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Early years

Entry into politics, political unity, creator of pakistan.

Mohammed Ali Jinnah

What did Mohammed Ali Jinnah study?

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Mohammed Ali Jinnah

What is Mohammed Ali Jinnah known for?

Mohammed Ali Jinnah was the founder and first governor-general (1947–48) of Pakistan. He is revered as the father of Pakistan. He also sought the political union of Hindus and Muslims, which earned him the title of “the best ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity.”

Where was Mohammed Ali Jinnah born?

Mohammed Ali Jinnah was born in Karachi in what is today Pakistan in 1876 or 1875.

When did Mohammed Ali Jinnah die?

Mohammed Ali Jinnah died on September 11, 1948, in Karachi, Pakistan.

Mohammed Ali Jinnah was sent to England by his father to acquire business experience, but he was interested in becoming a barrister. In London, he joined Lincoln’s Inn, one of the legal societies that prepared students for the bar. In 1895, at the age of 19, he was called to the bar.

When did Mohammed Ali Jinnah join the Muslim League?

Mohammed Ali Jinnah joined the Muslim League in 1913. He did so only when he was assured that the league was as devoted as the Congress Party to the political emancipation of India.

Mohammed Ali Jinnah (born December 25, 1876?, Karachi, India [now in Pakistan]—died September 11, 1948, Karachi) was an Indian Muslim politician, who was the founder and first governor-general (1947–48) of Pakistan .

Jinnah was the eldest of seven children of Jinnahbhai Poonja, a prosperous merchant , and his wife, Mithibai. His family was a member of the Khoja caste, Hindus who had converted to Islam centuries earlier and who were followers of the Aga Khan . There is some question about Jinnah’s date of birth: although he maintained that it was December 25, 1876, school records from Karachi (Pakistan) give a date of October 20, 1875.

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After being taught at home, Jinnah was sent in 1887 to the Sind Madrasat al-Islam (now Sindh Madressatul Islam University) in Karachi. Later he attended the Christian Missionary Society High School (also in Karachi), where at the age of 16 he passed the matriculation examination of the University of Bombay (now University of Mumbai , in Mumbai , India ). On the advice of an English friend, his father decided to send him to England to acquire business experience. Jinnah, however, had made up his mind to become a barrister . In keeping with the custom of the time, his parents arranged for an early marriage for him before he left for England .

In London he joined Lincoln’s Inn, one of the legal societies that prepared students for the bar. In 1895, at the age of 19, he was called to the bar. While in London Jinnah suffered two severe bereavements—the deaths of his wife and his mother. Nevertheless, he completed his formal studies and also made a study of the British political system , frequently visiting the House of Commons . He was greatly influenced by the liberalism of William E. Gladstone , who had become prime minister for the fourth time in 1892, the year of Jinnah’s arrival in London. Jinnah also took a keen interest in the affairs of India and in Indian students. When the Parsi leader Dadabhai Naoroji , a leading Indian nationalist, ran for the British Parliament , Jinnah and other Indian students worked day and night for him. Their efforts were crowned with success: Naoroji became the first Indian to sit in the House of Commons.

When Jinnah returned to Karachi in 1896, he found that his father’s business had suffered losses and that he now had to depend on himself. He decided to start his legal practice in Bombay (now Mumbai), but it took him years of work to establish himself as a lawyer.

It was nearly 10 years later that he turned actively toward politics. A man without hobbies, he divided his interest between law and politics. Nor was he a religious zealot: he was a Muslim in a broad sense and had little to do with sects. His interest in women was also limited, to Rattenbai (Rutti)—the daughter of Sir Dinshaw Petit, a Bombay Parsi millionaire—whom he married in 1918 over tremendous opposition from her parents and others. The couple had one daughter, Dina, but the marriage proved an unhappy one, and Jinnah and Rutti soon separated. It was his sister Fatima who gave him solace and company.

Jinnah first entered politics by participating in the 1906 session of the Indian National Congress (Congress Party) held at Calcutta (now Kolkata ), in which the party began to split between those calling for dominion status and those advocating independence for India. Four years later he was elected to the Imperial Legislative Council—the beginning of a long and distinguished parliamentary career. In Bombay he came to know, among other important Congress Party personalities, Gopal Krishna Gokhale , the eminent Maratha leader. Greatly influenced by those nationalist politicians, Jinnah aspired during the early part of his political life to become “a Muslim Gokhale.” Admiration for British political institutions and an eagerness to raise the status of India in the international community and to develop a sense of Indian nationhood among the peoples of India were the chief elements of his politics. At that time, he still looked upon Muslim interests in the context of Indian nationalism .

But, by the beginning of the 20th century, the conviction had been growing among the Muslims that their interests demanded the preservation of their separate identity rather than amalgamation in the Indian nation that would for all practical purposes be Hindu. Largely to safeguard Muslim interests, the All-India Muslim League was founded in 1906. But Jinnah remained aloof from it. Only in 1913, when authoritatively assured that the league was as devoted as the Congress Party to the political emancipation of India, did Jinnah join the league. When the Indian Home Rule League was formed, he became its chief organizer in Bombay and was elected president of the Bombay branch.

Jinnah’s endeavours to bring about the political union of Hindus and Muslims earned him the title of “the best ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity,” an epithet coined by Gokhale. It was largely through his efforts that the Congress Party and the Muslim League began to hold their annual sessions jointly, to facilitate mutual consultation and participation. In 1915 the two organizations held their meetings in Bombay and in 1916 in Lucknow , where the Lucknow Pact was concluded. Under the terms of the pact, the two organizations put their seal to a scheme of constitutional reform that became their joint demand vis-à-vis the British government. There was a good deal of give and take, but the Muslims obtained one important concession in the shape of separate electorates, already conceded to them by the government in 1909 but hitherto resisted by Congress.

Meanwhile, a new force in Indian politics had appeared in the person of Mohandas (Mahatma) Gandhi . Both the Home Rule League and the Congress Party had come under his sway. Opposed to Gandhi’s noncooperation movement and his essentially Hindu approach to politics, Jinnah left both the league and the Congress Party in 1920. For a few years he kept himself aloof from the main political movements. He continued to be a firm believer in Hindu-Muslim unity and constitutional methods for the achievement of political ends. After his withdrawal from Congress, he used the Muslim League platform for the propagation of his views. But during the 1920s the Muslim League, and with it Jinnah, had been overshadowed by Congress and the religiously oriented Muslim Khilafat movement .

When the failure of the noncooperation movement and the emergence of Hindu revivalist movements led to antagonism and riots between Hindus and Muslims, the Muslim League began to lose strength and cohesion, and provincial Muslim leaders formed their own parties to serve their needs. Thus, Jinnah’s problem during the following years was to convert the Muslim League into an enlightened , unified political body prepared to cooperate with other organizations working for the good of India. In addition, he had to convince the Congress Party, as a prerequisite for political progress, of the necessity of settling the Hindu-Muslim conflict.

To bring about such a rapprochement was Jinnah’s chief purpose during the late 1920s and early 1930s. He worked toward this end within the legislative assembly, at the Round Table Conference in London (1930–32), and through his “14 points,” which included proposals for a federal form of government, greater rights for minorities, one-third representation for Muslims in the central legislature, separation of the predominantly Muslim Sindh region from the rest of the Bombay province, and introduction of reforms in the North-West Frontier Province . His failure to bring about even minor amendments in the Nehru Committee proposals (1928) over the question of separate electorates and reservation of seats for Muslims in the legislatures frustrated him. He found himself in a peculiar position at that time: many Muslims thought that he was too nationalistic in his policy and that Muslim interests were not safe in his hands, while the Congress Party would not even meet the moderate Muslim demands halfway. Indeed, the Muslim League was a house divided against itself. The Punjab Muslim League repudiated Jinnah’s leadership and organized itself separately. In disgust, Jinnah decided to settle in England. From 1930 to 1935 he remained in London, devoting himself to practice before the Privy Council . But when constitutional changes were in the offing, he was persuaded to return home to head a reconstituted Muslim League.

Soon preparations started for the elections under the Government of India Act of 1935. Jinnah was still thinking in terms of cooperation between the Muslim League and the Hindu-controlled Congress Party and with coalition governments in the provinces. But the elections of 1937 proved to be a turning point in the relations between the two organizations. Congress obtained an absolute majority in six provinces, and the league did not do particularly well. The Congress Party decided not to include the league in the formation of provincial governments, and exclusive all-Congress governments were the result. Relations between Hindus and Muslims started to deteriorate, and soon Muslim discontent became boundless.

Jinnah had originally been dubious about the practicability of Pakistan, an idea that the poet and philosopher Sir Muhammad Iqbal had propounded to the Muslim League conference of 1930, but before long he became convinced that a Muslim homeland on the Indian subcontinent was the only way of safeguarding Muslim interests and the Muslim way of life. It was not religious persecution that he feared so much as the future exclusion of Muslims from all prospects of advancement within India, as soon as power became vested in the close-knit structure of Hindu social organization. To guard against that danger, he carried out a nationwide campaign to warn his coreligionists of the perils of their position, and he converted the Muslim League into a powerful instrument for unifying the Muslims into a nation.

At that point, Jinnah emerged as the leader of a renascent Muslim nation. Events began to move fast. On March 22–23, 1940, in Lahore , the league adopted a resolution to form a separate Muslim state, Pakistan . The Pakistan idea was at first ridiculed and then tenaciously opposed by the Congress Party. But it captured the imagination of the Muslims. Pitted against Jinnah were many influential Hindus, including Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru . And the British government seemed to be intent on maintaining the political unity of the Indian subcontinent. But Jinnah led his movement with such skill and tenacity that ultimately both the Congress Party and the British government had no option but to agree to the partitioning of India. Pakistan thus emerged as an independent state in 1947.

essay on quaid e azam wikipedia

Jinnah became the first head of the new state. Faced with the serious problems of a young country , he tackled Pakistan’s problems with authority. He was not regarded as merely the governor-general. He was revered as the father of the nation. He worked hard until overpowered by age and disease in Karachi, the place of his birth, in 1948.

essay on quaid e azam wikipedia

Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah

Pakistan, one of the largest Muslim states in the world, is a living and exemplary monument of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. With his untiring efforts, indomitable will, and dauntless courage, he united the Indian Muslims under the banner of the Muslim League and carved out a homeland for them, despite stiff opposition from the Hindu Congress and the British Government.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah was born in Karachi on December 25, 1876. His father Jinnah Poonja was an Ismaili Khoja of Kathiawar, a prosperous business community. Muhammad Ali received his early education at the Sindh Madrasa and later at the Mission School, Karachi. He went to England for further studies in 1892 at the age of 16. In 1896, Jinnah qualified for the Bar and was called to the Bar in 1897.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah started his political career in 1906 when he attended the Calcutta session of the All India National Congress in the capacity of Private Secretary to the President of the Congress. In 1910, he was elected to the Imperial Legislative Council. He sponsored the Waqf Validating Bill, which brought him in touch with other Muslim leaders. In March 1913, Jinnah joined the All India Muslim League.

Until the publication of Nehru Report, Jinnah continued his efforts for Hindu-Muslim unity. The Nehru Report, published in 1928, was severely criticized by all sections of the Muslim community. In December 1928, the National Convention was called to consider the Report. Jinnah proposed some amendments, but they were all rejected. He finally parted ways with the Congress.

The Muslim League held its annual session at Lahore in March 1940. This was presided over by Quaid-i-Azam. The demand for Pakistan was formally put forward here. This goal was realized on August 14, 1947. Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was appointed as its first Governor General.

This article was last updated on Sunday, June 01, 2003

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Essay on Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah with Quotes and Outlines

essay on quaid e azam wikipedia

  • December 19, 2023

Kainat Shakeel

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, was a visionary leader who devoted his life to the cause of Pakistan. Born on December 25, 1876, in Karachi, Jinnah was a counsel, politician, and leader of the All-India Muslim League from 1913 until the establishment of Pakistan in 1947.  

Early Life and Struggles:

Quaid-e-Azam was born into a Khoja family of Hindu parents who had converted to Islam and followed the Shia faith. He entered his early education at home before attending Sindh Madrasa Academy in Karachi. In 1893, he moved to England to pursue a law degree at the University of London. While in England, Jinnah was told by nationalist politicians and originally aimed to become” a Muslim Gokhale,” fastening on Muslim interests within the environment of Indian nationalism still, by the morning of the 20th century, the growing conviction among Muslims demanded the preservation of separate Muslim interests, leading to the founding of the All-India Muslim League in 1906. 

Achievements and Leadership:

In 1913, Jinnah became the leader of the All-India Muslim League, a position he held until the establishment of Pakistan in 1947. He played a pivotal part in the non-cooperation movement of 1920, which aimed to gain Indian independence through violent means. In 1924, he was tagged to the Viceroy’s Executive Council, making him the first Muslim member of the British Indian government. Despite his benefactions, Jinnah abnegated in 1925 due to dissensions with Mahatma Gandhi over the nature of the non-cooperation movement. Jinnah’s leadership and determination were necessary in the passage and perpetration of the Pakistan Resolution in 1940, which demanded the creation of separate Muslim and Hindu countries. In August 1947, Pakistan came into being, and Jinnah became its first governor-general. 

Personal Traits and Vision for Pakistan:

Quaid-e-Azam was known for his strong personality, seductiveness, and leadership chops. He was a professed lecturer and pen, able to rally people around his vision for Pakistan. Jinnah envisaged a Pakistan where all citizens, regardless of their faith, race, or gender, would be equal and have the occasion to prosper. He believed in the significance of education, profitable tone-reliance, and social justice for the development of the country. 

Quotes from Quaid-e-Azam:

Then are some memorable quotations from Quaid-e-Azam; 

  • “Pakistan isn’t a piece of land for us. It’s a living, breathing reality that we’ve to nurture and develop. It’s a commodity that belongs to all of us, and all of us must put in our sweats, our smarts, and our hearts to make it a success.” 
  • “We’ve to make a new Pakistan, where the weak will get justice and the strong won’t exploit the weak.” 
  • “I wish to make it clear that the people of Pakistan, the Muslims and non-Muslims, will have to live together. There will be no question of equivalency because we’re all equal. There will be no question of maturity or nonage because we’re all equal. There will be no question of a separate motherland for Muslims or non-Muslims because we’re all Pakistanis.” 
  • “May you be firm and bent in your faith. Don’t allow anyone to make you diverge from your path.”  

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s fidelity and leadership played a pivotal part in the establishment of Pakistan and the shaping of its identity. His vision for a just, equal, and prosperous country remains the foundation of Pakistan’s bourses and progress. In his memory, we must continue to work towards realizing his dream of a united, inclusive, and thriving Pakistan. 

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Kainat Shakeel is a versatile Content Writer Head and Digital Marketer with a keen understanding of tech news, digital market trends, fashion, technology, laws, and regulations. As a storyteller in the digital realm, she weaves narratives that bridge the gap between technology and human experiences. With a passion for staying at the forefront of industry trends, her blog is a curated space where the worlds of fashion, tech, and legal landscapes converge.

National Pedia

Pakistan National Hero: Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah

The founder of Pakistan, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, is the Pakistan National Hero who played a significant role in the independence movement of Pakistan. He was a visionary leader who fought for the rights of Muslims in the subcontinent and eventually succeeded in creating a separate homeland for them. In this article, we will discuss the life, achievements, and legacy of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah.

Pakistan’s history is incomplete without mentioning the name of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. He was a lawyer, politician, and statesman who dedicated his entire life to the cause of Pakistan’s independence. Born in Karachi on December 25, 1876, Jinnah was the eldest child of his parents. He received his early education in Karachi and went to England to study law.

Table of Contents

Early Life and Education of the Pakistan National Hero

Jinnah was a brilliant student and excelled in his studies. After completing his education, he started his legal practice in Bombay and soon became a prominent lawyer. He was a man of principles and never compromised on his beliefs. He was deeply influenced by the teachings of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan and Allama Iqbal, who were prominent Muslim leaders of the time.

Political Career of the Pakistan National Hero

Jinnah’s political career started when he joined the Indian National Congress in 1906. He believed that the Indian National Congress was the best platform to fight for the rights of Muslims in the subcontinent. However, he soon realized that the Congress was dominated by Hindus and that the interests of Muslims were not being protected. He, therefore, resigned from the Congress in 1920 and joined the All India Muslim League, which was formed to protect the rights of Muslims.

Struggle for Pakistan

Jinnah’s struggle for Pakistan started in the 1930s when he demanded a separate homeland for Muslims in the subcontinent. He believed that Hindus and Muslims could not live together in a united India and that the only solution to the Hindu-Muslim problem was the creation of a separate homeland for Muslims. He worked tirelessly to convince Muslims of the need for a separate homeland and finally succeeded in achieving his goal in 1947 when Pakistan was created.

Achievements of the Pakistan National Hero

Jinnah’s achievements are numerous. He was the architect of Pakistan and played a crucial role in the creation of the country. He was also the first Governor-General of Pakistan and worked tirelessly to establish the country’s political, economic, and social institutions. He was a strong advocate of democracy, human rights, and equality and believed that these were the foundation stones of a progressive and prosperous society.

Legacy of the Pakistan National Hero

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s legacy is immense. He is considered to be one of the greatest leaders of the 20th century and an inspiration to millions of people around the world. His vision, determination, and leadership continue to inspire generations of Pakistanis to this day. His legacy is a reminder of the sacrifices and struggles of the people who fought for Pakistan’s independence and the need to uphold the principles of democracy, human rights, and equality.

  • Who was Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah?

Answer: Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was the founder of Pakistan and a national hero who fought for the rights of Muslims in the subcontinent.

  • What were Jinnah’s achievements?

Answer: Jinnah’s achievements are numerous. He was the architect of Pakistan and played a crucial role in the country’s creation. He was also the first Governor-General of Pakistan and worked tirelessly to establish the country’s political, economic, and social institutions.

  • What was Jinnah’s political career?

Answer: Jinnah’s political career started when he joined the Indian National Congress in 1906. He later resigned from the Congress and joined the All India Muslim League, which was formed to protect the rights of Muslims.

  • What was Jinnah’s vision for Pakistan?

Answer: Jinnah’s vision for Pakistan was to create a separate homeland for Muslims in the subcontinent. He believed that Hindus and Muslims could not live together in a united India and that the only solution to the Hindu-Muslim problem was the creation of a separate homeland for Muslims.

  • What is Jinnah’s legacy?

Answer: Jinnah’s legacy is immense. He is considered to be one of the greatest leaders of the 20th century and an inspiration to millions of people around the world. His vision, determination, and leadership continue to inspire generations of Pakistanis to this day.

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah is a national hero and a symbol of hope and inspiration for millions of Pakistanis. His vision, determination, and leadership continue to inspire people around the world, and his legacy is a reminder of the sacrifices and struggles of those who fought for Pakistan’s independence. We should strive to uphold his principles of democracy, human rights, and equality and work towards a more prosperous and progressive Pakistan.

  • “Muhammad Ali Jinnah” by Encyclopedia Britannica: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Muhammad-Ali-Jinnah
  • “Muhammad Ali Jinnah” by History.com: https://www.history.com/topics/india/muhammad-ali-jinnah
  • “Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah – Father of the Nation” by Government of Pakistan: https://www.pakistan.gov.pk/Quaid-e-Azam-Muhammad-Ali-Jinnah-Profile

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Quaid-e-azam's Vision and Legacy in Shaping Pakistan

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Published: Dec 28, 2023

Words: 751 | Pages: 2 | 4 min read

Table of contents

The visionary leader, the strategies for founding pakistan, legacy and ongoing debates, quaid-e-azam's enduring influence.

  • Advocate for Muslim rights: Jinnah emerged as a leader during the early 20th century when he championed the rights of Muslims in British India. He believed that Muslims should have political representation and safeguards to protect their cultural and religious identity.
  • Two-Nation Theory: Jinnah's most significant contribution to the Pakistan movement was the articulation of the Two-Nation Theory. He argued that Hindus and Muslims were distinct nations with separate customs, traditions, and political interests, justifying the need for a separate Muslim state.
  • Leader of the All-India Muslim League: Jinnah served as the leader of the All-India Muslim League, leading the party in its negotiations with the British and the Indian National Congress for the creation of Pakistan.
  • Partition Plan: Jinnah's negotiations with the British and the Indian National Congress resulted in the Mountbatten Plan, which proposed the partition of British India into two independent states, India and Pakistan, on August 14, 1947.
  • Advocacy for Muslim rights: Throughout his political career, Jinnah consistently advocated for Muslim political representation and religious freedom. He firmly believed that without these safeguards, Muslims would remain marginalized in a united India.
  • Leadership and unity: Jinnah's leadership was marked by his ability to unite Muslims from diverse backgrounds and regions under a common goal. His unwavering commitment to the cause of Pakistan inspired millions and galvanized support for the new nation.
  • Secular vs. Islamic state: One of the most significant debates surrounding Jinnah's legacy revolves around the nature of the state he envisioned for Pakistan. While Jinnah advocated for religious freedom and equal rights for all citizens, some argue that he envisioned a secular state, while others emphasize the Islamic character of Pakistan.
  • Minority rights: Jinnah's commitment to minority rights is also a contentious issue. Some argue that he advocated for the protection of the rights of religious minorities, while others point to instances of religious discrimination and intolerance in Pakistan's history.
  • Nation-building challenges: Pakistan faces numerous challenges in nation-building, including ethnic and sectarian tensions, political instability, and economic disparities. Debates continue over how effectively Jinnah's vision has been realized in addressing these issues.
  • Democracy and governance: Jinnah's commitment to democratic principles laid the foundation for Pakistan's parliamentary system. His insistence on representative government and the rule of law remains central to Pakistan's political structure.
  • Religious freedom: Jinnah's advocacy for religious freedom is enshrined in Pakistan's Constitution, which guarantees the rights of religious minorities. However, challenges persist in ensuring the full protection of these rights.
  • International relations: Jinnah's diplomatic skills and vision for an independent Pakistan continue to influence the nation's foreign policy. Pakistan maintains diplomatic relations with countries around the world, reflecting Jinnah's commitment to international engagement.

Works Cited

  • Wolpert, Stanley. “Jinnah of Pakistan.” Oxford University Press, 2005.
  • Jalal, Ayesha. “The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League, and the Demand for Pakistan.” Cambridge University Press, 1994.
  • Ahmed, Akbar S. “Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity: The Search for Saladin.” Routledge, 1997.
  • Malik, Iftikhar H. “Pakistan: Democracy, Development, and Security Issues.” Routledge, 2016.
  • Khan, Yasmin. “The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan.” Yale University Press, 2007.

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Father of the Nation Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s achievement as the founder of Pakistan, dominates everything else he did in his long and crowded public life spanning some 42 years. Yet, by any standard, his was an eventful life, his personality multidimensional and his achievements in other fields were many, if not equally great. Indeed, several were the roles he had played with distinction: at one time or another, he was one of the greatest legal luminaries India had produced during the first half of the century, an `ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity, a great constitutionalist, a distinguished parliamentarian, a top-notch politician, an indefatigable freedom-fighter, a dynamic Muslim leader, a political strategist and, above all one of the great nation-builders of modern times. What, however, makes him so remarkable is the fact that while similar other leaders assumed the leadership of traditionally well-defined nations and espoused their cause, or led them to freedom, he created a nation out of an inchoate and down-trodden minority and established a cultural and national home for it. And all that within a decade. For over three decades before the successful culmination in 1947, of the Muslim struggle for freedom in the South-Asian subcontinent, Jinnah had provided political leadership to the Indian Muslims: initially as one of the leaders, but later, since 1947, as the only prominent leader- the Quaid-i-Azam. For over thirty years, he had guided their affairs; he had given expression, coherence and direction to their legitimate aspirations and cherished dreams; he had formulated these into concrete demands; and, above all, he had striven all the while to get them conceded by both the ruling British and the numerous Hindus the dominant segment of India’s population. And for over thirty years he had fought, relentlessly and inexorably, for the inherent rights of the Muslims for an honorable existence in the subcontinent. Indeed, his life story constitutes, as it were, the story of the rebirth of the Muslims of the subcontinent and their spectacular rise to nationhood, phoenixlike.

essay on quaid e azam wikipedia

Born on December 25, 1876, in a prominent mercantile family in Karachi and educated at the Sindh Madrassat-ul-Islam and the Christian Mission School at his birth place, Jinnah joined the Lincoln’s Inn in 1893 to become the youngest Indian to be called to the Bar, three years later. Starting out in the legal profession with nothing to fall back upon except his native ability and determination, young Jinnah rose to prominence and became Bombay’s most successful lawyer, as few did, within a few years. Once he was firmly established in the legal profession, Jinnah formally entered politics in 1905 from the platform of the Indian National Congress. He went to England in that year along with Gopal Krishna Gokhale (1866-1915), as a member of a Congress delegation to plead the cause of Indian self-government during the British elections. A year later, he served as Secretary to Dadabhai Noaroji (1825-1917), the then Indian National Congress President, which was considered a great honor for a budding politician. Here, at the Calcutta Congress session (December 1906), he also made his first political speech in support of the resolution on self-government.

Political Career

Three years later, in January 1910, Jinnah was elected to the newly-constituted Imperial Legislative Council. All through his parliamentary career, which spanned some four decades, he was probably the most powerful voice in the cause of Indian freedom and Indian rights. Jinnah, who was also the first Indian to pilot a private member’s Bill through the Council, soon became a leader of a group inside the legislature. Mr. Montagu (1879-1924), Secretary of State for India, at the close of the First World War, considered Jinnah “perfect mannered, impressive-looking, armed to the teeth with dialectics…”Jinnah, he felt, “is a very clever man, and it is, of course, an outrage that such a man should have no chance of running the affairs of his own country.”

For about three decades since his entry into politics in 1906, Jinnah passionately believed in and assiduously worked for Hindu-Muslim unity. Gokhale, the foremost Hindu leader before Gandhi, had once said of him, “He has the true stuff in him and that freedom from all sectarian prejudice which will make him the best ambassador of Hindu-Muslim Unity: And, to be sure, he did become the architect of Hindu-Muslim Unity: he was responsible for the Congress-League Pact of 1916, known popularly as Luck now Pact- the only pact ever signed between the two political organizations, the Congress and the All-India Muslim League, representing, as they did, the two major communities in the subcontinent.

The Congress-League scheme embodied in this pact was to become the basis for the Montagu-Chemlsford Reforms, also known as the Act of 1919. In retrospect, the Luckhnow Pact represented a milestone in the evolution of Indian politics. For one thing, it conceded Muslims the right to separate electorate, reservation of seats in the legislatures and weightage in representation both at the Centre and the minority provinces. Thus, their retention was ensured in the next phase of reforms. For another, it represented a tacit recognition of the All-India Muslim League as the representative organization of the Muslims, thus strengthening the trend towards Muslim individuality in Indian politics. And to Jinnah goes the credit for all this. Thus, by 1917, Jinnah came to be recognized among both Hindus and Muslims as one of India’s most outstanding political leaders. Not only was he prominent in the Congress and the Imperial Legislative Council, he was also the President of the All-India Muslim League and that of the Bombay Branch of the Home Rule League. More importantly, because of his key-role in the Congress-League entente at Luckhnow, he was hailed as the ambassador, of Hindu-Muslim unity.

Constitutional Struggle

In subsequent years, however, he felt dismayed at the injection of violence into politics. Since Jinnah stood for “ordered progress”, moderation, gradualism and constitutionalism, he felt that political violence was not the pathway to national liberation but, the dark alley to disaster and destruction.

In the ever-growing frustration among the masses caused by colonial rule, there was ample cause for extremism. But, Gandhi’s doctrine of non-cooperation, Jinnah felt, even as Rabindranath Tagore(1861-1941) did also feel, was at best one of negation and despair: it might lead to the building up of resentment, but nothing constructive. Hence, he opposed tooth and nail the tactics adopted by Gandhi to exploit the Khilafat and wrongful tactics in the Punjab in the early twenties. On the eve of its adoption of the Gandhian programmed, Jinnah warned the Nagpur Congress Session (1920): “you are making a declaration (of Swaraj within a year) and committing the Indian National Congress to a programme, which you will not be able to carry out”. He felt that there was no short-cut to independence and that any extra-constitutional methods could only lead to political violence, lawlessness and chaos, without bringing India nearer to the threshold of freedom.

The future course of events was not only to confirm Jinnah’s worst fears, but also to prove him right. Although Jinnah left the Congress soon thereafter, he continued his efforts towards bringing about a Hindu-Muslim entente, which he rightly considered “the most vital condition of Swaraj”. However, because of the deep distrust between the two communities as evidenced by the country-wide communal riots, and because the Hindus failed to meet the genuine demands of the Muslims, his efforts came to naught. One such effort was the formulation of the Delhi Muslim Proposals in March, 1927. In order to bridge Hindu-Muslim differences on the constitutional plan, these proposals even waived the Muslim right to separate electorate, the most basic Muslim demand since 1906, which though recognized by the Congress in the Luckhnow Pact, had again become a source of friction between the two communities. surprisingly though, the Nehru Report (1928), which represented the Congress-sponsored proposals for the future constitution of India, negated the minimum Muslim demands embodied in the Delhi Muslim Proposals.

In vain Jinnah argued at the National Convention of Congress in 1928 that “What we want is that Hindus and Mussalmans should march together until our objective is achieved…These two communities have got to be reconciled and united and made to feel that their interests are common”. The Convention’s blank refusal to accept Muslim demands represented the most devastating setback to Jinnah’s life-long efforts to bring about Hindu-Muslim unity, it meant “the last straw” for the Muslims, and “the parting of the ways” for him, as he confessed to a Parsee friend at that time. Jinnah’s disillusionment at the course of politics in the subcontinent prompted him to migrate and settle down in London in the early thirties. He was, however, to return to India in 1934, at the pleadings of his co-religionists, and assume their leadership. But, the Muslims presented a sad spectacle at that time. They were a mass of disgruntled and demoralized men and women, politically disorganized and destitute of a clear-cut political programme.

Muslim League Reorganized

Thus, the task that awaited Jinnah was anything but easy. The Muslim League was dormant: even its provincial organizations were, for the most part, ineffective and only nominally under the control of the central organization. Nor did the central body have any coherent policy of its own till the Bombay session (1936), which Jinnah organized. To make matters worse, the provincial scene presented a sort of a jigsaw puzzle: in the Punjab, Bengal, Sindh, the North West Frontier, Assam, Bihar and the United Provinces, various Muslim leaders had set up their own provincial parties to serve their personal ends. Extremely frustrating as the situation was, the only consolation Jinnah had at this juncture was in Allama Iqbal (1877-1938), the poet-philosopher, who stood steadfast by him and helped to chart the course of Indian politics from behind the scene.

Undismayed by this bleak situation, Jinnah devoted himself to the sole purpose of organizing the Muslims on one platform. He embarked upon country-wide tours. He pleaded with provincial Muslim leaders to sink their differences and make common cause with the League. He exhorted the Muslim masses to organize themselves and join the League. He gave coherence and direction to Muslim sentiments on the Government of India Act, 1935. He advocated that the Federal Scheme should be scrapped as it was subversive of India’s cherished goal of complete responsible Government, while the provincial scheme, which conceded provincial autonomy for the first time, should be worked for what it was worth, despite its certain objectionable features. He also formulated a viable League manifesto for the election scheduled for early 1937. He was, it seemed, struggling against time to make Muslim India a power to be reckoned with.

Despite all the manifold odds stacked against it, the Muslim League won some 108 (about 23 per cent) seats out of a total of 485 Muslim seats in the various legislatures. Though not very impressive in itself, the League’s partial success assumed added significance in view of the fact that the League won the largest number of Muslim seats and that it was the only all-India party of the Muslims in the country. Thus, the elections represented the first milestone on the long road to putting Muslim India on the map of the subcontinent. Congress in power with the year 1937 opened the most momentous decade in modern Indian history. In that year came into force the provincial part of the Government of India Act, 1935, granting autonomy to Indians for the first time, in the provinces.

The Congress, having become the dominant party in Indian politics, came to power in seven provinces exclusively, spurning the League’s offer of cooperation, turning its back finally on the coalition idea and excluding Muslims as a political entity from the portals of power. In that year, also, the Muslim League, under Jinnah’s dynamic leadership, was reorganized de novo, transformed into a mass organization, and made the spokesman of Indian Muslims as never before. Above all, in that momentous year were initiated certain trends in Indian politics, the crystallization of which in subsequent years made the partition of the subcontinent inevitable. The practical manifestation of the policy of the Congress which took office in July, 1937, in seven out of eleven provinces, convinced Muslims that, in the Congress scheme of things, they could live only on sufferance of Hindus and as “second class” citizens. The Congress provincial governments, it may be remembered, had embarked upon a policy and launched a programme in which Muslims felt that their religion, language and culture were not safe. This blatantly aggressive Congress policy was seized upon by Jinnah to awaken the Muslims to a new consciousness, organize them on all-India platform, and make them a power to be reckoned with. He also gave coherence, direction and articulation to their innermost, yet vague, urges and aspirations. Above all, he filled them with his indomitable will, his own unflinching faith in their destiny.

The New Awakening

As a result of Jinnah’s ceaseless efforts, the Muslims awakened from what Professor Baker calls (their) “unreflective silence” (in which they had so complacently basked for long decades), and to “the spiritual essence of nationality” that had existed among them for a pretty long time. Roused by the impact of successive Congress hammerings, the Muslims, as Ambedkar (principal author of independent India’s Constitution) says, “searched their social consciousness in a desperate attempt to find coherent and meaningful articulation to their cherished yearnings. To their great relief, they discovered that their sentiments of nationality had flamed into nationalism”. In addition, not only had they developed” the will to live as a “nation”, had also endowed them with a territory which they could occupy and make a State as well as a cultural home for the newly discovered nation. These two pre-requisites provided the Muslims with the intellectual justification for claiming a distinct nationalism (apart from Indian or Hindu nationalism) for themselves. So that when, after their long pause, the Muslims gave expression to their innermost yearnings, these turned out to be in favour of a separate Muslim nationhood and of a separate Muslim state.

Demand for Pakistan

“We are a nation”, they claimed in the ever eloquent words of the Quaid-i-Azam- “We are a nation with our own distinctive culture and civilization, language and literature, art and architecture, names and nomenclature, sense of values and proportion, legal laws and moral code, customs and calendar, history and tradition, aptitudes and ambitions; in short, we have our own distinctive outlook on life and of life. By all canons of international law, we are a nation”. The formulation of the Muslim demand for Pakistan in 1940 had a tremendous impact on the nature and course of Indian politics. On the one hand, it shattered for ever the Hindu dreams of a pseudo-Indian, in fact, Hindu empire on British exit from India: on the other, it heralded an era of Islamic renaissance and creativity in which the Indian Muslims were to be active participants. The Hindu reaction was quick, bitter, and malicious.

Equally hostile were the British to the Muslim demand, their hostility having stemmed from their belief that the unity of India was their main achievement and their foremost contribution. The irony was that both the Hindus and the British had not anticipated the astonishingly tremendous response that the Pakistan demand had elicited from the Muslim masses. Above all, they failed to realize how a hundred million people had suddenly become supremely conscious of their distinct nationhood and their high destiny. In channeling the course of Muslim politics towards Pakistan, no less than in directing it towards its consummation in the establishment of Pakistan in 1947, none played a more decisive role than did Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. It was his powerful advocacy of the case of Pakistan and his remarkable strategy in the delicate negotiations that followed the formulation of the Pakistan demand, particularly in the post-war period, that made Pakistan inevitable.

Cripps Scheme

While the British reaction to the Pakistan demand came in the form of the Cripps offer of April, 1942, which conceded the principle of self-determination to provinces on a territorial basis, the Rajaji Formula (called after the eminent Congress leader C.Rajagopalacharia, which became the basis of prolonged Jinnah-Gandhi talks in September, 1944), represented the Congress alternative to Pakistan. The Cripps offer was rejected because it did not concede the Muslim demand the whole way, while the Rajaji Formula was found unacceptable since it offered a “moth-eaten, mutilated” Pakistan and the too appended with a plethora of pre-conditions which made its emergence in any shape remote, if not altogether impossible. Cabinet Mission, the most delicate as well as the most tortuous negotiations, however, took place during 1946-47, after the elections which showed that the country was sharply and somewhat evenly divided between two parties- the Congress and the League- and that the central issue in Indian politics was Pakistan.

These negotiations began with the arrival, in March 1946, of a three-member British Cabinet Mission. The crucial task with which the Cabinet Mission was entrusted was that of devising in consultation with the various political parties, constitution-making machinery, and of setting up a popular interim government. But, because the Congress-League gulf could not be bridged, despite the Mission’s (and the Viceroy’s) prolonged efforts, the Mission had to make its own proposals in May, 1946. Known as the Cabinet Mission Plan, these proposals stipulated a limited centre, supreme only in foreign affairs, defense and communications and three autonomous groups of provinces. Two of these groups were to have Muslim majorities in the north-west and the north-east of the subcontinent, while the third one, comprising the Indian mainland, was to have a Hindu majority. A consummate statesman that he was, Jinnah saw his chance. He interpreted the clauses relating to a limited centre and the grouping as “the foundation of Pakistan”, and induced the Muslim League Council to accept the Plan in June 1946; and this he did much against the calculations of the Congress and to its utter dismay.

Tragically though, the League’s acceptance was put down to its supposed weakness and the Congress put up a posture of defiance, designed to swamp the League into submitting to its dictates and its interpretations of the plan. Faced thus, what alternative had Jinnah and the League but to rescind their earlier acceptance, reiterate and reaffirm their original stance, and decide to launch direct action (if need be) to wrest Pakistan. The way Jinnah maneuvered to turn the tide of events at a time when all seemed lost indicated, above all, his masterly grasp of the situation and his adeptness at making strategic and tactical moves.

Partition Plan

Partition Plan By the close of 1946, the communal riots had flared up to murderous heights, engulfing almost the entire subcontinent. The two peoples, it seemed, were engaged in a fight to the finish. The time for a peaceful transfer of power was fast running out. Realizing the gravity of the situation. His Majesty’s Government sent down to India a new Viceroy- Lord Mountbatten. His protracted negotiations with the various political leaders resulted in 3 June (1947) Plan by which the British decided to partition the subcontinent, and hand over power to two successor States on 15 August, 1947. The plan was duly accepted by the three Indian parties to the dispute- the Congress the League and the Akali Dal (representing the Sikhs).

Leader of a Free Nation

In recognition of his singular contribution, Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was nominated by the Muslim League as the Governor-General of Pakistan, while the Congress appointed Mountbatten as India’s first Governor-General. Pakistan, it has been truly said, was born in virtual chaos. Indeed, few nations in the world have started on their career with less resources and in more treacherous circumstances. The new nation did not inherit a central government, a capital, an administrative core, or an organized defence force. The Punjab holocaust had left vast areas in a shambles with communications disrupted. This, alongwith the en masse migration of the Hindu and Sikh business and managerial classes, left the economy almost shattered.

The treasury was empty, India having denied Pakistan the major share of its cash balances. On top of all this, the still unorganized nation was called upon to feed some eight million refugees who had fled the insecurities and barbarities of the north Indian plains that long, hot summer. If all this was symptomatic of Pakistan’s administrative and economic weakness, the Indian annexation, through military action in November 1947, of Junagadh (which had originally acceded to Pakistan) and the Kashmir war over the State’s accession (October 1947-December 1948) exposed her military weakness. In the circumstances, therefore, it was nothing short of a miracle that Pakistan survived at all. That it survived and forged ahead was mainly due to one man-Muhammad Ali Jinnah. The nation desperately needed a charismatic leader at that critical juncture in the nation’s history, and he fulfilled that need profoundly. After all, he was more than a mere Governor-General: he was the Quaid-i-Azam who had brought the State into being.

In the ultimate analysis, his very presence at the helm of affairs was responsible for enabling the newly born nation to overcome the terrible crisis on the morrow of its cataclysmic birth. He mustered up the immense prestige and the unquestioning loyalty he commanded among the people to energize them, to raise their morale, to raise the profound feelings of patriotism that the freedom had generated, along constructive channels. Though tired and in poor health, Jinnah yet carried the heaviest part of the burden in that first crucial year. He laid down the policies of the new state, called attention to the immediate problems confronting the nation and told the members of the Constituent Assembly, the civil servants and the Armed Forces what to do and what the nation expected of them. He saw to it that law and order was maintained at all costs, despite the provocation that the large-scale riots in north India had provided. He moved from Karachi to Lahore for a while and supervised the immediate refugee problem in the Punjab. In a time of fierce excitement, he remained sober, cool and steady. He advised his excited audience in Lahore to concentrate on helping the refugees, to avoid retaliation, exercise restraint and protect the minorities. He assured the minorities of a fair deal, assuaged their inured sentiments, and gave them hope and comfort. He toured the various provinces, attended to their particular problems and instilled in the people a sense of belonging. He reversed the British policy in the North-West Frontier and ordered the withdrawal of the troops from the tribal territory of Waziristan, thereby making the Pathans feel themselves an integral part of Pakistan’s body-politics. He created a new Ministry of States and Frontier Regions, and assumed responsibility for ushering in a new era in Balochistan. He settled the controversial question of the states of Karachi, secured the accession of States, especially of Kalat which seemed problematical and carried on negotiations with Lord Mountbatten for the settlement of the Kashmir Issue.

The Quaid’s last Message

It was, therefore, with a sense of supreme satisfaction at the fulfillment of his mission that Jinnah told the nation in his last message on 14 August, 1948: “The foundations of your State have been laid and it is now for you to build and build as quickly and as well as you can”. In accomplishing the task he had taken upon himself on the morrow of Pakistan’s birth, Jinnah had worked himself to death, but he had, to quote Richard Symons, “contributed more than any other man to Pakistan’s survival”. He died on 11 September, 1948.

A man such as Jinnah, who had fought for the inherent rights of his people all through his life and who had taken up the somewhat unconventional and the largely misinterpreted cause of Pakistan, was bound to generate violent opposition and excite implacable hostility and was likely to be largely misunderstood. But what is most remarkable about Jinnah is that he was the recipient of some of the greatest tributes paid to any one in modern times, some of them even from those who held a diametrically opposed viewpoint.

The Aga Khan considered him “the greatest man he ever met”, Beverley Nichols, the author of `Verdict on India’, called him “the most important man in Asia”, and Dr. Kailashnath Katju, the West Bengal Governor in 1948, thought of him as “an outstanding figure of this century not only in India, but in the whole world”. While Abdul Rahman Azzam Pasha, Secretary General of the Arab League, called him “one of the greatest leaders in the Muslim world”, the Grand Mufti of Palestine considered his death as a “great loss” to the entire world of Islam. It was, however, given to Surat Chandra Bose, leader of the Forward Bloc wing of the Indian National Congress, to sum up succinctly his personal and political achievements. “Mr Jinnah” he said on his death in 1948, “was great as a lawyer, once great as a Congressman, great as a leader of Muslims, great as a world politician and diplomat, and greatest of all as a man of action. By Mr. Jinnah’s passing away, the world has lost one of the greatest statesmen and Pakistan its life-giver, philosopher and guide”. Such was Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the man and his mission, such the range of his accomplishments and achievements.

essay on quaid e azam wikipedia

Essay On Quaid-e-Azam 200 & 500 Words For Students

Aspect Important Points
Muhammad Ali Jinnah
December 25, 1876
Karachi, British India (now Pakistan)
Founding Father of Pakistan
Studied law at Lincoln’s Inn, London
Party All India Muslim League
Contributions
Notable
Vision for
First Governor-General of Pakistan

200 Words Essay On Quaid E Azam

Introduction.

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the esteemed founder of Pakistan, was a charismatic leader whose pivotal role in the creation of an independent nation for Muslims in the Indian subcontinent remains indelible. His exceptional qualities and unwavering determination continue to inspire individuals to this day. This essay sheds light on the unique and captivating attributes of Quaid-e-Azam that made him an iconic figure in Pakistan’s history.

Visionary Leadership

Quaid-e-Azam’s visionary leadership served as a beacon of hope for millions. With resolute conviction, he envisioned a separate homeland where Muslims could live with dignity and freedom. His farsightedness, coupled with his ability to articulate the aspirations of the people, inspired a sense of unity and purpose among his followers.

Unyielding Determination

Quaid-e-Azam’s determination knew no bounds. Despite facing formidable challenges, he remained steadfast in his pursuit of a separate nation. His resolute stance during negotiations with the British and his unwavering commitment to the cause of independence were instrumental in realizing the dream of Pakistan.

Charismatic Persona

Quaid-e-Azam possessed a magnetic personality that captivated the masses. His eloquence, grace, and dignified demeanor left an indelible impression on all who encountered him. His ability to connect with people from all walks of life made him an influential leader and an inspiration for generations to come.

Defender of Rights

Quaid-e-Azam was a staunch advocate for the rights of all individuals. He firmly believed in upholding justice, equality, and freedom for every citizen. His tireless efforts to protect the rights of minorities and marginalized communities showcased his unwavering commitment to building a just and inclusive society.

Quaid-e-Azam’s visionary leadership, indomitable spirit, and commitment to justice continue to inspire and guide Pakistan toward a brighter future. His legacy remains a testament to his remarkable character and enduring impact.

500 Words Essay On Quaid E Azam

Introduction:.

Quaid-e-Azam, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, stands as the eminent founding father of Pakistan. His influential role in the creation of Pakistan and his exceptional leadership during the independence movement has shaped the destiny of the nation. This essay delves into the remarkable life and achievements of Quaid-e-Azam, presenting a captivating account of his invaluable contributions to the birth of Pakistan.

Early Life and Education

Born into a privileged family on December 25, 1876, Quaid-e-Azam hailed from Karachi, which was then part of British India. His family background instilled in him a sense of dignity and honor. With a strong educational foundation, he pursued his studies in Karachi and later moved to England to refine his legal education at Lincoln’s Inn. Quaid-e-Azam’s unwavering dedication and commitment to his work as a lawyer earned him immense respect among his peers.

Political Career

Quaid-e-Azam’s journey in politics commenced with his early association with the Indian National Congress, where he sought to advocate for the rights of all Indians. However, growing disillusionment with Congress’s inability to protect the interests of Muslims led Quaid-e-Azam to part ways and spearhead the All India Muslim League. Under his astute leadership, he aimed to unite the fragmented Muslim population and secure their rightful place in the Indian subcontinent.

Demand for Pakistan

Quaid-e-Azam’s historic Fourteen Points and the Lahore Resolution are emblematic of his resolute determination to establish an independent Muslim state. He envisaged a land where Muslims could thrive and flourish without fear of marginalization. His unwavering commitment and persuasive negotiations with the British and Congress paved the way for the creation of Pakistan on August 14, 1947.

Leadership during the Independence Movement

As the leader of the Muslim League, Quaid-e-Azam emerged as a skilled diplomat and negotiator during the tumultuous partition process. Despite facing numerous challenges, he navigated the delicate political landscape with remarkable resilience, ensuring the rights and protection of minority communities. His indomitable spirit and steadfast leadership provided the strength needed to overcome the trials of independence.

Vision for Pakistan

Quaid-e-Azam’s vision for Pakistan was rooted in democratic values, inclusivity, and social justice. He championed the cause of religious freedom and emphasized the importance of equality among all citizens. Through his impassioned speeches and addresses, he outlined his vision for a modern, progressive, and prosperous Pakistan, where every individual had the opportunity to succeed.

Quaid-e-Azam’s enduring legacy remains etched in the fabric of Pakistan’s history. His contributions to nation-building, such as the drafting of the country’s constitution, continue to shape the nation’s trajectory. As Pakistan’s first Governor-General, he nurtured unity and stability during the early years, setting a precedent for future leaders.

In conclusion, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s exceptional leadership and visionary guidance played a pivotal role in the creation of Pakistan. His unwavering commitment to the rights of Muslims and his relentless pursuit of a separate homeland have left an indelible mark on the nation. Today, Pakistan stands as a testament to Quaid-e-Azam’s principles, serving as a source of inspiration for generations to come. As we remember his illustrious legacy, we must strive to uphold the values of unity, equality, and progress that he ardently advocated.

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Modern Diplomacy

Creation of Pakistan is, doubtless, a miracle. Despite the lapse of over 70 years, India still has to reconcile with Pakistan as a reality. When Jinnah left India on August 7, 1947, Vallabhai Patel said, ‘The poison had been removed from the body of India’. But the Quaid said, ‘The past has been buried and let us start afresh as two independent sovereign States’. The 1916 Lucknow Pact was acknowledged as a pillar of Hindu-Muslim friendship. However, Motilal Nehru, at the behest of the fanatic Hindus, shattered the spirit of peaceful coexistence by formulating his Nehru Report (1928). His son Jawaharlal, outwardly liberal, regarded the creation of Pakistan as a blunder. His rancour against Pakistan reached a crescendo in his remark ‘I shall not have that carbuncle on my back’ (D. H. Bhutani, The Future of Pakistan , page 14).. Jaswant Singh, in his book, Jinnah: India, Partition, and Independence reveal that Jinnah shelved the idea of independent Pakistan by putting his signature to the Cabinet Mission’s recommendations. This Mission envisaged keeping India undivided for ten years. The constituent assemblies were to consider the question of division after 10 years. When Congress refused to accept the recommendations of the Cabinet Mission, the British government decided to divide India.

Quaid’s dream of a peaceful Sub-Continent and Indo-Pak joint defence

Akbar Ahmed, in his paper Why Jinnah matters(`Maleeha Lodhi (ed.), Pakistan Beyond the Crisis State , Chapter 2, pages 21-34) says, ‘Just before his own death, Jinnah proposed a joint defence pact with India as the Cold War started to shape the world and the two power blocs began to form. Jinnah was still thinking as a South Asian nationalist. Since he had won the rights and security of his community through the creation of Pakistan, he thought the problem of national defence was over….Had Jinnah’s vision prevailed_ and found an echo in India it would have seen a very different South Asia. There would have been two stable nations India and Pakistan, both supplementing and supporting each other. Indeed Jinnah’s idea of a joint defence system against the outside world would have ensured that there would have been no crippling defence expenditures. There would have been no reason to join one or other camp of the Cold War. There would have been open borders, free trade and regular visiting between the two countries’.

The Quaid keenly desired that the subcontinent and all of South Asia should remain aloof from the rivalry. Therefore, he proposed a joint defence pact with India. Had India accepted his idea, the two countries would not have been at daggers drawn after independence.

Before his final flight (Aug 7, 1947) from Delhi to Pakistan, he sent a message to the Indian government, “the past must be buried and let us start as two independent sovereign states of Hindustan and Pakistan, I wish Hindustan prosperity and peace.” Vallabhbhai Patel replied from Delhi “the poison has been removed from the body of India. As for the Muslims, they have their roots, their sacred places and their centres here. I do not know what they can possibly do in Pakistan. It will not be long before they return to us.”

Nehru’s followers continued their anti-Pakistan tirade in the post-Partition period. Fanatic Hindus in Indian National Congress thought that Pakistan would, at best, be a still-born baby. But, Pakistan was able to survive all hurdles. It proved its viability despite severe politico-economic jolts. A few words about the Quaid’s vision are in order.

The Quaid’s vision

A democracy, not a theocracy

Doubtless, the Quaid visualised Pakistan to be a democracy, not a theocracy. In a broadcast addressed to the people of the USA (February 1948), he said, ‘In any case Pakistan is not going to be a theocratic State to be ruled by priests [mullahs] with a divine mission. We have many non-Muslims, Hindus, Christians, and Parsees– but they are all Pakistanis. They will enjoy the same rights and privileges as any other citizen and will play their rightful part in the affairs of Pakistan’

Plain Mr. Jinnah, not Maulana Jinnah

When an over-ebullient admirer addressed him as `Maulana Jinnah’, he snubbed him. Jinnah retorted, ‘I am not a Maulana, just plain Mr. Jinnah’. About minorities, the Quaid often reminded Muslim zealots ‘Our own history and our and our Prophet (PBUH) have given the clearest proof that non-Muslims have been treated not only justly and fairly but generously.

Protector General of minorities

He added, ‘I am going to constitute myself the Protector-general of the Hindu minority in Pakistan’. Till his last breath, the Quaid remained an ardent supporter of rights of minorities as equal citizens of Pakistan. Our official dignitaries shun rituals and customs of minorities. But, the Quaid participated in Christmas celebrations in December 1947 as a guest of the Christian community. He declared: ‘I am going to constitute myself the Protector General of Hindu minority in Pakistan’.

One member of his post-Partition cabinet was a Hindu. A Jewish scholar, Mohammad Asad, who embraced Islam, held important positions in the post-Partition period in Pakistan.

The following extracts from the Quaid’s speeches and statements as Governor General of Pakistan epitomise his vision: “You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques, or to any other place of worship in this state of Pakistan…you may belong to any religion, caste or creed that has nothing to do with the business of the State…We are starting in the days when there is no discrimination, no distinction between one community and another, no discrimination between one caste or creed or another. We are starting with this fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of the one State”.

The Quaid visualised that `in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State”. A. K. Brohi, in his The Fundamental Law of Pakistan , argues that Pakistan is an Islamic state, but not a theocracy. Jinnah’s address to the Constituent Assembly on August 11, 1947, also, epitomises his vision.

He hoped India and Pakistan would live in peace after Partition. In his Will and Testament

He bequeathed a part of his fortune to educational institutions in Aligarh, Bombay and Delhi. He never changed his will as he hoped to visit India again.

Lord Ismay, Chief of Staff to the Viceroy, recorded an interview with the Quaid. Excerpt: ‘Mr. Jinnah said with the greatest earnestness that once Partition has been decided upon, everyone would know exactly all troubles would cease, and they would live happily ever after where they were’.

Concluding remarks

Stanley Wolpert paid tributes to the Quaid in following words, “Few individual significantly alter the course of history. Few still modify the map of the world. Hardly anyone could be credited with creating a nation State. Muhammad All Jinnah did all three”. Pakistan overcame insurmountable problems of influx of 1947 refugees, skimpy finances and myriad other problems to emerge as a viable entity. We welcomed refugees, while India is all set to drive out 4.7 million refugees from its eastern state of Assam.

Amjed Jaaved

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Essay on Qaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah

Essay on Qaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah With Quotations

by Pakiology | Jun 20, 2024 | Essay | 0 comments

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was a prominent political leader and the founder of Pakistan. Born in Karachi in 1876, Jinnah studied law and became a successful lawyer before entering politics. Over the course of his career, he played a pivotal role in the creation of the country of Pakistan and served as its first Governor-General.

Jinnah’s political career began in 1906 when he joined the Indian National Congress, a political party that sought greater autonomy for India within the British Empire. However, Jinnah quickly became disillusioned with Congress and its leadership, and he left the party in 1913.

In 1919, Jinnah joined the All-India Muslim League, a political party that represented the interests of India’s Muslim population. At the time, many Muslims felt that their rights and interests were not being adequately protected by Congress, and they saw the Muslim League as a way to promote their own political agenda.

Jinnah was a strong advocate for the rights of Muslims in India. In a speech to the All India Muslim League in 1943, he said,

“I have always maintained that the Muslims are a nation apart. The Hindu and the Muslim are two major nations by any definition or test of a nation. We are a nation of a hundred million, and what is more, we are a nation with our own distinctive culture and civilization, language and literature, art and architecture, names and nomenclature, sense of value and proportion, legal laws and moral code, customs and calendar, history and tradition, aptitudes and ambitions.”

In 1940, the Muslim League adopted the Lahore Resolution, which called for the creation of a separate Muslim state in the northwestern and northeastern regions of India. This marked the beginning of the movement for the creation of Pakistan. Jinnah worked tirelessly to achieve this goal, negotiating with the British government and other political parties to secure support for the creation of Pakistan.

In a speech to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan in 1947, Jinnah said,

“You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed – that has nothing to do with the business of the State.”

Jinnah’s efforts finally paid off in 1947 when the British government agreed to partition India and create the independent state of Pakistan. Jinnah became the first Governor-General of Pakistan, and he worked to establish the country’s government and institutions. However, he faced numerous challenges, including a refugee crisis, economic instability, and tensions with India over the disputed territory of Kashmir.

In a speech to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan in 1948, Jinnah said,

“We are starting with this fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of one state. Now I think we should keep that in front of us as our ideal and you will find that in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State.”

Despite these challenges, Jinnah remained committed to building a strong and prosperous Pakistan, and he worked tirelessly to lay the foundations for the country’s future success. He believed that Pakistan should be a country where all citizens, regardless of their gender, religion, or ethnicity, were treated equally and had equal opportunities.

“I have full faith in the future of Pakistan and the destiny of our people. You have to stand guard over the development and maintenance of Islamic democracy, Islamic social justice, and the equality of manhood in your own native soil.”

Jinnah’s legacy as the founder of Pakistan is undeniable. He was a visionary leader who saw the potential for a separate Muslim state and worked tirelessly to achieve it. His efforts were instrumental in the creation of Pakistan, and he remains an important figure in the country’s history. He will always be remembered as the father of the nation.

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BEST ENGLISH NOTES

Quaid-e-Azam Essay

Muhammad Ali Jinnah, known as Quaid-e-Azam, is a prominent figure in the history of Pakistan. Born on December 25, 1876 in Karachi, he played a key role in nation building. In this “ Quaid-e-Azam Essay” we explore the life of Quaid-e-Azam and his impact in simple language.

Table of Contents

Early Life and Education

Quaid-e-Azam went to school in Karachi and later studied in London. He became a lawyer, someone who helps people understand and follow the law. He had no idea that his path was meant for something extraordinary.

Quaid-e-Azam Essay:  Starting in Politics

Quaid-e-Azam started his journey in politics by joining the All India Muslim League in 1906. He wanted to ensure that the rights of Muslims in British India were protected. Over time, he became a strong voice for Muslims and worked tirelessly for their welfare.

Dreaming of a Separate Nation

One of the great things that Quaid-i-Azam dreamed of was a country where Muslims could live freely and practice their religion without any problems. He called this country Pakistan. The idea was that Muslims and Hindus, two different religious groups, could have their own separate countries and live in peace. The friendship /relationship  between Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Allama Iqbal was an important alliance that significantly shaped the history of Pakistan.

The Long Struggle and the Birth of Pakistan

The journey to create Pakistan was not easy. Quaid-i-Azam faced many challenges and had to work hard to convince people about the need for a separate nation. Finally on 14 August 1947, Pakistan became an independent country. It was a joyous day, marking the end of British rule and the beginning of a new chapter for millions.

Leading During Difficult Times

It was a difficult time when Pakistan was formed. There were many people coming and going in the new country. Quaid-e-Azam demonstrated strong leadership and tried to ensure that everyone, irrespective of their religion, felt safe and secure. He wanted Pakistan to be a place where people from different backgrounds could live in peace.

A Leader Loved by All

Quaid-e-Azam was not only a leader. He was also a person who was liked by everyone. He was known for his honesty, simplicity and kindness. People respected him not just because he was a leader but because of the person he was.

Leaving a Lasting Legacy

Although Quaid-i-Azam died soon after the creation of Pakistan, his legacy lives on. His vision for a united, progressive and tolerant Pakistan is something we still talk about today. His principles of unity, faith and discipline guide our nation.

Quaid-e-Azam Essay is a story  life of Quaid-i-Azam is a story of dedication, struggle and victory. He showed us that with determination and unity we can overcome any challenge. His vision for a peaceful and inclusive Pakistan continues to inspire generations. Quaid-e-Azam will always be remembered as the great leader who gave us the gift of freedom.

Essay on Quaid e Azam “Unveiling the Legacy in 600 Words”

Introduction.

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, revered as the “Father of the Nation,” stands as a prominent figure in the history of Pakistan. His life, marked by leadership, vision, and statesmanship, played an important role in the creation of the independent state of Pakistan in 1947. This essay on Quaid e Azam delves into the introductory aspects of Quaid-e-Azam’s life, tracing his early years, education, entry into politics, and the enduring impact he left on the emerging nation.

Quaid-e-Azam was born on December 25, 1876, in Karachi, then part of British India. His early life was characterized by academic brilliance and a thirst for knowledge. Growing up in a well-off family, he laid the foundations for a remarkable journey that would shape the destiny of millions.

Jinnah’s quest for knowledge led him to pursue law in London, England. His educational journey in a foreign land not only polished his legal insight but also exposed him to diverse ideas and cultures, shaping the worldview that would later define his leadership.

Entry into Politics

Quaid-e-Azam’s entry into politics marked a significant turning point in his life. Initially joining the Indian National Congress, he soon realized the need for a platform that championed the rights of Muslims, leading him to become a prominent figure in the All-India Muslim League.

Essay on Quaid e Azam: Two-Nation Theory

At the heart of Jinnah’s political ideology lay the Two-Nation Theory, which asserted that Hindus and Muslims were distinct nations with different religious, social, and cultural foundations. This theory became the foundation stone of the demand for a separate homeland for Muslims.

Leadership and Advocacy

Quaid-e-Azam’s leadership and advocacy for Muslim rights were instrumental in the negotiations with the British and leaders of the Indian National Congress, ultimately leading to the creation of Pakistan on August 14, 1947. His statesmanship during the challenging period of partition showcased his ability to navigate complex circumstances.

Legacy and Impact

Quaid-e-Azam’s legacy extends beyond the political realm. His founding principles of democracy, inclusivity, and religious freedom continue to shape Pakistan’s identity. His contributions to education, including the establishment of institutions like Quaid-e-Azam University, highlight his commitment to knowledge and enlightenment.

In conclusion, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s introduction sets the stage for a deeper exploration of his life and contributions. His journey from a brilliant student to a visionary leader reflects a commitment to justice, freedom, and the principles that define the nation he helped create.

Why is Quaid-e-Azam considered the “Father of the Nation”?

Quaid-e-Azam’s leadership and role in the creation of Pakistan earned him the title, symbolizing his pivotal role in the nation’s foundation.

What is the Two-Nation Theory, and why is it significant?

The Two-Nation Theory asserted that Hindus and Muslims were distinct nations, forming the basis for the demand for a separate Muslim state. It is significant as it influenced the creation of Pakistan.

How did Quaid-e-Azam contribute to education in Pakistan?

Quaid-e-Azam’s commitment to education is evident in the establishment of institutions like Quaid-e-Azam University, reflecting his belief in the importance of knowledge.

What challenges did Quaid-e-Azam face during the partition, and how did he handle them?

The partition was marked by communal tensions and mass migrations. Quaid-e-Azam’s statesmanship and diplomatic skills played a crucial role in ensuring a relatively smooth transition for the newly formed nation.

What are the enduring principles that Quaid-e-Azam left for Pakistan?

Quaid-e-Azam ‘s principles of democracy, inclusivity, and religious freedom continue to shape Pakistan’s identity, emphasizing the values that form the nation’s foundation.

Also Read: My Best Friend Essay

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Best Essay on Quaid e Azam

  • by Academia Mag
  • October 15, 2022
  • 2 years ago

Essay on Quaid e Azam

The great leader and founder of Pakistan. His real name is Mohammad Ali Jinnah but widely known as Quaid-e-Azam or Baba-e-Qoum which means the father of the nation. Quaid-e-Azam was born on the 25th of December in Karachi, in 1876. Quaid-e-Azam was a successful lawyer as well as a politician. Quaid-e-Azam’s father’s name was Jinnah Poonja and his mother’s name was Mithibai. Quaid-e-Azam belonged to a rich merchant family.

Quaid-e-Azam received his early education from Sindh Madrasa-ul-Islam and a Christian missionary school. He was sent to England at the mere age of 16 for higher education and later got admission to Lincoln’s Inn Law school to study Law. He returned home after studying abroad, then took over managing his family business.

A few years later, Quaid-e-Azam opened his law firm and became a successful lawyer and by 1900, he was appointed as a magistrate for the region’s presidency. During this time, Jinnah noticed that Hindus and Muslims were united against England, but the Hindu leaders had set their interests somewhere else. Soon after this Quaid-e-Azam left behind practicing law and went on to join political parties so he could take up leadership positions among organizations that planned to form Pakistan’s identity. He started his political career with Indian National Congress in 1906, then after a time span of 7 years, Jinnah joined the Muslim League.

Quaid-e-Azam was a man with great qualities and leadership. He was a human rights activist who constantly fought for the rights of Muslims and dedicated his whole life to the liberation of Pakistan. He tirelessly worked for the Muslims struggling in India and presented their concerns in the 14 points which were rejected by Congress. He endured many hardships for the formation of Pakistan and the rights of Muslims, but he did not give up. However, his efforts did not go unrewarded.

Quaid-e-Azam was a man of his word and one of the greatest spokesmen. Mahatma Gandhi called Quaid-e-Azam “an impossible man” due to his determinacy over his principles. Jinnah always stood like a rock in front of his enemies and never backed down. In 1933, Jinnah became the leader of the Muslim League. In 1940, the Pakistan resolution was drafted by The Muslim League at Minar-e-Pakistan.

After the Pakistan Resolution was passed, Quaid-e-Azam worked tirelessly day and night and did not care about his health at all, slowly his health started deteriorating but he never stopped working. It was due to Quaid-e-Azam’s tireless efforts that Pakistan came into being on the 1947, 14th of August. Quaid-e-Azam passed away on the 11th of September in 1948.

Some of the most famous quotes by Quaid e Azam are:

1. “Think a hundred times before you take a decision, but once that decision is taken, stand by it as one man.”

2. “Expect the best, prepare for the worst.”

3. “With faith, discipline, and selfless devotion to duty, there is nothing worthwhile that you cannot achieve.”

4. “I do not believe in taking the right decision, I take a decision and make it right.”

5. “Failure is a word unknown to me.”

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Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah – Father of Nation

Father of the Nation Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s achievement as the founder of Pakistan, dominates everything else he did in his long and crowded public life spanning some 42 years. Yet, by any standard, his was an eventful life, his personality multidimensional and his achievements in other fields were many, if not equally great.

Indeed, several were the roles he had played with distinction: at one time or another, he was one of the greatest legal luminaries India had produced during the first half of the century, an `ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity, a great onstitutionalist, a distinguished parliamentarian, a top-notch politician, an indefatigable freedom-fighter, a dynamic Muslim leader, a political strategist and, above all one of the great nation-builders of modern times.

What, however, makes him so remarkable is the fact that while similar other leaders assumed the leadership of traditionally well-defined nations and espoused their cause, or led them to freedom, he created a nation out of an inchoate and down-trodeen minority and established a cultural and national home for it. And all that within a decase. For over three decades before he successful culmination in 1947, of the Muslim struggle for freedom in the South-Asian subcontinent, Jinnah had provided political leadership to the Indian Muslims: initially as one of the leaders, but later, since 1947, as the only prominent leader- the Quaid-i-Azam.

For over thirty years, he had guided their affairs; he had given expression, coherence and direction to their ligitimate aspirations and cherished dreams; he had formulated these into concerete demands; and, above all, he had striven all the while to get them conceded by both the ruling British and the numerous Hindus the ominant segment of India’s population. And for over thirty years he had fought, relentlessly and inexorably, for the inherent rights of the Muslims for an honourable existence in the subcontinent.

Indeed, his life story constitutes, as it were, the story of the rebirth of the Muslims of the subcontinent and their spectacular rise to nationhood, phoenixlike. Early Life Born on December 25, 1876, in a prominent mercantile family in Karachi and educated at the Sindh Madrassat-ul-Islam and the Christian Mission School at his birth place,Jinnah joined the Lincoln’s Inn in 1893 to become the oungest Indian to be called to the Bar, three years later.

Starting out in the legal profession withknothing to fall back upon except his native ability and determination, young Jinnah rose to prominence and became Bombay’s most successful lawyer, as few did, within a few years. Once he was firmly established in the legal profession, Jinnah formally entered politics in 1905 from the platform of the Indian National Congress. He went to England in that year alongwith Gopal Krishna Gokhale (1866-1915), as a member of a Congress delegation to plead the cause of Indian self- overnemnt during the British elections.

A year later, he served as Secretary to Dadabhai Noaroji(1825-1917), the then Indian National Congress President, which was considered a great honour for a budding politician. Here, at the Calcutta Congress session (December 1906), he also made his first political speech in support of the resolution on self-government. Political Career Three years later, in January 1910, Jinnah was elected to the newly- constituted Imperial Legislative Council. All through his parliamentary career, which spanned some four decades, he was probably the most powerful oice in the cause of Indian freedom and Indian rights.

Jinnah, who was also the first Indian to pilot a private member’s Bill through the Council, soon became a leader of a group inside the legislature. Mr. Montagu (1879- 1924), Secretary of State for India, at the close of the First World War, considered Jinnah “perfect mannered, impressive-looking, armed to the teeth with dialecties… “Jinnah, he felt, “is a very clever man, and it is, of course, an outrage that such a man should have no chance of running the affairs of his own country. ” For about three decades since his entry into politics in 1906, Jinnah assionately believed in and assiduously worked for Hindu-Muslim unity.

Gokhale, the foremost Hindu leader before Gandhi, had once said of him, “He has the true stuff in him and that freedom from all sectarian prejudice which will make him the best ambassador of Hindu-Muslim Unity: And, to be sure, he did become the architect of Hindu-Muslim Unity: he was responsible for the Congress-League Pact of 1916, known popularly as Lucknow Pact- the only pact ever signed between the two political organisations, the Congress and the All-India Muslim League, representing, as they did, the two major ommunities in the subcontinent.

The Congress-League scheme embodied in this pact was to become the basis for the Montagu-Chemlsford Reforms, also known as the Act of 1919. In retrospect, the Lucknow Pact represented a milestone in the evolution of Indian politics. For one thing, it conceded Muslims the right to separate electorate, reservation of seats in the legislatures and weightage in representation both at the Centre and the minority provinces. Thus, their retention was ensured in the next phase of reforms.

For another, it represented a tacit recognition of the All-India Muslim League as the epresentative organisation of the Muslims, thus strengthening the trend towards Muslim individuality in Indian politics. And to Jinnah goes the credit for all this. Thus, by 1917, Jinnah came to be recognised among both Hindus and Muslims as one of India’s most outstanding political leaders. Not only was he prominent in the Congress and the Imperial Legislative Council, he was also the President of the All-India Muslim and that of lthe Bombay Branch of the Home Rule League.

More important, because of his key- role in the Congress-League entente at Lucknow, he was hailed as the mbassador, as well as the embodiment, of Hindu-Muslim unity. Constitutional Struggle In subsequent years, however, he felt dismayed at the injection of violence into politics. Since Jinnah stood for “ordered progress”, moderation, gradualism and constitutionalism, he felt that political terrorism was not the pathway to national liberation but, the dark alley to disaster and destruction.

Hence, the constitutionalist Jinnah could not possibly, countenance Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi’s novel methods of Satyagrah (civil disobedience) and the triple boycott of government-aided schools and olleges, courts and councils and British textiles. Earlier, in October 1920, when Gandhi, having been elected President of the Home Rule League, sought to change its constitution as well as its nomenclature, Jinnah had resigned from the Home Rule League, saying: “Your extreme programme has for the moment struck the imagination mostly of the inexperienced youth and the ignorant and the illiterate.

All this means disorganisation and choas”. Jinnah did not believe that ends justified the means. In the ever-growing frustration among the masses caused by colonial rule, there was ample cause for extremism. But, Gandhi’s doctrine of non- cooperation, Jinnah felt, even as Rabindranath Tagore(1861-1941) did also feel, was at best one of negation and despair: it might lead to the building up of resentment, but nothing constructive. Hence, he opposed tooth and nail the tactics adopted by Gandhi to exploit the Khilafat and wrongful tactics in the Punjab in the early twenties.

On the eve of its adoption of the Gandhian programme, Jinnah warned the Nagpur Congress Session (1920): “you are making a declaration (of Swaraj within a year) and committing the Indian National Congress to a programme, which you will not e able to carry out”. He felt that there was no short-cut to independence and that Gandhi’s extra-constitutional methods could only lead to political terrorism, lawlessness and chaos, without bringing India nearer to the threshold of freedom. The future course of events was not only to confirm Jinnah’s worst fears, but also to prove him right.

Although Jinnah left the Congress soon thereafter, he continued his efforts towards bringing about a Hindu-Muslim entente, which he rightly considered “the most vital condition of Swaraj”. However, because of the deep distrust between the two communities as videnced by the country-wide communal riots, and because the Hindus failed to meet the genuine demands of the Muslims, his efforts came to naught. One such effort was the formulation of the Delhi Muslim Proposals in March, 1927.

In order to bridge Hindu-Muslim differences on the constitutional plan, these proposals even waived the Muslim right to separate electorate, the most basic Muslim demand since 1906, which though recognised by the congress in the Lucknow Pact, had again become a source of friction between the two communities. surprisingly though, the Nehru Report (1928), which epresented the Congress-sponsored proposals for the future constitution of India, negated the minimum Muslim demands embodied in the Delhi Muslim Proposals.

In vain did Jinnah argue at the National convention (1928): “What we want is that Hindus and Mussalmans should march together until our object is achieved… These two communities have got to be reconciled and united and made to feel that their interests are common”. The Convention’s blank refusal to accept Muslim demands represented the most devastating setback to Jinnah’s life-long efforts to bring about Hindu-Muslim unity, it meant the last straw” for the Muslims, and “the parting of the ways” for him, as he confessed to a Parsee friend at that time.

Jinnah’s disillusionment at the course of politics in the subcontinent prompted him to migrate and settle down in London in the early thirties. He was, however, to return to India in 1934, at the pleadings of his co-religionists, and assume their leadership. But, the Muslims presented a sad spectacle at that time. They were a mass of disgruntled and demoralised men and women, politically disorganised and destitute of a clear-cut political programme.

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Quaid-e-Azam: The Father of the Nation

Updated 06 April 2023

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Category Law

Topic Quaid E Azam

Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah: The Father of the Nation

Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, also known as the Father of the Nation, is one of the most prominent figures in the history of Pakistan. He was born on December 25, 1876, in Karachi, and went on to become a lawyer, politician, and leader of the Muslim League. In this essay, we will explore the life and legacy of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah.

Jinnah was the eldest of seven children and grew up in a wealthy family. He received his early education in Karachi and later went to London to study law. He was called to the Bar in 1896 and returned to India to practice law. He quickly became involved in politics, joining the Indian National Congress in 1906. However, he soon became disillusioned with the Congress and its leadership, which he felt did not adequately represent the interests of Muslims in India.

Leadership of the Muslim League

In 1913, Jinnah joined the All India Muslim League and became its leader in 1916. He saw the Muslim League as a vehicle for promoting the interests of Muslims in India and advocating for a separate Muslim state. Jinnah became known for his passionate speeches and tireless advocacy on behalf of Muslims in India.

Jinnah's leadership of the Muslim League culminated in the creation of Pakistan in 1947. He played a central role in negotiations with the British government and other political parties, working tirelessly to secure the creation of a separate Muslim state. On August 14, 1947, Pakistan was born, with Jinnah serving as its first Governor-General.

Jinnah's Legacy

Jinnah's legacy as the Father of the Nation has been significant. He is widely revered in Pakistan for his role in the creation of the country and his vision for a secular, democratic, and modern state. He believed that Pakistan should be a nation where all citizens, regardless of their religion or background, had equal rights and opportunities.

Jinnah's vision for Pakistan was rooted in his belief in democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. He famously said, "You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion, caste or creed—that has nothing to do with the business of the State."

Jinnah was also a champion of women's rights and believed in their full participation in all aspects of society. He famously said, "No nation can rise to the height of glory unless your women are side by side with you. We are victims of evil customs. It is a crime against humanity that our women are shut up within the four walls of the houses as prisoners. There is no sanction anywhere for the deplorable condition in which our women have to live."

Jinnah's leadership and vision for Pakistan continue to inspire people in Pakistan and around the world. His commitment to democracy, human rights, and the rule of law remains as relevant today as it was in his time. However, Pakistan has faced many challenges since its creation, including political instability, economic struggles, and ongoing conflicts with India.

Despite these challenges, the people of Pakistan continue to look to Jinnah as a symbol of hope and inspiration. His legacy reminds us of the importance of leadership, vision, and courage in the face of adversity. As Pakistan continues to navigate the challenges of the 21st century, it is essential to remember the words of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, who said, "With faith, discipline, and selfless devotion to duty, there is nothing worthwhile that you cannot achieve."

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    Muhammad Ali Jinnah [a] (born Mahomedali Jinnahbhai; 25 December 1876 - 11 September 1948) was a barrister, politician and the founder of Pakistan. Jinnah served as the leader of the All-India Muslim League from 1913 until the inception of Pakistan on 14 August 1947, and then as the Dominion of Pakistan 's first governor-general until his death.

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