhaul in customs administration, and passing key legislation on excise taxes – these would not have taken place in an environment which was not supportive of – or indeed, craving for – reform.

Outside of economic reforms, this strong mandate has also enabled the passage of social sector reforms – among them legislation allowing women access to vital information and facilities pertaining to their reproductive health, and a measure extending the education cycle to meet the global standard. These measures had passionate advocates on both sides, and a less committed leadership could have wavered at any point.

Improved government via more efficient tax collection and customs administration, access to vital information and services and a better standard of education: how could one argue that this is not what voters want when they take to the polls?

Of course, this is not always what voters get, even when they faithfully exercise their right to choose. Roadblocks in the process remain, resulting in an occasional disconnect between what voters want, and what they are eventually given. Recent reforms – such as those automating the process and synchronizing elections in different parts of the country – have sought to lessen fraud, intimidation of voters and the exercise of patronage. These instances, however, are far from being wiped out completely. While incidents of poll violence were significantly lower in the most recent mid-term elections, putting an end to vote-buying and the general exercise of political patronage continues to be a challenge.

More significantly, while the Philippines has embraced the democratic traditions of participation and the freedom of choice and expression, the longer-term challenge remains to deepen the quality of its democracy. Building political parties on ideology and merit rather than personality, strengthening accountability mechanisms within government, creating alternative sources of reliable information, and enabling the electorate to make informed choices – there is clearly much more work that needs to be done, despite the progress that has been made.

The next step, however, has to be taken by the electorate itself. We have seen how a strong mandate for change has made change happen – now we just need to sustain it by demanding continuity.

Democracy may be more fun in the Philippines, but this is not a country that takes or makes its choices lightly. Stay tuned.

Author: Julia Andrea R. Abad is the Head of the Presidential Management Staff at the Office of the President of the Republic of the Philippines

Image: A man poses with his inked thumb after voting at the Philippines presidential election in Pasay City, Manila May 10, 2010. REUTERS/Nicky Loh

Don't miss any update on this topic

Create a free account and access your personalized content collection with our latest publications and analyses.

License and Republishing

World Economic Forum articles may be republished in accordance with the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International Public License, and in accordance with our Terms of Use.

The views expressed in this article are those of the author alone and not the World Economic Forum.

The Agenda .chakra .wef-n7bacu{margin-top:16px;margin-bottom:16px;line-height:1.388;font-weight:400;} Weekly

A weekly update of the most important issues driving the global agenda

.chakra .wef-1dtnjt5{display:-webkit-box;display:-webkit-flex;display:-ms-flexbox;display:flex;-webkit-align-items:center;-webkit-box-align:center;-ms-flex-align:center;align-items:center;-webkit-flex-wrap:wrap;-ms-flex-wrap:wrap;flex-wrap:wrap;} More on Geographies in Depth .chakra .wef-17xejub{-webkit-flex:1;-ms-flex:1;flex:1;justify-self:stretch;-webkit-align-self:stretch;-ms-flex-item-align:stretch;align-self:stretch;} .chakra .wef-nr1rr4{display:-webkit-inline-box;display:-webkit-inline-flex;display:-ms-inline-flexbox;display:inline-flex;white-space:normal;vertical-align:middle;text-transform:uppercase;font-size:0.75rem;border-radius:0.25rem;font-weight:700;-webkit-align-items:center;-webkit-box-align:center;-ms-flex-align:center;align-items:center;line-height:1.2;-webkit-letter-spacing:1.25px;-moz-letter-spacing:1.25px;-ms-letter-spacing:1.25px;letter-spacing:1.25px;background:none;padding:0px;color:#B3B3B3;-webkit-box-decoration-break:clone;box-decoration-break:clone;-webkit-box-decoration-break:clone;}@media screen and (min-width:37.5rem){.chakra .wef-nr1rr4{font-size:0.875rem;}}@media screen and (min-width:56.5rem){.chakra .wef-nr1rr4{font-size:1rem;}} See all

How MENA’s biggest actors can help the region’s suppliers and SMEs to decarbonize

Akram Alami and Kelsey Goodman

May 27, 2024

The Horn of Africa's deep groundwater could be a game-changer for drought resilience

Bradley Hiller, Jude Cobbing and Andrew Harper

May 16, 2024

Scale matters more than ever for European competitiveness. Here's why

Sven Smit and Jan Mischke

May 15, 2024

Funding the green technology innovation pipeline: Lessons from China

May 8, 2024

These are the top ranking universities in Asia for 2024

Global South leaders: 'It’s time for the Global North to walk the talk and collaborate'

Pooja Chhabria

April 29, 2024

Democratic expressions amidst fragile institutions: Possibilities for reform in Duterte’s Philippines

Subscribe to this week in foreign policy, nicole curato nicole curato associate professor, centre for deliberative democracy and global governance - institute for governance and policy analysis at the university of canberra @nicolecurato.

January 22, 2021

14 min read

Executive Summary

Despite the intensification of authoritarian practices in the Philippines, there remains robust albeit fragmented democratic expressions in the form of standout local mayors, digital innovations, and electoral resilience. These micropolitical democratic practices may have limited scope, but they are meaningful in consequence. The primer concludes by offering possibilities for scaling up these seemingly mundane yet nevertheless powerful expressions of counterauthoritarian practices.

Introduction

At the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte registered an approval rating of 91%. A vast majority of Filipinos support the government’s pandemic response, despite the Philippines recording one of the highest numbers of infections and COVID-19-releated deaths in Southeast Asia.

The debate continues about the reasons behind the president’s popularity, but one thing is for certain: that public satisfaction lends legitimacy to Duterte’s authoritarian project. The Senate opposition did not win a single seat in the midterm elections. The Supreme Court is packed with Duterte’s appointees. The media is facing increasing constraints. Indeed, there are fewer obstacles for the current administration to mainstream authoritarian practices.

This primer begins by providing an inventory of authoritarian practices by the Duterte regime and reflect on their implications to democratic institutions. The term “ authoritarian practice ” is deliberately used to refer to patterns of action that disable voice and accountability. Instead of using the catch-all term “authoritarianism,” which confounds rather than clarifies political transformations in the Philippines, the term authoritarian practice lends precision in identifying political decisions, policies, and rhetoric that undermine democratic contestation and scrutiny of power. The key message in the first part of the primer is that authoritarian practices corrode the quality of democratic institutions by rendering them vulnerable to abuses of power.

But this is not the whole story. As the Philippines witness the intensification of authoritarian practices, there remains room for democratic action that facilitate participation and creative forms of co-governance. These not only serve to push back against authoritarian practices but also develop democratic projects that fit the Philippines’ youthful, global, and digital participatory cultures. This primer spotlights these democratic expressions as opportunities for reform, and concludes by considering possibilities to scale up these counter-authoritarian practices in the remainder and in the aftermath of the Duterte regime.

Fragility of democratic institutions

The Philippines has an uneven trajectory of building democratic institutions. Three decades after the 1986 People Power Revolution that put an end to Ferdinand Marcos’ dictatorship, the country appears to have developed an electoral habit of rotating power between populist and reformist presidents. 2016 was a populist leader’s turn, but instead of perpetuating a rich-versus-poor narrative, Rodrigo Duterte amplified the latent anxiety of many Filipinos that pit the virtuous citizens against unscrupulous criminals. Duterte referred to Davao — the city where he was mayor for over two decades — as Exhibit A. With unconventional methods of governance, Duterte, so the story goes, was able to transform Davao from the murder capital of the Philippines to a peace and order paradise. Becoming president allowed him to scale up this effort. “It will be bloody,” he warned the nation.

Four years into his term, President Duterte did fulfill his campaign promise. He empowered the Philippine National Police to lead his “war against drugs” which has resulted in over 8,000 deaths, as reported by the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. Even the pandemic did not halt drug-related killings.

The drug war is not only Duterte’s landmark policy. It also serves as the organizing logic of his rule.

The drug war is not only Duterte’s landmark policy. It also serves as the organizing logic of his rule. A nation at war justifies authoritarian practices, for due process is a slow-moving process, and protests of “ bleeding heart liberals ” get in the way of the president’s law and order agenda.

The policy and rhetoric of the drug war have vast implications. They create fragile democratic institutions that are prone to abuse. Three key areas of concern are worth highlighting.

Coercive institutions

First, the drug war mainstreamed the securitization of social issues. Coercive institutions such as the police have been at the forefront of implementing social policies. Addressing the issue of illegal drugs is a clear example, with the Philippines bucking the global trend of treating substance abuse as a public health issue rather than a law and order issue.

The logic of securitizing social issues extended to pandemic response. The police were among the most visible front-liners enforcing curfew and social distancing policies with punitive measures. Protesters were dispersed and arrested with the police wearing full battle gear. Military tanks were deployed in Cebu City to communicate strict lockdown policies. A little over a month since Manila went on lockdown, over 30,000 people were arrested for breaking quarantine restrictions. Cases of police brutality surfaced. Some violators were locked in dog cages while others were made to sit under the sun. The tone from the top guarantees impunity for the state’s security forces. “ Shoot them dead ” was the president’s order for violators, just like the “ permission to kill ” in the drug war.

The result of the president’s rhetoric is the culture of impunity in the police force. Decades-long efforts at institutionalizing democratic control over security forces are being undermined, where a new generation of police officers is socialized to an unaccountable institution where police offers who killed suspects on drug raids were hailed as heroes and rewarded with promotions. A greater role is also accorded to ex-military generals who sit in key sites of power including the task force in charge of pandemic response. The growing power of the military is further legitimized by legislation such as the Anti-Terror Law , which broadens the definition of terrorism and legalizes detention without charge for 14 days. These developments, among others, illustrate the reach of authoritarian practice as far as curtailing prospects for accountability and democratic control of security forces are concerned.

Monitory institutions

Second, authoritarian practices compromise monitory institutions or bodies designed to scrutinize power. Among the earliest signs of monitory institutions’ fragility is the complicity, if not active participation of lawmakers, to the prosecution of opposition Senator Leila De Lima. As former human rights commissioner, De Lima led a Senate investigation into Duterte’s death squads a few months after Duterte assumed the presidency. Sixteen of her fellow senators voted to oust her as chair of the Senate Committee on Human Rights , followed by a series of humiliating investigations that suggested De Lima had taken money from drug lords. De Lima has been in detention for three years based on what appears to be politically-motivated charges.

De Lima’s case is a clear manifestation of authoritarian practice. It constrains accountability by subverting the role of the Senate as a check to executive power. It also constrains voice as De Lima was made an example of how far the state can go in retaliating against critical voices. Following De Lima’s detention is the ouster of Chief Justice Maria Lourdes Sereno, also a former human rights lawyer, justified based on her failure to disclose financial earnings when she was first appointed to the Supreme Court. Threats and humiliation of critical voices extend outside formal political institutions. Other controversial examples include a military general who tagged female celebrities who speak up for human rights as communist sympathisers and threatened they would “ suffer the same fate” as activists killed in military encounters. The cases of Senator De Lima and Chief Justice Sereno serve as a reminder that such threats may be carried out. This sends a strong signal to watchdogs and whistleblowers to think twice about scrutinizing power.

The public sphere

Third, authoritarian practices create a fragile public sphere. The Duterte regime is notorious for its systematic distortion of public discourse. Academic studies as well as investigative reports have uncovered the administration’s mobilization of state-sponsored troll armies, which creates a toxic online environment that punishes dissenting voices. Press freedom in the Philippines is also eroding , as news organizations not only face threats of being shut down but have actually been closed by congressional votes and judicial rulings. As in previous sections, these authoritarian practices are given the green light from Duterte, who labelled journalists as “ presstitutes ” and propagators of fake news. Meanwhile, the Philippines’ protest culture is confronted by pandemic-related restrictions, leading to arrests of activists despite protestors practicing social distancing.

Related Books

Jonathan Stromseth, Edmund Malesky, Dimitar Gueorguiev

March 1, 2017

William Drozdiak

April 28, 2020

September 1, 2002

The fragility of the public sphere, however, is not the sole creation of the Duterte regime. Long before Duterte assumed power, the Philippines already suffered from a patchy track record of press freedom. The Philippines is widely celebrated as having a vibrant media environment and robust commentary culture, especially when compared to its neighbours in Southeast Asia. This reality, however, uncomfortably co-exists with the country’s track record as the deadliest peacetime country for journalists. Similarly, increasing mistrust of news organizations has made the public sphere more vulnerable to disinformation.

One cannot overstate the worry of seeing an increasingly fragile public sphere. The Philippines may not have well-established political parties, but the highly networked and vibrant public sphere has always been a political force in sparking change, whether it was ousting the Marcos dictatorship or calling out the corruption of Presidents Joseph Estrada and Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Many observers find it curious that dissent against the Duterte regime has not crystallized to date. At best, protests have been fragmented and fleeting. Could this be an indication of the normalization of authoritarian practices?

There are two ways of answering this question. A pessimistic answer is yes, all these developments signal the normalization of authoritarian practices. The Philippines’ pathway to democratization has long been undermined by political elites’ refusal to institutionalize reforms that strengthen political competition and accountability. President Duterte, one could argue, is simply a beneficiary of clan politics that has long defined electoral democracy in the Philippines. With political families dominating all sectors of government, including Duterte’s own family in Davao City, there is little space for alternative voices — whether in the form of opposition parties, social movements, or civil society groups — to offer credible democratic projects that can withstand the political machinery of political elites that benefit from the Duterte regime.

Democratic expressions and political transformation

On the other hand, a less pessimistic take, is no, the fragmented and fleeting contestation of the Duterte regime does not signal the normalization of authoritarian practices. What it could signal, however, are less spectacular expressions of democratic participation today. This section of this briefing, therefore, places a spotlight on some of these democratic expressions. These, one could argue, are plausible efforts at sustaining democratic action amidst authoritarian practices. Three bright spots are worth paying attention to.

Standout mayors

The first bright spot can be found in local governance. The pandemic has generated attention to standout local mayors whose open and participatory approaches to governance stand in contrast to the Duterte regime’s centralised and militarized approach. Vico Sotto — the thirty-year-old mayor who put an end to the three-decade reign of a political clan in Pasig City — has established a reputation for institutionalizing good governance practices inspired by participatory practices in cities like Naga in the Bicol region. Sotto focused on democratizing government data — from creating Freedom of Information kiosks to soliciting citizen-centred scorecards that monitor and assess the local government’s delivery of public services. He also championed inclusive governance during the pandemic. He granted financial aid to LGBTQ families and converted hotels to quarantine facilities for communities living in poverty. The young mayor is not the first and certainly not the only local chief executive that has embraced the language and practice of inclusive and participatory governance. But what is curious about his governance style is it is pitched not as an opposition to the Duterte regime — indeed the mayor has been cautious in not condemning the Duterte administration — but an alternative way of governing effectively without an iron fist. This is worth spotlighting for it invites observers to notice practices that are not overtly oppositional but nevertheless creates pockets of democratic innovations even in challenging times.

Digital innovations

The second bright spot rests on the emergence of digital governance cultures in the Philippines. The rise of troll armies has been diagnosed as an outcome of a tech-savvy generation left with little choice but to engage in precarious digital labor. The flipside of this development, however, is the rise of a generation confident in proposing technological interventions to complex governance problems. Millennial data scientists have creatively used mobility apps like Waze and Google Maps to track the spread of COVID-19, while others focused on developing a dashboard that allows citizens to monitor government spending during the pandemic. These examples, among others, lend insight into the character of democratic innovations embraced by young Filipinos today. Beyond expression of dissent in social media, the digital public sphere is also made alive by seemingly depoliticized yet nevertheless important behind-the-scenes work that promote open data critical for inclusive governance.

Electoral resilience

Despite the fragility of democratic institutions, one can argue that elections remain as one of the most resilient features of the Philippine democracy.

The third, final, and undoubtedly most obvious avenue for democratic expression are elections. As the Duterte administration’s rule draws to a close in 2022, speculations about “no election” scenarios are being raised, while questions about succession increasingly heat up. Despite the fragility of democratic institutions, one can argue that elections remain as one of the most resilient features of the Philippine democracy. It not only serves a mechanism for peaceful transfer of power but it has, in local culture, been celebrated as a “ ritualized gamble .” Elections, as anthropologists describe, are “hugely popular, are taken seriously, and draw very high participation rates.” It is therefore important to focus attention towards identifying political actors that enhance competitive elections, such as grassroots movements and community leaders that can challenge entrenched political clans. The Philippine legislature continues to be controlled by a handful of families but there are exceptional success stories of so-called “ dragon-slayers ” that challenge the configuration of local power.

Paths for reform

The three avenues of democratic expressions discussed in the previous section send a key message — micropolitical reforms may have limited scope, but they are meaningful in consequence. This briefing concludes by offering three possibilities for scaling up these seemingly mundane yet nevertheless powerful expressions of counter-authoritarian practices.

First, champions of participatory governance at the local level warrant support, but this must go beyond idealizing individual leaders. The success stories discussed above are not singlehanded achievements of heroic politicians, but are built on a cadre of professionalized and committed civil servants who not only have the technical skills to manage day-to-day problems of running local governments but also have the sensibility to listen and engage with the feedback of ordinary citizens. A critical space for reform, therefore, rests on normalizing this ethos of civil service and drawing attention to collective achievements rather than glamorizing individual leaders.

Second, it is critical for the Philippines’ large population of digital natives to serve as main defenders of the digital public sphere. Doing this goes beyond campaigns of digital literacy and education against disinformation. As the previous section suggests, the thriving disinformation industry was a beneficiary of a precarious class of digital workers left with little choice but to work for shady clients. A polluted public sphere cannot be rescued without addressing the political economy of disinformation.

Finally, expanding field for electoral competition remains a challenge for the Philippines. Large-scale efforts at voters’ education remain futile if voters are left with a narrow field of candidates to choose from. The discourse of voter-blaming does little to deepen democratic practice. Advocacies on party building and reform remain relevant today, as well as a more serious recognition of cultural agents that shape citizens’ views on democracy and politics. While celebrities and influencers have been disparaged as insignificant voices in politics, it is worth recognizing that some of the most successful albeit fleeting campaigns against authoritarian practice, especially disinformation, are sustained by supporters of these cultural actors who are key vectors in shaping public conversation.

As authoritarian practices in the Philippines’ national politics continue to unfold, increasing attention is needed to consistent, behind-the-scenes, less spectacular forms of democratic labor. These, as this primer argues, have the power from preventing fragile democratic institutions from completely breaking apart.

Philippines

The Philippines has implemented several democracy assessments, making this country the perfect example of how the State of Democracy Assessment Framework can be customized to assess specific topics. For the Philippines, the framework was broken down into different areas—Rule of Law and Access to Justice; Minimizing Corruption; Economic and Social Rights; Free and Fair Elections; and the Democratic Role of Political Parties—to suit the country's context and to target specific issues that lacked systematic study in the past. The democracy assessments were carried out in cooperation with the University of Philippines - National College for Public Administration and Governance (UP-NCPAG). UP-NCPAG is also home to the Regional Centre for Citizen-led Democracy Assessment for the Asia and the Pacific . Dr Edna Co, Dean of UP-NCPAG, has led all the State of Democracy assessments to date.

The assessments have fostered national debate on issues such as elections, electoral reforms, corruption and the administration of social development programmes, and contributed to the creation of apposite university courses on these issues. The debate involved legislators, political parties, advocates and activists, and the Electoral Commission. The assessments have also generated research on topics related to elections, such as on campaign and political funding, and instigated monitoring of campaign finances in the 2007 elections. Similarly, the 2007 assessment of social and economic rights was the first comprehensive review of these matters in the Philippines. It represented a first step toward building indicators of social and economic rights that would be acceptable to all sectors, including the government.

The UP-NCPAG and the Philippine Center for Islam and Democracy conducted a citizen-led assessment at the local level in 2010, specifically in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. This report assessed the extent to which democracy functions by examining local institutions and processes and the role of citizens and citizen groups in a democracy. It aimed to contribute to an enlightened discussion and societal reform in the midst of an ongoing pursuit for peace talks and development in the region.

Assessment Reports

SoD Philiipines Summary
SOD Philippines Election and Political Parties
SoD Philippines long

Submit feedback

Submit questions or comments about the Data or Tool

How did you find out about this? What do you like about it? What did you expect but did not find in using the Data or Tool?

To see how we handle your personal data, please read our Privacy Policy .

Cookie Notice

Our Cookies Policy and Privacy Policy have changed. Please read them to understand your rights and obligations, including how you can use our resources.

By continuing to use this site, without changing your settings, you are indicating that you accept this policy.

Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer.

To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to upgrade your browser .

We're Hiring!
Help Center

Philippine Democracy

Most Cited Papers
Most Downloaded Papers
Newest Papers
Save to Library
College Algebra and Trigonometry Follow Following
Philippine's Problem With Democracy Follow Following
Philippine Elections Follow Following
Philippine Governance Follow Following
Philippines Follow Following
Rule of Law Follow Following
College algebra Follow Following
Philippine Politics Follow Following
Bsc Maths Follow Following
Thailand Follow Following

Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link.

Academia.edu Publishing
We're Hiring!
Help Center
Find new research papers in:
Health Sciences
Earth Sciences
Cognitive Science
Mathematics
Computer Science
Academia ©2024

Skip to content
Skip to main menu
Skip to more DW sites

What is the future of democracy in the Philippines?

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte — who is allowed to serve only one term as president — has said he may consider running for vice president when his term ends next year.

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte has announced plans to run for vice president when his term ends in May, raising concerns about how it could bypass presidential term limits and keep him in power , while granting immunity from criminal charges.

"Consider me a candidate for the vice presidency at this time, maybe to maintain equilibrium for all," Duterte told reporters on Thursday.

Philippine presidents are limited by the 1987 constitution to a single six-year term.

Under Philippine law, the vice president is elected separately from the president.

Those who serve in the post could potentially be propelled to the top role if the president dies or is incapacitated for any reason.

Possible ICC investigation into the anti-drug campaign

Duterte, a 76-year-old former mayor who made a name in politics with his extra-tough approach to crime, has gained notoriety for his profane rhetoric and contentious drug war, which claimed the lives of thousands of people in the Southeast Asian country.

Human rights organizations and civil society activists have slammed his government, holding it responsible for what they say is a culture of impunity .

Duterte's war on drugs — how does Bantay Krimen work?

To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video

Last month, prosecutors at the International Criminal Court (ICC) announced their intention to open a full investigation into the brutal anti-drug campaign and the alleged unlawful killing of possibly tens of thousands of people.

The ICC's departing chief prosecutor said last month that a preliminary examination found reason to believe that crimes against humanity had been committed during the crackdown.

The prosecutor sought authorization to open a formal investigation, and judges have 120 days to decide.

Duterte could face charges of crimes against humanity, although Duterte has said he would never cooperate in a possible ICC investigation .

Despite criticism from rights campaigners at home and abroad, Duterte's popularity in the Philippines has remained high .

Weak democratic foundations and institutions

Duterte has a long track record of chipping away at democratic institutions.

His actions range from the closing of the largest broadcast media network to the passage of an anti-terror law that critics say institutionalizes a clampdown on dissent and thousands of alleged extrajudicial killings.

Political experts say the Duterte administration simply exposed the fragility of the country's democratic institutions.

"The Philippine democratic systems were already broken, making it easy for Duterte to impose his authoritarianism. Duterte just pushed existing structural weaknesses to their logical extreme," political scientist Richard Heydarian told DW.

Filipinos seek justice

The Philippines has a multiparty political system that critics characterize as "mere fan clubs" of politicians, who often switch parties for their own personal gains.

The allegiance of politicians and voters is based on political personalities rather than on ideologies.

Heydarian said that the defection of many members of Congress to Duterte's ruling party after he won the 2016 presidential election was facilitated by the absence of concerted institutional checks and balances. It also chipped away at democratic safeguards.

"The Philippines may look like a promising and beautiful democracy but institutions were really up for grabs by authoritarian leaders," Heydarian said.

A young, maturing democracy

Centuries of colonial rule make the Philippines a young democracy. The country was under Spanish rule for over three centuries before control passed on to the United States, which granted independence to the Philippines in 1946.

Democracy took a downturn when President Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law in 1972. The toppling of Marcos in a celebrated bloodless revolution in 1986 catapulted the widow of his main political opponent, Corazon Aquino, to the presidency.

Successive administrations could not fix the systemic deficiencies of the multiparty political system or neutralize the dominance of political dynasties in government.

Political analysts say the outcome of the presidential election in 2022 will now determine the democratic trajectory of the country.

Sara Duterte, President Duterte's daughter, and Ferdinand Marcos Jr., the son of the late dictator, are emerging as strong contenders for the highest office.

Marcos Jr. ran for vice president in the 2016 election and lost by a razor-thin margin.

"The Philippines is not a singular case. It is part of the broader trend of embracing authoritarian nostalgia and various forms of reactionary populism that we see in Asia," Heydarian said, citing the recent military coup in Myanmar.

Maria Ressa on libel conviction

Turning the tide in favor of opposition.

The political strategist Alan German told DW that the Philippines cannot continue on the same trajectory, which is fostering a culture of impunity and causing an erosion of democratic freedoms.

"It will take a strong and working opposition to counter this trend, but we don't have that yet and, well, the presidential elections are just around the corner," German said.

Vice President Leonor Robredo , who is the most prominent member of the opposition Liberal Party , remains reluctant to run for president.

The death of former President Benigno Aquino III in June and the outpouring of sympathy for him may have the potential to turn the tide in favor of the Liberal Party.

"Aquino's death made a dent, but it is uncertain if it is enough. What is certain is that the Philippines cannot continue on this same trajectory of a culture of impunity and hatred of us vs them. I worry that civil unrest will ensue," said German.

Disinformation to reshape political landscape

Social media manipulation — or the use of fake accounts, trolls and bots to shift public opinion — also plays a role in drastically shaping a political landscape where dissent is stifled.

"Social media manipulation strategies reflect a wholesale adoption of corporate marketing into the political realm. However, political marketing is like the wild, wild, west. It is unregulated," Jonathan Ong, a research fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School, who has studied disinformation networks in the Philippines, told DW.

Social media and its algorithms enable the proliferation of disinformation, conspiracy theories and targeted harassment of individuals on a personal level. "This creates a climate of fear not just among journalists but also general citizenry to express legitimate dissent," Ong said.

Research Topics & Ideas: Politics

100+ Politics-Related Research Ideas To Fast-Track Your Project

Political science research topics and ideas

Finding and choosing a strong research topic is the critical first step when it comes to crafting a high-quality dissertation or thesis. If you’ve landed on this post, chances are you’re looking for a politics-related research topic , but aren’t sure where to start. Here, we’ll explore a variety of politically-related research ideas across a range of disciplines, including political theory and philosophy, comparative politics, international relations, public administration and policy.

NB – This is just the start…

The topic ideation and evaluation process has multiple steps . In this post, we’ll kickstart the process by sharing some research topic ideas. This is the starting point, but to develop a well-defined research topic, you’ll need to identify a clear and convincing research gap , along with a well-justified plan of action to fill that gap.

If you’re new to the oftentimes perplexing world of research, or if this is your first time undertaking a formal academic research project, be sure to check out our free dissertation mini-course. Also, be sure to sign up for our free webinar that explores how to find a high-quality research topic from scratch.

Overview: Politics-Related Topics

Political theory and philosophy
Comparative politics
International relations
Public administration
Public policy
Examples of politics-related dissertations

Topics & Ideas: Political Theory

An analysis of the impact of feminism on political theory and the concept of citizenship in Saudi Arabia in the context of Vision 2030
A comparative study of the political philosophies of Marxism and liberalism and their influence on modern politics
An examination of how the Covid-19 pandemic affected the relationship between individual freedom and collective responsibility in political philosophy
A study of the impact of race and ethnicity on French political philosophy and the concept of justice
An exploration of the role of religion in political theory and its impact on secular democracy in the Middle East
A Review of Social contract theory, comparative analysis of the political philosophies of Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau
A study of the concept of the common good in political philosophy and its relevance to the ongoing refugee crisis in Europe
An examination of the relationship between political power and the rule of law in developing African countries
A study of the impact of postmodernism on political theory and the concept of truth, a case study of the US
An exploration of the role of virtue in political philosophy and its impact on the assessment of moral character in political leaders

Topics & Ideas: Comparative Politics

A comparative study of different models of federalism and their impact on democratic governance: A case Study of South American federalist states
The impact of ethnic and religious diversity on political stability and democracy in developing countries, a review of literature from Africa
An analysis of the role of civil society in promoting democratic change in autocratic regimes: A case study in Sweden
A comparative examination of the impact of globalization on political institutions and processes in South America and Africa.
A study of the factors that contribute to successful democratization in authoritarian regimes, a review of the role of Elite-driven democratization
A comparison of the political and economic systems of China and India and their impact on social development
The impact of corruption on political institutions and democracy in South East Asia, a critical review
A comparative examination of the impact of majoritarian representation (winner-take-all) vs proportional representation on political representation and governance
An exploration of Multi-party systems in democratic countries and their impact on minority representation and policy-making.
A study of the factors that contribute to successful decentralization and regional autonomy, a case study of Spain

Research Topic Kickstarter - Need Help Finding A Research Topic?

Topics & Ideas: International Relations

A comparative analysis of the effectiveness of diplomacy and military force in resolving international conflicts in Central Africa.
The impact of globalization on the sovereignty of nation-states and the changing nature of international politics, a review of the role of Multinational Corporations
An examination of the role of international aid organizations in promoting peace, security, and development in the Middle East.
A study of the impact of economic interdependence on the likelihood of conflict in international relations: A critical review of weaponized interdependence
A comparative analysis of the foreign policies of the EU and the US and their impact on international stability in Africa
An exploration of the relationship between international human rights and national sovereignty during the Covid 19 pandemic
A study of the role of decentralized autonomous organizations (DAO)s in international politics and their impact on state behaviour
A comparative analysis of the effectiveness of international regimes in addressing global challenges such as climate change, arms control, and terrorism in Brazil
An examination of the impact of the rise of BRICS on the international system and global governance
A study of the role of ideology in shaping the foreign policies of states and the dynamics of international relations in the US

Free Webinar: How To Find A Dissertation Research Topic

Tops & Ideas: Public Administration

An analysis of the impact of digital technology on public administration and the delivery of public services in Estonia
A review of models of public-private partnerships and their impact on the delivery of public services in Ghana
An examination of the role of civil society organizations in monitoring and accountability of public administration in Papua New Guinea
A study of the impact of environmentalism as a political ideology on public administration and policy implementation in Germany
An exploration of the relationship between public administration and citizen engagement in the policy-making process, an exploration of gender identity concerns in schools
A comparative analysis of the efficiency and effectiveness of public administration, decentralisation and pay and employment reform in developing countries
A study of the role of collaborative leadership in public administration and its impact on organizational performance
A systematic review of the challenges and opportunities related to diversity and inclusion in police services
A study of the impact of corrupt public administration on economic development and regional growth in Eastern Europe
An exploration of the relationship between public administration and civil rights and liberties, including issues related to privacy and surveillance, a case study in South Korea

Topics & Ideas: Public Policy

An analysis of the impacts of public policy on income inequality and poverty reduction in South Sudan
A comparative study of the effectiveness of legal and regulatory, economic and financial, and social and cultural instruments for addressing climate change in South Korea
An examination of the role of interest groups in shaping public policy and the policy-making process regarding land-use claims
A study of the impact of globalization on the development of public policies and programs for mitigating climate change in Singapore
An exploration of the relationship between public policy and social justice in tertiary education in the UAE
A comparative analysis of the impact of health policies for the management of diabetes on access to healthcare and health outcomes in developing countries
Exploring the role of evidence-based policymaking in the design and implementation of public policies for the management of invasive invertebrates in Australia
An examination of the challenges and opportunities of implementing educational dietary public policies in developing multicultural countries
A study of the impact of public policies on urbanization and urban development in rural Indonesia
An exploration of the role of media and public opinion in shaping public policy and the policy-making process in the transport industry of Malaysia

Examples: Politics Dissertations & Theses

While the ideas we’ve presented above are a decent starting point for finding a politics-related research topic, they are fairly generic and non-specific. So, it helps to look at actual dissertations and theses to see how this all comes together.

Below, we’ve included a selection of research projects from various politics-related degree programs to help refine your thinking. These are actual dissertations and theses, written as part of Master’s and PhD-level programs, so they can provide some useful insight as to what a research topic looks like in practice.

We, the Righteous Few: Immoral Actions of Fellow Partisans are Judged as Less Possible (Varnam, 2020)
Civilizing the State: Civil Society and the Politics of Primary Public Health Care Provision in Urban Brazil (Gibson, 2012)
Political regimes and minority language policies: evidence from Taiwan and southeast Asia (Wu, 2021)
The Feminist Third Wave: Social Reproduction, Feminism as Class Struggle, and Contemporary Women’s Movements (Angulo, 2019)
The Politics of Immigration under Authoritarianism (Joo, 2019)
The politics of digital platforms: Sour Dictionary, activist subjectivities, and contemporary cultures of resistance (Okten, 2019)
Vote choice and support for diverse candidates on the Boston City Council At-Large (Dolcimascolo, 2022)
The city agenda: local governance and national influence in the policy agenda, 1900-2020 (Shannon, 2022)
Turf wars: who supported measures to criminalize homelessness in Austin, Texas? (Bompiedi, 2021)
Do BITs Cause Opposition Between Investor Rights and Environmental Protection? (Xiong, 2022)
Revealed corruption and electoral accountability in Brazil: How politicians anticipate voting behavior (Diaz, 2021)
Intersectional Solidarity: The Political Consequences of a Consciousness of Race, Gender and Sexuality (Crowder, 2020)
The Congressional Hispanic Caucus and the Coalitional Representation of Latinxs in the U.S. House of Representatives (Munoz, 2019)

Looking at these titles, you can probably pick up that the research topics here are quite specific and narrowly-focused , compared to the generic ones presented earlier. In other words, to create a top-notch research topic, you must be precise and target a specific context with specific variables of interest . In other words, you need to identify a clear, well-justified research gap.

Get 1:1 Help

If you’re still feeling a bit unsure about how to find a research topic for your dissertation or research project, check out our Topic Kickstarter service below.

You Might Also Like:

Topic Kickstarter: Research topics in education

Interesting thesis.

I really appreciate your work which will greatly help me rethink on my topic

Please how can I get the full thesis?

Submit a Comment Cancel reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Save my name, email, and website in this browser for the next time I comment.

Print Friendly

Featured Topics

Featured series.

A series of random questions answered by Harvard experts.

Explore the Gazette

Read the latest.

Next up for House renewal: Eliot

FAS receives gift to bolster arts, humanities, and strengthen financial aid

Robin Kelsey (pictured) speaking during the event.

Dean’s legacy honored

Choose bravely, ressa tells harvard grads.

Maria Ressa delivering the Commencement address.

Kris Snibbe/Harvard Staff Photographer

Christina Pazzanese

Harvard Staff Writer

Nobel Peace Prize-winning journalist puts values first in Commencement address focused on threats to democracy

Part of the commencement 2024 series.

A collection of stories covering Harvard University’s 373rd Commencement.

The world that awaits the Class of 2024 is one in which misinformation fueled by AI and social media is deepening conflict, distorting reality, and eroding democratic norms. That’s why it’s vital that students identify their values and then hold onto them dearly, Maria Ressa told Harvard graduates Thursday.

“You don’t know who you are until you’re tested, until you fight for what you believe in,” said Ressa, principal speaker at the University’s 373rd Commencement. “Character is created in the sum of all the little choices we make. If you’re not clear about your values, you may wake up one day and realize you don’t like the person you’ve become — so choose your best self.”

Ressa, an investigative journalist and Nobel Peace Prize recipient, addressed thousands of graduates at Tercentenary Theatre. She spoke from her experience as a reporter covering the government of Philippines leader Rodrigo Duterte and urged students to join her in the fight against enemies of democracy.

Rather than feeling angry or afraid about the state of the world, graduates should reflect on who they are and what they stand for, Ressa said. From there, she told the audience, go out and use your Harvard degree to create the world you want to live in.

“Harvard says it educates the future leaders of the world,” she said. “If you future leaders don’t fight for democracy right now, there will be little left for you to lead.”

Isabella E. Peña ’24 sings “The Star-Spangled Banner.”

Interim President Alan Garber gives his welcoming address.

Honorary degree recipient and former Harvard President Larry Bacow is congratulated by Marc Goodheart, vice president and secretary of the University.

Before Ressa spoke, interim Harvard President Alan Garber in his welcoming address acknowledged campus disagreements and the possibility for protests. “It is their right to do so,” he said. “But it is their responsibility to do so with our community and this occasion in mind.”

He also called for a moment of silence in recognition of global conflict and suffering.

“Sympathy and empathy atrophy without exercise,” Garber said.

Later in the ceremony, students staged a walkout in protest of the University’s decision to withhold degrees from 13 participants in the recent pro-Palestine Yard encampment who are not in good standing. The decision had been criticized earlier in the ceremony by two student orators.

A native of the Philippines, Ressa came to the U.S. with her family in 1973, graduating cum laude from Princeton University in 1986. For nearly two decades, she was a correspondent for CNN and oversaw its news bureaus in Manila, Philippines, and Jakarta, Indonesia, before co-founding Rappler, an online news outlet in Manila, in 2011. She was a 2021 fall fellow at Harvard Kennedy School’s Shorenstein Center on Media, Politics and Public Policy and the Center for Public Leadership. In July, she’ll join the faculty of Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs.

During her address, Ressa relayed some of the lessons she learned as a journalist exposing state-sponsored disinformation campaigns and corruption under Duterte. She remains out on bail for criminal charges linked to her reporting.

She described for graduates an online “outrage economy” that is misleading and dividing the country purely for profit and power, and urged them to resist it. Enlist in the “battle for facts,” she told the students.

“Without facts, you can’t have truth. Without truth, you can’t have trust. Without these … we have no shared reality, no rule of law, no democracy, [and] we can’t begin to solve existential problems like climate change,” Ressa said.

Instead, show compassion to one another and open your minds and hearts to others, she told graduates, even if it feels uncomfortable. “Alone we accomplish very little, no matter how bright or talented you are,” she said. “It’s about what we can do together.”

Ressa ended with a call to action.

“This is about what we can do together to find what binds us together. Our world on fire needs you. So, Class of 2024, welcome to the battlefield. Join us.”

The University presented honorary doctorates to Ressa (Doctor of Laws) and five others:

Lawrence S. Bacow (Doctor of Laws), the 29th president of Harvard University; Gustavo Adolfo Dudamel Ramírez (Doctor of Music), the acclaimed conductor; Sylvester James Gates Jr. (Doctor of Science), an eminent theoretical physicist; Joy Harjo (Doctor of Literature), a renowned poet and writer who served as U.S. Poet Laureate from 2019-2022; and Jennie Chin Hansen (Doctor of Humane Letters), a registered nurse and leading advocate for improving the care and well-being of older adults.

Share this article

When should Harvard speak out?

Institutional Voice Working Group provides a roadmap in new report

Had a bad experience meditating? You're not alone.

Altered states of consciousness through yoga, mindfulness more common than thought and mostly beneficial, study finds — though clinicians ill-equipped to help those who struggle

Finding right mix on campus speech policies

Legal, political scholars discuss balancing personal safety, constitutional rights, academic freedom amid roiling protests, cultural shifts

Trump fired his boss in 2020. Now, this Gen Z candidate is up against a fake elector

Ashwin Ramaswami, 24, was an intern in the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency when former President Donald Trump fired his boss in late 2020 for publicly disputing Trump's claims of voter fraud in the election.

Now, Ramaswami, a Democrat, is running for Georgia state Senate in District 48 against Shawn Still, the Republican incumbent − and a Trump ally who was indicted last year for allegedly posing as a fake elector to try and overturn the 2020 election.

The Indian American Gen Z candidate, who ran unopposed in the Democratic primary Tuesday, launched his campaign last year, telling USA TODAY in an interview that protecting the legitimacy of election results and a person's right to their vote is what inspired him to run in his home state of Georgia, where Trump has been indicted by Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis on allegations that he tried to wipe out Biden's victory in the state through the use of fake electors and by pressuring state officials.

“The message…is this idea of the next generation of folks taking stuff into their own hands and really saying that we will stand up for integrity and honesty in politics in a way that too often a lot of people running for office don’t really do,” Ramaswami said.

And he believes he has a shot to take Still out of office by vigorously campaigning on the message of saving a democracy in peril because of Trump - among other issues - and gathering up a broad coalition of voters to support him in the coming months.

Prep for the polls: See who is running for president and compare where they stand on key issues in our Voter Guide

Ramaswami’s campaign has vastly outraised Still’s in the latest filing period between Feb. 1 and April 30, with Ramaswami raising $146,442 and Still raising only $6,400. Since he launched his campaign in December of last year, Ramaswami raised over $282,000, with only $8,066 of that being self-funded.

But Ramaswami as a first-time political candidate faces challenges if he wants to defeat his opponent, including appealing to voters in a district that has been redrawn to favor Republicans, political science experts said.

Election integrity, democracy at the forefront of this fight

Though Ramaswami is stumping on other issues, such as the economy and healthcare, at the core of his fight against Still is preserving election integrity.

A poll conducted by Marist College between March 11 and March 14 among 1,283 Georgia adults ages 18 and older found that 25% of respondents say preserving democracy is their top issue when thinking about casting a ballot in November, followed by 24% citing immigration, 24% mentioning inflation and 10% saying healthcare. Eight percent of respondents chose abortion as their top issue while 7% chose crime and 1% are unsure.

The poll also found that 69% of Georgia adults are confident or very confident that their state or local government will run a fair and accurate election, with 30% not very confident or not confident at all.

“It’s important for our representatives to respect our vote,” said Ramaswami. “What Shawn Still did and what the fake electors did undermined the power of all Georgians.”

Ramaswami previously served as an intern and later part-time paid employee at the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency, where he worked under former director Christopher Krebs and helped states find and fix vulnerabilities in election systems. His research on the role of technology and social media in the spread of election misinformation has also been published in several papers.

He decided to run against Still after the Georgia lawmaker was indicted last year by a grand jury for allegedly signing a certificate falsely declaring that Trump won the state of Georgia in the 2020 election and acting as a "duly elected and qualified" presidential elector.

Still was charged with seven counts, including violating Georgia’s Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act which targets people engaged in organized crime.

Still has pleaded not guilty. The case has yet to go to trial. His legal team has argued that the state has no "authority or jurisdiction" to prosecute Still for his "actions as a contingent presidential elector" and that the indictment violates his First Amendment rights. They even moved to quash the indictment last year.

USA TODAY reached out to Still for an interview request, but did not immediately receive a response.

Does Ramaswami have a chance against Still?

As a political newcomer, the path for Ramaswami to defeat Still might be tough.

“Given his youth, this may be more of a dry run for the future,” said Carl Cavalli, a professor of political science at the University of North Georgia.

Still, according to his website, has authored and sponsored more than 100 pieces of legislation. He’s also serving as the vice chairman of the state and local governmental operations Senate committee and the secretary of the natural resources and environment Senate committee.

In his second term, Still hopes to tackle immigration reform, environmental legislation, workforce development, tightening up election integrity laws and other issues, according to a statement on his website.

But Ramaswami believes that he can bring new perspective to the state legislature, arguing that “I do want to focus on a lot of issues…whether it’s more access to education, expanding access to health care, reproductive rights - all the things which the Republican majority in the Georgia State Senate kind of isn’t really working on."

He added that Democratic Georgia Sen. Jon Ossoff's team has been helpful for advice and connecting him with folks who can support his campaign. Ossoff gained national attention as the youngest sitting senator since 2021 and could serve as a role model for Ramaswami.

The makeup of District 48 is another challenge. David Shafer, an indicted Trump ally and former Georgia GOP chair, held the District 48 state senate seat from 2002 to 2019. Two Democrats held the seat after: Zahra Karinshak and Michelle Au.

However, the district was redrawn after the 2020 election which made it more heavily favor Republicans, said Charles S. Bullock II, a professor of political science at the University of Georgia. After redistricting, Still won the seat in the 2022 midterms by 13% against his Democratic opponent at the time, Josh Uddin.

"Ramaswami is facing an uphill battle in a Republican area," said Cavalli.

But though the physical outline of the district remains the same this year as Ramaswami competes against Still, Bullock said that what Democrats are hoping could give them an upper hand is the demographic change in the district that has been taking place over the years as an influx of diverse groups move in the area.

For instance, the southernmost precincts in the district are voting Democratic as a growing Indian population moves into south Forsyth County, he said. And a key constituency in the district is college educated White voters who are less likely to accept Republican claims that the 2020 election was stolen, he added.

“Bottom line: Ramaswami has a chance in November,” Bullock said.

Search form

Mapping the seafloor sediment superhighway.

Sediment-profile image of seafloor sediments that have been burrowed and churned by animals. (Credit: Martin Solan)

A new scientific model is giving researchers an unprecedented, global look at the activities of clams, worms, and other invertebrate animals that burrow at the bottom of the ocean.

And what they find may offer new insights into how these mud-churning species affect ocean chemistry, carbon sequestration, and the ability of marine life to thrive globally.

Scientists have long debated the role of “bioturbation” — the excavation and stirring up of seafloor sediments caused by these species. Part of the challenge has come from trying to understand how the interactions between these animals and their surroundings influence bioturbation patterns and marine ecosystems worldwide.

New research published in the journal Current Biology offers a wealth of new data that may help answer these questions.

“ Through our analysis, we discovered that not just one, but multiple environmental factors jointly influence seafloor bioturbation and the ecosystem services these animals provide,” said co-author Lidya Tarhan, assistant professor of Earth and planetary sciences in Yale’s Faculty of Arts and Sciences. “This includes factors that directly impact food supply, underlying the complex relationships that sustain marine life, both today and in Earth’s past.”

For the study, the researchers used global seafloor and seawater data and machine learning techniques to map out the ocean environments where marine invertebrates live and discern what factors shape environmental conditions globally.

In previous studies, the research community had sought out a single, controlling factor that would explain variations in bioturbation observations. By contrast, Tarhan and her colleagues found that bioturbation is shaped by a combination of factors, acting in concert.

The most important global factors, they discovered, are seawater depth, nutrient levels in the water, and sediment composition.

“ Knowing how bioturbation links to other aspects of the environment means that we are now better equipped to predict how these systems might change in response to climate change,” said lead author Shuang Zhang, a former Ph.D. student and postdoctoral researcher at Yale who is now an assistant professor in the Department of Oceanography at Texas A&M University.

The new study also yielded insights into the variety of ways in which animals excavate the seafloor — and how seemingly similar animal behaviors can, on a global scale, be shaped by entirely different sets of environmental factors.

For instance, the researchers found that environmental factors driving deep sea bioturbation can differ significantly from those factors influencing seafloor communities in coastal and shallow ocean waters. In deep ocean waters, seawater nutrient levels remain impactful, but water depth and sediment type appear to be less important. Instead, the velocity of surface ocean currents and the enrichment of seafloor sediments by organic matter play key roles in shaping deep-sea bioturbation.

These findings have important ramifications for ocean conservation and for developing strategies to mitigate habitat deterioration and protect marine biodiversity, the researchers say.

“ Our analysis suggests that the present global network of marine protected areas does not sufficiently protect important seafloor processes like bioturbation, indicating that protection measures need to be better catered to promote ecosystem health,” Tarhan said.

Added co-author Martin Solan, a professor of marine ecology at the University of Southampton: “We have known for some time that ocean sediments are extremely diverse and play a fundamental role in mediating the health of the ocean, but only now do we have insights about where, and by how much, these communities contribute.”

The research was funded with support from the Natural Environment Research Council and Yale University.

Environment

Science & Technology

Media Contact

Michael Greenwood: [email protected] , 203-737-5151

Pictures pinned to cork board: “How to Sue the Klan” poster, “Fracking the System” poster, and two images of people

Screening room: Yale Law clinic offers legal guidance for documentaries

Collage: Woman wearing an N-95 mask, backdrop of world map with an airplane in flight, lines showing infection rates.

To avoid infection spread, how long a quarantine is sufficient? It depends

AI can write a more believable restaurant review than a human can

New clues to tissue repair that could help heal the uterus and more

Show More Articles

COMMENTS

PDF Social Studies for Democracy: Cultivating Communities of Inquiry for
2010). Such an education, therefore, could very well help address Philippines' perennial societal problems, or at least one of the basic ones, which arguably have to do with many Filipinos not involving themselves in democratic discourse and not asking questions about society, culture, and public policy.
(PDF) Democratizing democracy in the Philippines
The score signifies the Philippines. has a flawed democracy. 5. Specifically, the Philippines have a low score in the democracy. indicators. 6. specifically in the areas of functioning of ...
A Philippine Strongman's Legislative and Constitutional Reforms Legacy
Indeed, the Philippines is often described as a delegative democracy where the elected president is granted formal and informal powers to "govern as he or she sees it fit" (Mendoza and Panao, 2021; O'Donnell, 1994; Thompson, 2018). The absence of strong institutional checks, while strengthening the president's influence over the ...
Philippines: People's Power and Defective Elite Democracy
The constitutional history of the Philippines bears the hallmarks of American constitutionalism (Desirto, 2009).Since 1899, the country has had six constitutions (Rebullida, 2006a).The Commonwealth Constitution of 1935 followed the Malolos Constitution of the ephemeral First Philippine Republic (1899-1901).
PDF The Philippines: Some Reflections on Democracy in a Unique ...
Honorary Research Associate, Institute of Asian Research, University of British Columbia. A mem-ber of Canada's foreign service (1964-1998), he was Ambassador to the Republic of the ... roots of democracy in the Philippines also lie in the period from 1935 to 1946 when, under the United States-sponsored Philippine Commonwealth, the country ...
The Philippines: how much real democracy?
Abstract. Democracy in the Philippines is a paradox. It was the first country in the region to topple authoritarian rule. Signs of a vibrant democracy are extensive: high voter turnout, civic engagement, institutional arrangements that theoretically promote accountability and safeguard rights and liberties.
The Philippines: From 'People Power' to Democratic Backsliding
Abstract. This Element explores how in the Philippines a 'whiggish' narrative of democracy and good governance triumphing over dictatorship and kleptocracy after the 'people power' uprising ...
Recent Publications
Go, Jan Robert R. 2021. " Political Science Research and Methodology in Contemporary Philippines: An Analysis of the Philippine Political Science Journal, 2000-2019 .". Asian Journal of Political Science Journal 29 (2): 238-254. DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2021.1906289. Gloria, Enrico V. 2021. "Justifying economic coercion: the discourse of ...
Democratization and Stabilization in the Philippines
The Philippine left, however, misread the population, leading to its marginalization from the mainstream of national political life. Nevertheless, elite democracy in the Philippines is fragile. Filipinos have alternated between allegiance to and disaffection with elite parliamentarism. In the absence of fundamental social and economic reforms ...
Survival of an imperfect democracy in the Philippines
Despite the mythology surrounding the 1986 'people power revolution' in the Philippines, the political system remains a deeply flawed and fragile democracy. This study employs institutional analysis and a critical adaptation of concepts of social capital and political legitimacy to explain both the weaknesses of democracy and its survival.
Toxic Democracy? The Philippines in 2018
From attempting to jail opposition figures to forging controversial deals with China that place the Philippines' sovereignty at risk, the regime has demonstrated the extent to which it is willing to breach the boundaries of state power while evading accountability.This chapter analyses the Philippines in 2018 around the three themes of toxic ...
Examining Philippine political development over three decades after
3 The term bangsa or bansa is a Malay word that usually refers to nations, castes, descent groups or lines, races or estates. The composite term Bangsa Moro, refers to the 'Moro Nation.' For the purpose of this paper, Bangsa Moro shall mean the 'Moro Nation' and Bangsamoro as the 'people' who embrace Islam as a religion and way of life especially those inhabiting southern Mindanao ...
Rise of Illiberal Democracy, Weakening of Rule of Law ...
The article examines the current state of the Philippines seen in the context of democratic decline and weakened rule of law. ... Fernandez, Gemmo, Rise of Illiberal Democracy, Weakening of Rule of Law, & Implementation of Human Rights in the Philippines (2021). ... Vol. 36, No. 2, 2021, ANU College of Law Research Paper No. 21.10, Available at ...
Philippines: Freedom in the World 2023 Country Report
However, the Philippines remains one of the most dangerous places in the world for journalists. Journalists experience physical attacks; threats, including death threats and bomb threats; smear campaigns claiming they conspire against the government; red-tagging; and distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks.
(PDF) Philippine Politics and Governance
Philippine Politics and Governance: Challenges to Democratization and Development, 303 pages, both published in Quezon City, Philippines by the Department of Political Science, University of the ...
The 2022 Philippine Election: Trouble for Democracy and Foreign
Dark Days for Philippine Democracy and Human Rights. From 2016 to 2022, the Philippine democracy declined substantially due to Duterte's autocratic policies, from a 65 to a 55 in Freedom House's democracy rankings. A violent wave of extrajudicial killings of thousands of suspected drug users, repression of journalists and civil society, and ...
What the Philippines tells us about democracy
Beyond balloting, democracy is a "government by discussion" (to quote the Indian economist Amartya Sen), characterized by public dialogue and interaction. The vibrancy of democracy in the Philippines hinges largely on the quality of this dialogue and interaction. A government that engages its citizens, is inclusive in its decision-making ...
Democratic expressions amidst fragile institutions: Possibilities for
The Philippines' pathway to democratization has long been undermined by political elites' refusal to institutionalize reforms that strengthen political competition and accountability.
Philippines
The Philippines has implemented several democracy assessments, making this country the perfect example of how the State of Democracy Assessment Framework can be customized to assess specific topics. For the Philippines, the framework was broken down into different areas—Rule of Law and Access to Justice; Minimizing Corruption; Economic and Social Rights; Free and Fair Elections; and the ...
Philippine Democracy Research Papers
View Philippine Democracy Research Papers on Academia.edu for free. ... "President Rodrigo Duterte and the Birth of Radical Democracy in the Philippines." In International Journal of Politics and Security Volume 2, Number 3 (May 2020): 116-134. ... Related Topics. College Algebra and Trigonometry. Follow Following. Philippine's Problem With ...
What is the future of democracy in the Philippines?
Ana P. Santos. 07/06/2021. Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte — who is allowed to serve only one term as president — has said he may consider running for vice president when his term ends ...
Politics of the Philippines
Politics in the Philippines are governed by a three-branch system of government. The country is a democracy, with a president who is directly elected by the people and serves as both the head of state and the head of government.The president serves as the leader of the executive branch and is a powerful political figure. A president may only hold office for one six-year term.
100+ Research Topics In Politics (+ Free Webinar)
Topics & Ideas: Political Theory. An analysis of the impact of feminism on political theory and the concept of citizenship in Saudi Arabia in the context of Vision 2030. A comparative study of the political philosophies of Marxism and liberalism and their influence on modern politics. An examination of how the Covid-19 pandemic affected the ...
Choose bravely, Ressa tells Harvard grads
A native of the Philippines, Ressa came to the U.S. with her family in 1973, graduating cum laude from Princeton University in 1986. For nearly two decades, she was a correspondent for CNN and oversaw its news bureaus in Manila, Philippines, and Jakarta, Indonesia, before co-founding Rappler, an online news outlet in Manila, in 2011.
How fragile is America's democracy?
Babbage. How AI could transform medical research and treatment. Our podcast on science and technology. The second episode in a two-part series on how the world of health care is grappling with the ...
Gen Z candidate Ashwin Ramaswami is up against a Trump fake elector
A poll conducted by Marist College between March 11 and March 14 among 1,283 Georgia adults ages 18 and older found that 25% of respondents say preserving democracy is their top issue when ...
Mapping the seafloor sediment superhighway
A new scientific model is giving researchers an unprecedented, global look at the activities of clams, worms, and other invertebrate animals that burrow at the bottom of the ocean. And what they find may offer new insights into how these mud-churning species affect ocean chemistry, carbon ...
Misinformation and disinformation
Topics in Psychology. Explore how scientific research by psychologists can inform our professional lives, family and community relationships, emotional wellness, and more. ... maintain a stable democracy, and more. By providing valuable insight into how and why we are likely to believe misinformation and disinformation, psychological science ...