Human Development

Argumentation in Early Childhood: A Systematic Review

Theoretical grounding, broad features of the reviewed sample of studies, main findings, summarizing discussion, concluding remarks, acknowledgments, statement of ethics, conflict of interest statement, author contributions, data availability statement.

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Jarmila Bubikova-Moan , Margareth Sandvik; Argumentation in Early Childhood: A Systematic Review. Human Development 28 December 2022; 66 (6): 397–413. https://doi.org/10.1159/000527293

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While scientific evidence on argumentation among preschool children is on the rise, it is dispersed over a number of different fields, which may obfuscate its visibility, merit, and potential. The aim of this systematic review was to synthesize the existing research and, as such, shed more concerted theoretical and empirical light on the origins as well as early development of the human capacity to argue. Based on 57 included studies, we show that it has been approached from numerous theoretical perspectives, with the dialogic view of argumentation and a productive eclecticism between argumentation, developmental, learning, and linguistic theories as the main theoretical denominators. The review also documents that young children’s argumentation displays a range of structural-discursive, socio-interactional, and developmental features, positioning them as argumentative agents in their own right. We discuss the implications of our findings in terms of further theory building and their practical significance.

Argumentation and reasoning skills development in educational contexts has in recent years become a top education policy priority. The US framework for K-12 science education, for example, promotes the skill of argument from evidence as part and parcel of scientific and engineering practices that children are to engage in and develop throughout their schooling (National Research Council, 2012). Likewise, in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s Future of Education and Skills 2030 conceptual learning framework, “reconciling tensions and dilemmas,” more specifically defined as weighing multiple opposing, contradictory, and even incompatible standpoints, developing arguments with well-supported positions, and finding viable solutions, is considered as one of the transformative competencies of the future (OECD, 2022, pp. 5–6).

This growing policy emphasis can be seen in parallel to mounting scientific evidence on the merits of engaging in argumentative discourse in educational contexts. Argumentation has been framed as one of the most important learning processes that contributes to an active construction of knowledge from early on (Mirza & Perret-Clermont, 2009; Perry & Dockett, 1998) and as a core ingredient in critical thinking (Davies, 2015; Siegel, 2010), deemed essential for a successful functioning in technologically advanced, information-dense, late modern democracies (Murphy et al., 2016).

Grounded in socio-constructivist and socio-cultural approaches to learning and development (Vygotsky, 1978; Wertsch et al., 1995), much research on argumentation in the educational field has focused on school-aged children’s dialogic, collaborative knowledge construction during classroom learning activities (e.g., Driver et al., 2000; Mirza & Perret-Clermont, 2009; Rapanta & Felton, 2022; Schwarz & Baker, 2017). This is particularly true of older age groups, attending upper primary and secondary grades (e.g., Gillies & Khan, 2009; Kuhn et al., 2016; Kuhn & Crowell, 2011).

There is generally less research on the youngest age groups of preschool children who may not have been exposed to systematic instructional approaches aimed at honing their argumentative competence in a more targeted fashion. This may be for a variety of reasons of both conceptual and methodological nature (Schwarz & Baker, 2017). Furthermore, the existing research does not form a well-delineated body of scholarship. Rather, it seems dispersed across different scholastic fields, including argumentation theory and rhetoric, developmental psychology, linguistics as well as education, among others. This may obfuscate the visibility of the current status of knowledge and, by extension, also its theoretical and practical merit and potential. The aim of this systematic review was, therefore, to synthesize international empirical research on argumentation in preschool children and, as such, shed more concerted theoretical and empirical light on the origins as well as early development of the human capacity to argue. It is, however, of note that, rather than offering a historic panorama of developmental trends in children’s argumentation, we aim at providing a coherent conceptual description of the phenomenon across the set time frame in the form of a viable taxonomy, facilitated here by the adoption of meta-synthesis as our methodological approach. By implication, we also aim to contribute to further theory and practice building in the field. The two main research questions guiding this study were as follows: (a) how is argumentation in preschool children conceptually framed in international research literature? and (b) what characterizes argumentation in preschool children across different interactional settings?

In what follows, we will first ground the study theoretically by reviewing different definitions of argumentation and by providing an overview of the taxonomies that have been proposed to conceptualize this broad field. Upon providing details on our methodological choices, we will delve into presenting our findings based on a meta-synthesis of 57 individual studies identified in our search and deemed as within the set eligibility criteria. We will discuss the identified patterns against the broader canvas of research on young children’s development in formal and informal contexts, draw some theoretical and practical implications thereof, and suggest avenues for further research.

Conceptualizing Argumentation

Argumentation is a diffuse and multifaceted concept with numerous conceptualizations in circulation. Tseronis and Forceville (2017) provide a succinct review of some of the main distinctions made in research on argumentation, including O’Keefe’s (1977) distinction between argumentation as a product and as a process. The former refers to the actual act of communication between parties during which a disagreement or a conflict about an issue arises. In its simplest form, it consists of a claim and a reason for the claim. In fact, as the authors point out, the terms argument and claim are often used interchangeably. Argumentation as a process, on the other hand, is the interactional and communicative act that parties enter into about the argument that is being put forward and defended. As Tseronis and Forceville note, while this broad conceptualization is far from undisputed, it is commonly used in research, not least because of its apparent simplicity. It also underscores a long-established point in scholarship on argumentation in that disagreement, opposition, or conflict are at the core of argumentative discourse and can be regarded as the very minimum for a discursive act to merit the label argumentative (see on this, e.g., Gilbert, 2009). However, as Maynard (1985) points out with a specific reference to children’s arguments, the concept of initial opposition, framed as a multimodal antecedent arguable event, does not, in itself, necessarily constitute an argument and can be seen mostly as a necessary but not sufficient condition for an argument to arise.

In contemporary definitions, much emphasis is placed on the centrality of dialogue in argumentation. Here, argumentative discourse is seen as firmly planted in the situated context of exchange between parties (Schwarz & Baker, 2017; van Eemeren, 2018). Drawing on previous scholarship within argumentation studies and education, Schwarz and Baker (2017), for example, propose a dialogic theory of argumentation in education at the heart of which is the so-called deliberative argumentation. This is defined as “a kind of dialogue that integrates rigorous reasoning and accountability towards the other” (p. 230). It is seen as dialectic and dialogic in that it assumes both collaboration and inter-subjectivity. It is also productive in terms of learning outcomes it may stimulate.

A recent systematic review of research on instructional approaches to learning to argue (LTA) via dialogue (Rapanta & Felton, 2022) sheds light on the broader patterns in which dialogue across educational classroom settings and levels may foster children’s and young people’s ability to formulate and defend their points of view and structure their argumentation in scientifically valid ways. In the review, an argumentative dialogue is conceptualized as a classroom activity either specifically targeting argumentation skills or leading to argumentation nonintentionally through the promotion of “dialogic norms” (Rapanta & Felton, 2022, p. 481). These two distinct dialogue forms are labeled high- or low-structured, respectively. When mapped onto this analytical distinction, studies identified and systematized in the review are shown to represent a continuum: the low-structured end includes studies targeting mostly whole-class, student-driven, or student-dominant sensemaking, with dialogue being the primary goal and argumentation the nonintentional value added of the dialogic activity; the other, high-structured end comprises studies focusing on mostly small group or one-to-one deliberative dialogue, understood as a dialectic, discursive exchange of differences of opinion with “persuasive deliberation” as a distinct goal. As the authors point out, this latter form may be seen as corresponding to Schwarz and Baker’s (2017) concept of deliberative argumentation. As this suggests, in Rapanta and Felton’s (2022) review, argumentation and dialogue are closely bound, with (argumentative or LTA) dialogue as a tool to promote argumentation in classroom settings, intentionally or nonintentionally, featuring as the focal concept.

There is also a host of related concepts which complicate the theoretical landscape further. One of the most closely related ones is reasoning which can be seen as part of, and is sometimes used interchangeably with, argumentation. Different definitions of reasoning exist. For example, Walton (1990) sees reasoning as something that may or may not occur in the context of a purposive or nonpurposive argument. This again may or may not occur in a larger context of exchange which can be both dialogic and nondialogic and where reasoning represents an essentially inferential endeavor or “the (actual) process of inferring conclusions from statements” (Walton, 1990, p. 401). Inference, reasoning, and argumentation are on this view closely bound.

Relatedly, emphasizing its social dimension, Mercier and Sperber (2011) have developed an argumentative theory of reasoning where reasoning is seen as being of an evolutionary nature and as serving primarily, though not exclusively, argumentative ends. Like Walton, they too see reasoning as an essentially inferential process. At the center, there is a conscious, as opposed to intuitive, reflective effort at providing and assessing reasons for conclusions that are being drawn and that are meant to be persuasive. They propose further that reasoning is meant to aid in the process of constructing one’s own arguments and in evaluating those of others in different interactional settings and across different age groups. As such, reasoning and, by implication, argumentation are not reserved to adult discourse only but extended to children’s discourse as well. Drawing on evidence from developmental psychology and related fields, Mercier (2011) argues that children display emerging reasoning and argumentation competence, engage in as well as benefit from social reasoning and commit similar argumentation fallacies as adults.

Other theoretical constructs applied in early childhood education and development research, such as inferential thinking (Collins, 2016) or sustained shared thinking (Siraj et al., 2015), can also be regarded as related to argumentation and reasoning, in that they either take as a vantage point the process of inferring a conclusion from a statement or by acknowledging educationally productive dialogues around different and potentially opposing views as central in children’s language and cognitive development. Nonetheless, exactly how they map onto argumentation as a theoretical construct has, to our knowledge, not been interrogated in research in any depth.

Approaches to Studying Argumentation

Much like argumentation itself, there have been numerous attempts at conceptualizing the various approaches to studying argumentation. Gilbert (2009), for example, draws attention to the distinction between dialectic and rhetoric approaches which corresponds to what the author refers to as the “ convince/persuade dichotomy” (p. 4). Gilbert argues that to convince is often equated with the use of reason and logic while to persuade suggests an appeal to emotions vis-à-vis an audience. Linking this distinction to the Aristotelian subdivision of rhetoric into logos , ethos , and pathos , Gilbert argues further that these have developed into distinct fields with traditionally little cross-fertilization: (a) formal logic (logos) with its emphasis on the structures of argumentation, the concept of formal validity and syllogism as an ideal form of argument; (b) informal logic, which integrated the concept of ethos in its study of fallacious argumentation, and (c) rhetoric with a focus on pathos or emotionality, deserving traditionally the least attention by argumentation scholars.

In subsequent scholarship, one finds variations of this typology. Tseronis and Forceville (2017), for example, offer a model based on a three-pronged distinction between: (a) logical approaches , focused primarily on logical relations between propositions; (b) dialectic approaches where argumentation is studied as an exchange adjudicated against an ideal (normative) standard of argumentative reasonableness; and (c) rhetorical approaches where attention is directed at the effectiveness of argumentation.

Based on a comprehensive historical overview over major contemporary theoretical models on argumentation, Schwarz and Baker (2017) propose a slightly altered taxonomy with relevance for educational contexts. It is framed in terms of two sets of approaches functioning on a two-dimensional plane. The first dimension distinguishes between discursive and structural approaches, with the former being primarily concerned with the descriptive workings of language and other semiotic modalities in argumentative interactions, and the latter focusing on how argumentative discourse functions in terms of a set of pre-defined structural elements which may or may not have a normative foundation. The second dimension makes a crucial distinction between monologic and dialogic approaches. In the former, the focus is primarily on one single party in the act of argumentation, even though other parties may be present or their presence may at least be assumed, as is the case with speeches or written texts. In the latter, argumentation is conceived of as being of a quintessentially interactional nature that always involves and is shaped by more than just one single voice in “a multiparty process of negotiation of meaning ” (Schwarz & Baker, 2017, p. 74). On our understanding of the model, this distinction is then of an analytical rather than theoretical nature, given that argumentation is presented as always predicated on the explicit or implicit expression of an opposition or a counter-standpoint. Importantly also, Schwarz and Baker (2017) briefly note that the axes should not be seen as exclusionary but rather as gradual.

Combined cross-dimensionally, the model is exemplified by four approaches, representing major contributions to contemporary argumentation theory. While any detailed treatment is beyond the scope of this paper, they can be summarized as follows: on the monological-structural plane, Schwarz and Baker (2017) place Toulmin’s model of argument (1958), given its primary focus on a single arguer and the distinctly structural workings of their argumentation in terms of a set of pre-defined elements. The monological-discursive plane is represented by Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca’s (1973) New Rhetoric, as it targets the discursive techniques of structuring argumentative discourse rather than the structure of that discourse itself. Given its primary interest in the audience at which this discourse is directed by the speaker and the efficiency with which the utilized technique may or may not persuade the audience to accept the speaker’s standpoint, it is placed on the monological plane. The dialogical plane is represented by Plantin’s (2005) theorizing and van Eemeren and Grootendorst’s pragma-dialectic model of argumentation (van Eemeren & Grootendorst, 1984, 1992; van Eemeren, 2018) with Plantin occupying the discursive and pragma-dialectics the structural position. As Schwarz and Baker (2017) point out, Plantin’s discursive theory of argumentation is predicated on the idea of a “confrontation of discourses” (p. 74) and how a question that arises thereof is debated through justificatory discourse and counter-discourse. While having a distinctly dialectic vantage point, the pragma-dialectic approach, on the other hand, sees argumentation as a set of argumentative moves that discursive parties conduct as part of a critical discussion in a series of stages in order to resolve a difference of opinion on the merit (Table  1 ).

Approaches to argumentation (reproduced from Schwarz & Baker, 2017, p. 68)

 Approaches to argumentation (reproduced from Schwarz & Baker, 2017, p. 68)

In this review, we have taken the reviewed theorizing on argumentation and approaches to argumentation, particularly as conceptualized in educational contexts by Schwarz and Baker (2017), as a vantage point to see its potential fit with the current body of knowledge on argumentation in early childhood but also as a springboard to further theorizing in this emerging field.

We adopted meta-synthesis as our methodological approach. It belongs to the broader family of qualitative systematic syntheses and has as its overarching purpose to provide a description of a given phenomenon, here argumentation in early childhood, based on a systematic and transparent review of an existing body of research (Saini & Shlonsky, 2012). In conducting a meta-synthesis, one aims at the extractions of central themes and concepts which are compared and contrasted across studies and at offering a synthesis of key outcomes in the form of conceptual taxonomies. Importantly, a meta-synthesis is neither aggregative nor interpretative, but rather integrative. This means that one attempts to work with concepts and findings as they are being used in the identified primary studies, interrogating their similarities and differences critically and synthesizing them into an integrated body of new knowledge (Saini & Shlonsky, 2012).

Central in the approach is a rigorous application of specific methodological steps which include a selection of relevant research databases, specification of a search strategy, inclusion/exclusion criteria as well as a strategy for synthesizing identified studies. As with systematic reviews in general, systematicity and transparency are imperative. However, unlike in quantitative reviews, aiming at comprehensiveness of primary source coverage is not necessarily appropriate in qualitative reviews (Petticrew & Roberts, 2006). Instead, much like in qualitative methodology in general, the principle of saturation is key. As such, a search strategy in a qualitative literature review is often guided by and demonstrates the following three principles: (a) identifying major schools of thought while being alert to dissenting and minority views, (b) searching broadly across relevant disciplines, and (c) combining electronic and hand searches to ensure that key work is not excluded due to deficiencies in bibliographic indexing or coverage gaps in individual databases (Petticrew & Roberts, 2006). Below we therefore detail each of these steps as well as necessary methodological considerations and decisions made along the way.

Search Strategy

Given the transdisciplinary nature of argumentation, as argued above, we have opted to perform our search by pursuing several search channels. First, we selected two international research databases that assemble social scientific research within education, psychology, and related fields and conducted searches therein. These were (a) ERIC – Educational Resources Information Center and (b) PsychINFO. To validate these searches, we conducted an additional relevance-based search in Google Scholar following the same procedure as applied in ERIC and PsychINFO as well as individual searches for the work of key authors. To ensure relevance, we also selected and reviewed four journals we considered as thematically central through an electronic search function offered on their digital platforms. These were (a) Argumentation: An International Journal of Reasoning , (b) Argumentation in Context , (c) Argumentation and Advocacy , and (d) Informal Logic .

While it is also a common practice to review reference lists of thematically relevant systematic reviews, no such review was located. During each search, we applied the two following truncated keywords combined through the Boolean operator AND as follows: (argument* AND child*). We also reviewed combinations based on what we saw as either synonyms or closely related concepts. For “argument,” these were “reasoning” and “inference,” while for “child” these were “preschooler” and “toddler.” While, as laid out above, there is a host of other concepts which could be regarded as potentially related to or overlapping with argumentation in early childhood, such as Siraj and colleagues’ (2015) sustained shared thinking, Rapanta and Felton’s (2022) (low-structured) sensemaking, or the concept of (educational) dialogue, our aim was to map out the use of the concept of argumentation per se and, hence, we did not search for studies based on these related concepts.

Inclusion Criteria

We started off targeting studies of children in the age group 0–6 years. We expected that most studies would be located in either home or preschool as institutional contexts. However, age at compulsory school entry can vary between countries. Additionally, a number of the identified studies had a longitudinal and/or comparative design. As such, they were located in both home/preschool and early grades of school. Vigilant to the potential importance of such studies in capturing developmental trends in the early years and in need of a cut-off point, we therefore set the upper age limit at 8 which complies with UNESCO’s (2022) definition of early childhood education. Studies with samples of school children only were excluded, while studies targeting mixed age groups were assessed for inclusion on a case-by-case basis. This resulted in a handful of studies where the oldest participating children, in most cases older siblings, were 9 or, in school settings, grade 4, if age was not specified by the authors.

Publication Period

While we expected that most studies would be published within roughly the last two decades, all studies published since 1970 and up to the present were included so as to capture potential historical research trends.

We set no restrictions on the geographical location of studies.

Language of Reporting

We included only studies in English. While this decision was partly due to our shared linguistic competence and may potentially have led to an exclusion of important publications in other languages, we considered it justifiable given our aim of thematic and conceptual saturation rather than comprehensiveness.

Study Design

We included only peer-reviewed qualitative and quantitative empirical studies published in digitally available scientific journals. Books, book chapters, scientific reports, conference papers, as well as master and PhD thesis were excluded. This decision was partly guided by pragmatic reasons related to issues of digital access, and while it may have led to the exclusion of important innovations in the field, we assumed that recent key findings would simultaneously be disseminated through peer-reviewed journal publications, potentially captured through our search.

Study Quality

While the issue of scientific quality of studies included in systematic reviews is an important one, it is also far from controversial (see on this, Bubikova-Moan et al., 2019). Given our decision to include peer-reviewed studies only, guaranteeing a certain degree of quality assurance in itself, we considered it sufficient for our purposes to assess an overall coherence between research aims, methods employed, and reported findings in each study. While qualitative assessment rubrics are available (see, e.g., CASP, 2019), we did not consider their employment as imperative for reasons given above.

Review Strategy

The database search, described above, led to the identification of altogether 1,051 individual studies. Our ensuing review strategy consisted of primarily three steps: (a) an initial systematic screening of all study titles and abstracts, leading to the exclusion of 853 studies that did not meet our eligibility criteria, primarily that of thematic focus and/or children’s age; (b) a full-text review of 180 studies that remained upon the removal of 18 duplicates; this included an extended data extraction and a quality appraisal of methodological soundness according to the set criteria, as described above, leading to the exclusion of further 123 studies, first and foremost due to a misfit with the age criterion; and, finally, (c) an in-depth analysis of all 57 included studies. The last step included a content analysis that allowed us to identify major themes and outcomes, systematize these, and arrive at conceptual taxonomies. Aiming at an in-depth data extraction, steps (b) and (c) were conducted with the aid of an Excel spreadsheet, considered essential for keeping a detailed, transparent, and easily accessible record trail of all key information and decisions made along the way. By coding major themes vis-à-vis both of our research questions across the included studies, we could trace patterns in the data corpus in a rigorous and systematic manner upon the completion of step (c). The first author coded the entire sample of included studies, arriving at a preliminary conceptual taxonomy. At this stage of the analytical process, the first author conducted a validation coding on a random 15% of the sample with the second author. In line with validation procedures pursued in qualitative research (Creswell & Miller, 2000), rather than aiming at calculating interrater agreement, the validation coding round provided an opportunity for peer debriefing and reflexivity that led to further refinement and a finalization of our conceptual taxonomy. In addition to keeping a detailed audit of all our steps, as described here, we considered this satisfactory in ensuring analytical soundness. The entire review process is visualized in Figure 1 . It is of note that one additional study was identified by hand search upon the completion of all steps in the review round, as described above. It was assessed following the same review strategy and, since it met our eligibility criteria, added to the sample. Rather than necessitating an adjustment of our conceptual taxonomy, this additional step validated it. In the figure, this study appears as part of the process and is included in the total of 1,051 studies.

 Flowchart of the review strategy.

Flowchart of the review strategy.

Methodological Design and Publication-Related Features

The identified sample of studies bears witness to a wide range of methodological approaches that have been employed in studying argumentation in the youngest age groups. There is a clear preference for applying qualitative methodological designs, with more than a half of the sample falling into this category. In these studies, video observations were the most frequently adopted data collection method. Furthermore, about a third of the sample adopted quantitative methodological designs, including experimental, quasi-experimental, or, in a few cases, longitudinal designs. The remaining studies adopted mixed methods designs, combining mostly, but not exclusively, longitudinal qualitative observational methods with other methods such as interviews as well as cross-sectional data collections on specific argumentation-related outcome measures.

In terms of the publication period, an overwhelming majority of the sample was published after the year 2000 with a significant publication activity increase in roughly the last decade. Based on the provided information on the geographical setting of the data collection, most studies were conducted in European countries, followed by North and South American countries, middle- and far-eastern Asian countries, or in a cross-continental combination of geographical locations. See Table  2 for a numerical overview.

Adopted methodological designs, publication period, and geographical location of the included studies

 Adopted methodological designs, publication period, and geographical location of the included studies

Participant Features and Structures

In terms of the participating children’s age, the included studies range from involving children as young as 1 month and up to 9 years of age. The majority of studies have participants in mixed age groups or in the age bracket 3–6 years. A few studies do not provide specific information on children’s age but, given the study setting, it can be assumed that in all cases they involved children in kindergarten and/or early school grades.

The sample as a whole has looked into a range of settings, with the home environment and its close neighborhood as well as experimental and quasi-experimental study settings as the most prevalent ones. Kindergartens were represented in a quarter of studies. The remaining studies combined home and kindergarten or kindergarten and early school settings.

Lastly, we were interested to see what participant structures were interrogated, focusing in particular on the choice of adult and peer involvement. We note that in the majority of the included studies, there was adult involvement either in the form of active participation in play or other child-adult activities or, alternatively, as a function of the experimental or quasi-experimental methodological designs of the study. The studies pursued mostly group participant structures, here defined as larger than dyads, followed by dyadic structures or combinations of dyads and groups. In one case, the study focus was on individual child writing. See Table  3 for a numerical overview.

Children’s age, study settings, participant structures and adult involvement

 Children’s age, study settings, participant structures and adult involvement

Framing Argumentation

Our analysis shows that, when it comes to framing argumentation as a theoretical concept, there are several common denominators of the corpus as a whole. First, the sample displays a variable degree of specificity in the way argumentation is conceptualized or theorized, ranging from highly specific and theoretically elaborated positions to more diffuse and less theoretically specific positions. Following Schwarz and Baker’s (2017) overarching, two-pronged discursive-structural dimension, our analysis revealed the following more detailed patterns.

In studies where children’s argumentation was analyzed with the aid of pre-defined structural elements and/or relations between these and hence meriting Schwarz and Baker’s (2017) label structural, we identified four distinct approaches. The majority of studies adopted as their main theoretical lens either the pragma-dialectic theory of argumentation (e.g., Bova, 2015a–c; Bova & Arcidiacono, 2013b, 2014, 2018; Convertini, 2021a,b; Greco et al., 2018) or, with a variable degree of elaboration, Mercier and Sperber’s argumentative theory of reasoning (e.g., Domberg et al., 2018; Köymen et al., 2014, 2020a,b; Mammen et al., 2019; Mascaro et al., 2019; Mercier et al., 2014, 2018). A handful of studies drew also on Toulmin’s (1958) theorizing (e.g., Kosko & Zimmerman, 2019; Köymen et al., 2016; Mammen et al., 2018). The last subcategory comprised studies where theoretical positions were not elaborated beyond a specific interest in identifying the basic building blocks of arguments and their characteristics, such as distinctions between types of initial oppositions and types of justifications (e.g., Dunn & Munn, 1987; Tesla & Dunn, 1992). It is of note that studies in our sample may also represent more nuanced theoretical positions within these broader categories, as is, for example, the case with several studies working within the pragma-dialectic tradition and specifically applying Rigotti and Greco’s (2019) Argumentum Model of Topics, an approach developed to aid with the reconstruction of implicit inferential reasoning (e.g., Convertini, 2021a; Greco et al., 2018).

In studies with a distinct focus on the interactional, situated, and, often, sequential patterning of children’s argumentative discourse, categorized as Schwarz and Baker’s (2017) discursive approaches, we detected as the common vantage point an interest in the oppositional nature of children’s argumentation in most studies. A notable nuancing in this regard was provided by Hannken-Illjes & Bose (2018, 2019) who specifically broadened the argumentative vantage point to include both opposition/dissent and cooperativity. Also, in many of these studies, the oppositional nature of argumentation was not further elaborated explicitly but was explored in depth in line with sequential, interactional, or conversation-analytic approaches (e.g., Arcidiacono & Perret-Clermont, 2009; Arendt, 2019; Arendt & Ehrlich, 2020; Bova & Arcidiacono, 2013a; Dovigo, 2016; Ehrlich, 2011, 2019; Eisenberg & Garvey, 1981; Howe & McWilliam, 2001; Shiro et al., 2019). In some cases, more specific argumentation-theoretical and rhetorical positions were adopted (e.g., Bose & Hannken-Illjes, 2020; Hannken-Illjes & Bose, 2018, 2019).

Second, in terms of Schwarz and Baker’s (2017) monologic-dialogic dimension, we note a near-exclusive reliance on the dialogic view of argumentation. In most studies, this was made explicitly clear in the way study authors presented their theoretical and analytical grounding, including studies that drew on discursive approaches to argumentation (e.g., Arendt, 2019; Ehrlich, 2019; Hannken-Illjes & Bose, 2018, 2019; Shiro et al., 2019) as well as studies that pursued structural ends in line with established dialogic theories of argumentation, such as pragma-dialectics (e.g., Bova, 2015a–c; Bova & Arcidiacono, 2013b, 2018; Convertini, 2021a,b; Greco et al., 2018). However, the sample also comprises studies, where the dialogic view was not explicitly thematized or laid out. These were studies where the oppositional nature of argumentation was taken as a vantage point and where an a priori orchestration of more than a single voice in an argumentative exchange could only be assumed. Although these studies could be seen as having the dialogic perspective, at least in part, implicitly weaved in their theoretical texture, they may be described as oscillating between a monologic and dialogic view of argumentation at best. This subcategory is represented primarily by some of the earlier studies in our sample, conducted primarily in the 1970s through to the 1990s (e.g., Dunn & Munn, 1987; Przetacznikowa, 1971; Slomkowski & Dunn, 1992; Tesla & Dunn, 1992).

Third, the included studies displayed a productive eclecticism between argumentation theory and other theorizing, primarily within developmental psychology, the learning sciences, and linguistics. Furthermore, the theoretical pool was represented by different levels of theorizing, including more overarching, meta-theoretical perspectives as well as more specific, lower level theorizing within and across the above subfields. The former, meta-level theories most often included Piagetian and neo-Piagetian theorizing, particularly Piaget’s work on the role of conflict in development and his work on the development of moral reasoning (e.g., Howe & McWilliam, 2001; Mammen et al., 2019) as well as socio-cultural developmental perspectives, rooted in Vygotskian theorizing, most notably his work on the role of language in cognitive development (e.g., Arendt, 2019; Ehrlich, 2019; Ehrlich & Blum-Kulka, 2010) and in Dewey’s experiential learning (Arendt, 2019). The latter, lower level theorizing, was represented by scholarship on issues such as learning designs within science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) research (e.g., Convertini, 2021a, 2021b). A number of studies drew also on language socialization perspectives, more specifically in terms of family interactional research (e.g., Bova, 2015c; Bova & Arcidiacono, 2013a,b, 2015, 2018). Another, more specifically pronounced theoretical dimension was linguistic and discourse-theoretical, particularly as applied to child language development. It was represented by conceptual grounding in as diverse perspectives as systemic-functional grammar in combination with Peircean semiotics (Kosko & Zimmerman, 2019), interactional scholarship on peer talk and child-adult talk (e.g., Ehrlich, 2011, 2019), exploratory talk and sustained shared thinking (Dovigo, 2016), and the more overarching Bakhtinian lens on language acquisition (de Vasconcelos & Leitão, 2016).

Features of Children’s Argumentation

The identified studies bear witness to a wide range of distinct features of young children’s argumentative discourse. We have categorized these as either (a) structural-discursive features, (b) features relating specifically to socio-interactional aspects of children’s argumentation, and (c) developmental features reported in studies with a comparative, longitudinal, or cross-sectional design on different aspects of the first two categories. As this suggests, the categories and subcategories are not discreet, since one and the same study may have pursued more than one single analytical end and, as such, may have been placed under several headings and subheadings, such as structural-discursive and developmental. We elaborate on and exemplify each category, with their corresponding subcategories, below. For additional clarity, the entire taxonomy is also visualized in Figure 2 .

 Taxonomy of features of children’s argumentation.

Taxonomy of features of children’s argumentation.

Structural-Discursive Features

More than a half of the identified studies reported on various structural-discursive features, further subcategorized as relating to one of the following three dimensions: (a) children’s argument construction, (b) children’s argument evaluation, and (c) other meta-features, concerning primarily sources and functions of children’s argumentation. In general, the sample showcases a broad range of these features, attesting to the versatility and heterogeneity of children’s argumentation as well as to children’s capacities as arguers and argumentative agents.

The first dimension predominates in the sample. It comprises findings on children’s use of various linguistic, discursive and argumentative elements, reasoning strategies as well as specific patterns of their use. Przetacz­nikowa’s study (1971), for example, drew early attention to the dominance of situational and functional reasoning in preschool children’s argumentative discourse concerning manipulative and constructional tasks. Pontecorvo & Arcidiacono (2010) on the other hand, document children’s variable use of different argumentative strategies, such as contrafactual reasoning, hypothesizing, and categorization, when they engage in disputes about narratives. The study shows that some of these strategies, such as rhetorical ones, can be transferred across different interactional contexts. Several other studies have interrogated specific types of argumentation schemes in children’s argumentative discourse. Convertini & Arcidiacono (2021) for example, provide empirical evidence on the predominance of causal argumentation in children’s play-based activities with scientific content. Interrogating arguments from authority, Bova’s (2015a, 2015b, 2015c) studies underscore that in child-adult argumentative discourse, it is adults, rather than other children, that represent sources of expertise. Zooming specifically in on the degree of children’s adaptation of their conflict resolution strategies and how it may affect the outcome of argumentative episodes, Eisenberg & Garvey (1981) show that the least adaptive strategies are likely to result in a termination of argumentative episodes, while insistence and nonresponse be reciprocated as such by their interactional partners. More adaptive strategies of reason-giving may lead to concession. Studies also document that children may draw on multimodal resources to put forward different structural elements of arguments, including standpoints, reasons, and conclusions in order to drive their reasoning forward (Convertini & Arcidiacono, 2021; Sumpter & Hedefalk, 2015).

Several studies in the sample pay specific attention to children’s justifications. They attest to children’s early, nonverbal sensitivity to the role of evidence and opponents’ informational access in argumentation (Mascaro et al., 2019) as well as children’s budding competence to differentiate hypothesis from evidence (Koksal-Tuncer & Sodian, 2018). That children’s use of evidence displays both complexity and variation is underscored by Orsolini (1993) and Dunn & Munn (1987). Looking at 3-year-old children, the latter study, for example, nuances the types of justifications children may use as ranging from emotional justifications, to references to social rules and material consequences of different courses of action.

Researchers have also mapped out the functioning of a range of specific linguistic and discursive elements in children’s argumentative discourse. One such element, explored in several studies, is the use of repetitions as an argumentative resource (Arendt, 2019; Arendt & Ehrlich, 2020) and as, in fact, the most frequent strategy, along with insistence, pursued by children vis-à-vis their opponents (Eisenberg, 1987). Rocci et al.’s (2020) study on children’s employment of adversative connectives ( aber, mais, ma – “but” ) in their counterarguments documents its functional versatility, ranging from connecting previous actions to the propositional content of arguments, refuting but also externalizing inner dialogue. Studies by Ehrlich (2019) as well as Ehrlich & Blum-Kulka (2010) explore the use of oral and paradigmatic features in children’s argumentation, showcasing among other things how they may function in establishing criteria of argument relevance, certainty, and acceptance (Ehrlich, 2019). Bova & Arcidiacono’s (2013a) study on children’s why questions in child-adult discourse shows that these serve mostly explanatory rather than argumentative purposes. Investigating children’s use of evaluative and evidential language markers in their stance-taking in peer confrontational discourse, Shiro et al. (2019) found a high occurrence of references to intention and obligation, in the latter case expressed through the use of various deontic expressions, as well as a high degree of assertiveness expressed by the children through negative polarity.

The second dimension concerns children’s argument evaluation, explored experimentally in only two individual studies in our sample (Castelain et al., 2018; Mercier et al., 2018). Both confirm that children display sensitivity to information that may be provided in arguments by their opponents. Mercier et al.’s (2018) findings also offer evidence that children’s capacity to evaluate their opponent’s weak and strong arguments may be affected by linguistic markers in different languages and, hence, be in part linguistically conditioned.

The third dimension comprises findings on what we have termed as meta-features of children’s argumentation. These branch further into two thematic subcategories. First, several studies were preoccupied with interrogating and reporting on the specific functions argumentation may have in children’s discourse. These ranged from an epistemic function, where the establishment of validity rather than simply conflict resolution was explored through children’s activation of multimodal means of communication (Hannken-Illjes & Bose, 2018) or through the use of paradigmatic discursive resources, such as verification or analogy (Ehrlich & Blum-Kulka, 2010). In addition, children’s argumentation was also shown to have a distinct socialization function, for example, in family mealtime exchanges (Bova & Arcidiacono, 2015). A further nuancing of the social function of children’s argumentation was specifically offered by Rytel (1996) who drew attention to its interactional conflict resolution rather than merely content resolution dimension.

In addition to the functions of children’s argumentation, several studies explored explicitly the sources of disagreement that may unleash children’s argumentative exchanges. Findings confirmed that there are numerous issues that may lead to argumentation, including children’s requests (Bova & Arcidiacono, 2013b, 2015), specific issues such as food and behavioral norms (Bova & Arcidiacono, 2015, 2018), or plans and intentions rather than factual information and truth assertions (Sprott, 1992). Importantly, however, while children may not always be the main initiators of argumentative interactions (Bova & Arcidiacono, 2013b, 2015), they are also shown to display argumentative agency by raising discussion issues that matter to them (Schär & Greco, 2018).

Socio-Interactional Features

Nearly two thirds of the sample reported on findings concerning socio-interactional aspects of children’s argumentation, relating primarily to how different contextual features may affect the analyzed argumentative exchanges. Interrogating their nature and prominence, our analysis led to a more nuanced two-pronged subcategorization into (a) the role of the interactional partners and (b) the role of other contextual features. On the whole, the included studies point clearly toward children’s great sensitivity to interactional aspects of context when they engage in argumentative discourse.

Zooming in on the first, most clearly pronounced dimension, the included studies bear concerted witness to children’s sensitivity to the identity, power, and status of their interactional partners. It also asserts their capacities to adjust and accommodate their argumentative strategies and moves accordingly (Arcidiacono & Perret-Clermont, 2009; Eisenberg & Garvey, 1981; Slomkowski & Dunn, 1992). Studies interrogating specifically child-adult argumentative exchanges report, among other things, on children’s sensitivity to adults’ interactional involvement and leadership (Dovigo, 2016; Vasconcelos & Leitão, 2016), underscoring adults’ crucial role in scaffolding and guiding children’s development. Also, Bova & Arcidiacono’s (2013b, 2015, 2018) studies on family mealtime exchanges confirm that age differences as well as differences in competence and roles affect child-adult argumentative discourse, with the adult often taking the lead role in initiating argumentation and by being seen as an authority therein by the child. These studies also corroborate that the types of adults’ and children’s arguments have a close correspondence, a finding also reported with a specific reference to mothers’ and children’s justifications in an earlier study by Dunn & Munn (1987). Interestingly, Mammen et al.’s (2019) study shows that it is not only children who display great sensitivity in acting and interacting as arguers with adults; adults too adjust the way they may challenge children of different ages in their argumentative exchanges, in this particular study manifested in their mutual discussions about picture book stories on moral dilemmas.

Studies on specifically peer interactions attest to similar sensitivity children display toward other children in argumentation and how their argumentative exchanges may provide a platform for a collaborative construction and negotiation of power and status within children’s peer cultures (Meyer, 1992). Additionally, scholars have underscored the key role argumentative peer exchanges may play in fostering a range of skills, including social, cognitive, and linguistic (Arendt, 2019; Ehrlich & Blum-Kulka, 2010; Köymen et al., 2014; Shiro et al., 2019).

The reported findings also specifically thematize the functional and discursive differences between peer and child-adult argumentation. Eisenberg (1987) points out that in terms of argumentation strategies, children display less adaptability and more aggressive argumentative behavior with peers than in argumentative interactions with adults. Ehrlich (2011) documents that peer argumentation displays a high degree of contextualized talk, offering opportunities for building and nurturing interpersonal relations and solidarity. Child-adult talk, on the other hand, was in Ehrlich’s study characterized as decontextualized talk, displaying features associated with school literacy. Looking specifically at the duration of peer and child-adult argumentative discussions, Mammen et al. (2019) provide scientific evidence on their differences, with peer discussions being of a shorter duration. Importantly, researchers have also thematized the misalignments between children and adults in their mutual argumentative exchanges, for example, in terms of implicit premises (Greco et al., 2018) but also in terms of their interpretative worlds (Iannaccone et al., 2019). As the authors underscore, this may lead to misunderstandings as well as underestimation of children’s capacities and agency as arguers.

Moving on to the second, less clearly pronounced dimension, the sample shows that also other features of context, such as the nature of the instructional task (Kosko & Zimmerman, 2019), the specific type of interactional setting (Ehrlich, 2019; Orsolini, 1993; Pontecorvo & Arcidiacono, 2010) but also methodological aspects concerning the study design and choice of data collection methods (Arcidiacono & Perret-Clermont, 2009) may affect what argumentative resources children may activate and how they will be utilized in their argumentative discussions. Furthermore, studies have also shown that the very nature of the interactional framing of children’s argumentative discourse may result in different argumentative activities. Hannken-Illjes & Bose (2019) underscore this very point in their study of peer argumentation established multimodally as either cooperative or agonistic. They show that cooperative situations display interactional synchronicity while uncooperative ones bear witness to the opposite. A correspondence between the frequency of arguments and the degree of cooperativity is also corroborated in Domberg et al.’s (2018) experimental study. Investigating specifically the influence of group competition on children’s argumentative behavior in a subsequent study, Domberg et al. (2021) offer evidence that it may be inconsistent and subject to the task and its nature.

Developmental Features

Studies in our sample also shed light on a range of structural-discursive and socio-interactional features of children’s argumentation in a comparative light through the employment of comparison age groups. We have subcategorized the relevant findings as either thematizing (a) the developing complexity, variation, and sophistication of children’s argumentation and (b) the frequency of children’s use of argumentation or its specific elements. On the whole, the sample attests to a clear developmental trajectory in terms of both the complexity and frequency with which children engage in argumentative discourse.

In terms of the first subcategory, the developmental tendency is reported on aspects concerning both argument construction and argument evaluation. Studies interrogating specifically the use of various argumentative strategies show that children’s competence to offer a more varied range of perspectives on conflictual issues, as opposed to solely offering an oppositive standpoint, grows with age (Rytel, 1996). Furthermore, children become more skilled in identifying and producing relevant and valid counterarguments with age, although the skill can be fostered even in very young children through training (Köymen et al., 2020b). With time, children’s argumentative strategies also become more complex (Arcidiacono & Bova, 2015) as well as more varied and more strategically applied (Domberg et al., 2018). Studies looking at children’s mathematical reasoning strategies also attest to an increasing sophistication (Kosko & Zimmerman, 2019; Krummheuer, 2013).

Studies thematizing specifically children’s justifications and their use of evidence report that some aspects may show a developmental tendency, such as children’s capacity to adjudicate the quality of justifications and to apply them more correctly and consistently (Mammen et al., 2018). Also, children’s reasoning based on perceptual and verbal evidence may grow in sophistication and variation with age (Przetacznikowa, 1971). Sprott (1992) reports age differences in children’s use of justifications in different disputes, showing a greater engagement by older children in factual disputes as opposed to more personal disputes. Nonetheless, studies also report no significant age differences in terms of children’s sensitivity to adjusting the informativeness of their justifications based on shared common ground (Köymen et al., 2016) or in their use of direct evidence (Köymen et al., 2020a).

In terms of comparative findings on socio-emotional aspects of children’s argumentation, studies show growing social sensitivity to reasoning, such as children’s increasing persuasion skills in order to reach an agreement (Köymen et al., 2014), older children’s preference to signal dominance when evaluating arguments (Mercier et al., 2014), and their preference to use argumentation for self-interest promotion rather than reaching an agreement (Tesla & Dunn, 1992). However, studies also report no age differences when it comes to constructing more balanced arguments in cooperative settings or when offering different argument positions (Rytel, 1996). Furthermore, children show increasing sensitivity to the quality of their opponents’ argument (Domberg et al., 2019; Mercier et al., 2014), such as in preferring strong (perceptual) rather than weak (circular) arguments as they grow older.

Lastly, the sample also attests to the growing frequency of children’s arguments with age. This concerns both production of reasons to justify claims (Domberg et al., 2021), the use of indirect evidence under certain conditions (Köymen et al., 2020a), the more explicit use of warrants and justifications as well as children’s increasing tendency to reach mutual agreement (Köymen et al., 2014), or express conflicting positions in disputes (Rytel, 1996). That an increasing frequency in children’s argument construction may be a function of context confirm studies investigating argumentation in peer play (e.g., Arendt, 2019) and in specifically cooperative experimental group settings, where a greater rate of arguments was observed across age groups (Domberg et al., 2018). As Mammen et al.’s (2019) study shows, frequency may also be related to the identity of children’s interactional partners rather than children’s increasing age per se.

Based on a meta-synthesis of 57 individual empirical studies, our review offers a systematic insight on a range of aspects concerning argumentation in the youngest age groups. Showcasing a range of methodological designs adopted over the last five decades of research, the study systematically documents an increasing scientific interest in exploring this budding field across different continents, national contexts, interactional settings, and participant structures. While these descriptive features are necessarily a reflection of our methodological choices and, as such, cannot be taken to provide a complete or authoritative picture of the field, the review does, in our view, shed light on a number of salient tendencies and patterns. With necessary caution, we note that the field displays great methodological, thematic, and conceptual heterogeneity that we see as both productive and necessary, particularly if we are to arrive at a comprehensive understanding of what it takes to argue in the early years.

More specifically, with reference to our first research question, we note that the existing scholarship on young children’s argumentation is profoundly interdisciplinary, drawing on different traditions within argumentation theory as well as a range of other scholastic fields, including developmental psychology, education, linguistics, and discourse studies as the most prominent ones. As such, the review brings systematic scientific evidence on board regarding our initial assumption on the dispersion of studies across different scholastic areas. The construction of any overarching conceptual taxonomy of such a broad and heterogeneous field necessitates a certain degree of simplification. In this endeavor, Schwarz and Baker’s (2017) two-dimensional taxonomy offered a productive springboard to a more nuanced exploration of conceptual patterns in the sample.

In terms of the monologic-dialogic dimension, we found the dialogic view explicitly or implicitly present in most of the included studies. In fact, these were in some cases hard to disentangle and positions were found to be oscillating rather than clearly delineated. This in itself underscores the point that argumentation as a specific form of discourse is per definition predicated on the presence of more than one voice. Indeed, as in other meaning-making processes, polyphony or heteroglossia (Bakhtin, 1981) is weaved in its very theoretical texture. Hence, the monologic view represents at best an analytical distinction, not least in the field of argumentation in the early years.

In terms of the structural-discursive dimension, the included studies can be seen as following either more distinctly structural or discursive aims. While some draw on theoretically elaborated positions, on a broad level represented by pragma-dialectics (van Eemeren, 2018), the argumentative theory of reasoning (Mercier & Sperber, 2011) and, to a lesser degree, Toulmin’s (1958) argumentation model, others operate with the basic structural elements of standpoint and justification/reason as inherent in the concept. Moreover, these broader categories may themselves branch into more nuanced approaches to investigate specific features of children’s argumentation, such as children’s implicit reasoning (Convertini, 2021a; Greco et al., 2018) through the application of the Argumentum Model of Topics approach (Rigotti & Greco, 2019). This then bears witness to a considerable theoretical variation within the field. We note further that the common denominator of the sample as a whole is a view of opposition, disagreement, or a difference of opinion as a defining minimal feature of children’s argumentation. We will argue that this is the case even in studies that propose to see cooperativity as representing a possible initial argumentative framing (e.g., Hannken-Illjes & Bose, 2018, 2019), since opposition is, on our reading, not denied but rather presupposed here as well. Hence, given that the structural aspect, subsuming the oppositional antecedent, is inherent in all argumentation, one can argue that, within the field of argumentation in the early years, the structural-discursive dimension of Schwarz and Baker’s (2017) model represents a continuum, stretching from more to less structural specificity along, primarily, the dialogic dimension.

With reference to our second research question, our review provides a systematic meta-synthesis of scientific evidence on a number of distinct features of young children’s argumentative discourse. First, it bears witness to a breadth of capacities and competencies that very young children may activate not only to resolve disagreement but also to arrive at solutions that are commonly shared and valid in their peer cultures. Building on the now long-established insights from within the sociology of childhood (James et al., 1998; James & Prout, 1997), this positions them as productive arguers and argumentative agents in their own right. In addition, our findings also point toward the importance of argumentation in socializing and initiating children into specific ways of thinking across home, kindergarten, and early school contexts. Building on and broadening Ehrlich & Blum-Kulka’s (2010) concept of peer talk as a double-opportunity space , we therefore propose to see children’s argumentation as a multi-opportunity space in which their linguistic, socio-emotional, and cognitive skills as well as their epistemic understanding can be productively nourished and fostered across different settings and participant structures.

Second, the review points consistently toward children’s utmost sensitivity to the interactional context of exchange. It underscores the role of both peer play and peer talk as a key platform for understanding argumentation in the youngest age groups but also the quintessential role of adults, such as teachers and parents, in fostering children’s capacities as arguers and critical thinkers. It also highlights differences between these conditions and underscores their variable significance for continued growth. However, children’s contextual sensitivity does not end with the interactional partner but extends to other contextual features such as the nature of the task they engage in and that may trigger argumentation, the employed methodological design features but also features of the broader contextual setting. While lending further support to a firmly established insight in early childhood scholarship on the key role of context in children’s learning and development (NAYEC, 2022), it also corroborates Arcidiacono and Perret-Clermont’s (2009) observation on the methodological limitations of earlier scholarship that, insufficiently attentive to this essential nature of very young children’s argumentation, may have led to the underestimation of their argumentative capacities. Additionally, it underscores the continued challenge of investigating preschoolers’ argumentation in scientifically valid ways, calling among other things for researcher vigilance and reflexivity throughout all stages of the research process.

Third, the review reveals clear developmental patterns in children’s argumentation in terms of its complexity, sophistication, variability, and frequency. However, once again, rather than inviting a view of children as argumentative becomings on the way to adult competence, we propose to see these findings as key to understanding the very origins and development of the human capacity to argue. Not only is this knowledge essential for a productive bridging between home, preschool, and school communities of practice, it propels to salience the continued need for locating attention and support in young children’s lived worlds (Dyson, 2013) and in line with developmentally appropriate pedagogical approaches (Barbarin & Wasik, 2011; NAYEC, 2022; Samuelsson & Carlsson, 2008).

While this review provides a systematic insight into the growing knowledge foundation on argumentation in the youngest age group, we see a distinct need for further research. One area of much promise is children’s multimodal argumentation, thematized in our sample through a handful of studies only. Given children’s deeply multimodal and situated way of being and participating in social life, it may open not only for important practical insights with implications for early childhood parenting and professional practice, but also new theoretical advances in the field of argumentation in general and multimodal argumentation in particular. Likewise, given the growing presence of digital tools in children’s everyday lives, studying how very young children potentially make use of digital artifacts as they initiate and advance arguments and negotiate standpoints while engaging in digital play-based and other activities seems to be as yet a largely unexplored territory.

By extension, we also call for a continued cross-fertilization between theoretical approaches as well as a scientifically rigorous interrogation of potential connections and overlaps between very young children’s argumentation and related concepts that were not specifically targeted in this review, such as sustained shared thinking (Siraj et al., 2015), inferential thinking (Collins, 2016), or the even broader concepts of exploratory talk (Mercer & Wegerif, 1998) and low-structured sensemaking, employed in Rapanta & Felton’s (2022) review to describe argumentation activity in early school grades. Rather than assuming the logico-rational conceptualization of argumentation as the only valid vantage point, rendering children’s argumentation a priori as mostly fallacious or deficient and hence not meriting the label in any positive sense, such pursuits may add a new layer to the ongoing conceptual debate within argumentation studies on what forms of argument qualify as such and why (see, e.g., Birdsell & Groarke, 1996; Bubikova-Moan, 2021; Tindale, 2017; Tseronis & Forceville, 2017). In our view, a continued exploration of these and other relevant issues through a sustained scientific effort will advance not only our understanding of the multifaceted nature of argumentation as a quintessential form of human communication but also how the early capacities to argue develop and can be nourished in developmentally sensitive ways so that children can grow to become rigorous arguers and critical thinkers of tomorrow.

We would like to thank our colleagues in the international Kin­der im Gespräch research network for their inspiring comments and suggestions during an earlier stage of the study production process. We would also like to thank our two anonymous reviewers for their careful reading of our work and their constructive and inspiring suggestions on how to improve the original manuscript.

Given that this study is a meta-synthesis of relevant empirical studies, no ethics approval on research subject participation was required.

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

The first author has led and contributed to all stages of the study design and production, including all database searches, manuscript screening, and full-text review, as well as the analytical and manuscript production process. The second author has contributed in conceptual and methodological discussions, the full-text review, the analytical validation, and final manuscript production process.

The empirical studies included in this review can be accessed online or as hard-copy manuscripts in the relevant journals.

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Why early childhood care and education matters

Need to know on ECCE

The right to education begins at birth.

But new UNESCO data shows that 1 out of 4 children aged 5 have never had any form of pre-primary education. This represents 35 million out of 137 million 5-year-old children worldwide. Despite research that proves the benefits of early childhood care and education (ECCE), only half of all countries guarantee free pre-primary education around the world.

UNESCO’s World Conference on Early Childhood Care and Education taking place in Tashkent, Uzbekistan on 14-16 November 2022 will reaffirm every young child’s right to quality care and education, and call for increased investment in children during the period from birth to eight years.  

Here’s what you need to know what early childhood care and education.

Why is early childhood care and education important?

The period from birth to eight years old is one of remarkable brain development for children and represents a crucial window of opportunity for education. When children are healthy, safe and learning well in their early years, they are better able to reach their full developmental potential as adults and participate effectively in economic, social, and civic life. Providing ECCE is regarded as a means of promoting equity and social justice, inclusive economic growth and advancing sustainable development.

A range of research and evidence has converged to support this claim. First, neuroscience has shown that the environment affects the nature of brain architecture – the child’s early experiences can provide either a strong or a fragile foundation for later learning, development and behaviours. Second, the larger economic returns on investment in prior-to-school programmes than in programmes for adolescents and adults has been demonstrated. Third, educational sciences have revealed that participation in early childhood care and education programmes boosts children’s school readiness and reduces the gap between socially advantaged and disadvantaged children at the starting gate of school.

From a human rights perspective, expanding quality early learning is an important means for realizing the right to education within a lifelong learning perspective. ECCE provides a significant preparation to basic education and a lifelong learning journey. In 2021, only 22% of United Nations Member States have made pre-primary education compulsory, and only 45% provide at least one year of free pre-primary education. Only 46 countries have adopted free and compulsory pre-primary education in their laws.

How has access to ECCE evolved?

Overall, there has been significant global progress in achieving inclusive and high-quality ECCE. Globally, the ratio for pre-primary education has increased from 46% in 2010 to 61% in 2020. The global ratio for participation in organized learning one year before the official primary school entry age also increased to reach 75% in 2020. However, in low- and lower-middle-income countries, fewer than two in three children attend organized learning one year before the official primary entry age.  Furthermore, the proportion of children receiving a positive and stimulating home environment remains significantly low with only 64% of children having positive and nurturing home environments. Great regional disparities remain the biggest challenges. In sub-Saharan Africa, only 40% of children have experienced a positive and stimulating home learning environment compared to 90% of children in Europe and Northern America.

How has the COVID-19 pandemic impacted ECCE?

The COVID-19 pandemic has had devastating effect on ECCE and amplified its crisis. Young children have been deemed the greatest victims of the pandemic, experiencing the impact of on their immediate families, and because of stay-at-home orders of lockdowns, having been deprived of essential services to promote their health, learning and psychosocial well-being. Some children will start basic education without organized learning experiences to the detriment of their readiness for school. It was estimated that the closure of ECCE services has resulted in 19 billion person-days of ECCE instruction lost with 10.75 million children not being able to reach their developmental potential in the first 11 months of the pandemic.

What are the consequences on foundational learning?

ECCE is a pre-requisite for meeting the right to learn and to develop. In particular, access to pre-primary education is a basis for acquiring foundational learning including literacy, numeracy and socio-emotional learning. Yet, according to the recent estimate, about 64% of children in low- and middle-income countries cannot read and understand a simple story at age 10. The roots of this learning poverty start in ECCE and its lack of capacity to make children ready for school.

What is the situation regarding ECCE teachers and care staff?

As the calls grow for higher quality ECCE provision, teacher shortages and quality has received increasing attention. The number of teachers who received at least the minimum pedagogical teacher training, both pre-service and in-service, increased from 68% to 80% between 2010 and 2020. It is estimated that ECCE services need another 9.3 million full-time teachers to achieve the SDG target . Most Member States have established qualification requirements for ECCE teachers, while far less attention has been focused on ECCE teachers’ working conditions and career progression. The low social status, poor salaries and job insecurity of ECCE teachers and care staff tend to have an adverse impact on attracting and retaining suitably qualified early childhood educators.

What are the policies, governance and financing implications?

It is time for societies and governments to implement relevant policies to recover and transform their ECCE systems. ECCE is seen by many countries as a key part of the solution to a myriad of challenges including social inclusion and cohesion, economic growth and to tackle other sustainable development challenges. According to the 2022 Global Education Monitoring Report, 150 out of 209 countries have set targets for pre-primary education participation by 2025 or 2030. The proportion of countries that monitor participation rates in pre-primary education is expected to increase from 75% in 2015 to 92% in 2025 and 95% in 2030. It is expected that the pre-primary participation rate for all regions will exceed 90% by 2030. In Central and South Asia, East and South-East Asia, and Latin America and the Caribbean, participation rates are expected to be nearly 100%. At the same time, it is projected that participation rates in Northern Africa and Western Asia will be about 77% by 2030.

What are the obstacles to ensuring access to quality ECCE?

  • Policy fragmentation: In many countries, ECCE policies and services are fragmented and do not leverage whole-of-government and whole-of-society approaches to addressing the holistic needs and rights of families and their young children. This is particularly challenging for national governments with limited resources, low institutional capacities and weak governance.
  • Lack of public provision : Non-state provision of ECCE continues to grow in many contexts, and the role of non-state actors in influencing policy development and implementation is evident. Non-state actors provide a large proportion of places in pre-primary education. In 2000, 28.5% of pre-primary aged children were enrolled in private institutions, and this rose to 37% in 2019, a figure higher than for primary (19%) or secondary (27%) education.
  • Insufficient regulation of the sector : Specific regulations and standards for ECCE are not in place in most countries. Regulations usually do not establish quality assurance mechanisms and those that do, tend not to focus on outcomes.
  • Chronic underfunding : An average of 6.6% of education budgets at national and subnational levels were allocated to pre-primary education. Low-income countries, on average, invest 2% of education budgets in pre-primary education, which is far below the target of 10% by 2030 suggested by UNICEF. In terms of international aid, pre-primary education remains the least funded sector.

What are the solutions?

Political will and ownership are key to transforming ECCE. UNESCO’s review highlights progress in some countries, giving an indication of what is required to successfully strengthen the capacity of ECCE systems:

  • Expanding and diversifying access : Increasing investment and establishing a legal framework to expand ECCE services are essential steps. Innovative ECCE delivery mechanisms such as mobile kindergartens with teachers, equipment for learning and play, have been deployed in some countries to reach remote areas and provide children with pre-primary education.  
  • Enhancing quality and relevance : ECCE curriculum frameworks should cover different aspects of early learning and prepare children with essential knowledge, skills, and dispositions to transit smoothly to formal education.
  • Making ECCE educators and caregivers a transforming force : For the transformation of ECCE to take place, ECCE educators need to be adequately supported and empowered to play their part.
  • Improving governance and stakeholder participation : Countries have adopted different modes of governance. There are generally two systems that are followed, an integrated system and a split system.
  • Using funding to steer ECCE development : Strengthening domestic public financing is important for providing affordable ECCE. Since ECCE services are offered by different ministries, there must be a clear demarcation of funding and financing rules for different sectors and different ministries. Innovative financing may include earmarking resources from economic activities and other sources.
  • Establishing systems for monitoring and assessing whole-of-child development . System-level action in strengthening the availability and reliability of data obtained from assessments enables efficient and timely monitoring of programmes and child developmental milestones.
  • Galvanize international cooperation and solidarity . The World Conference on Early Childhood Care and Education is an opportunity to mobilize existing global, regional, and national networks to increase focus on identifying and sharing innovations, policies and practices.

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Tashkent +1: Celebrating progress and reaffirming commitments to early childhood care and education

Research Paper

Early childhood education.

early childhood education argumentative essay

Early childhood education (ECE) is a controversial and contested field. Since the Progressive Era, debate has existed over what role federal, state, and local government agencies should play in providing families and their young children with access to ECE programs. Within the field itself, there are disputes over issues such as what type of care should be provided to children and their families, what type of training early childhood educators should possess, and what type of instruction should take place and at what age.

Even with a majority of mothers within the United States in the workforce and numerous scientific studies demonstrating the importance of the early years of a child’s life on later development and academic performance, society has yet to accept the idea that access to high-quality ECE programs should be a basic right for all children. A key reason for this is the patriarchal norms that dominate the American psyche. In general, society still defines the role of the mother as the primary caregiver of the child, and thus it is her responsibility to ensure that the child is cared for and ready to enter elementary school. Ideally, the mother is married and has husband who is able to support her and her child. While these images have been contested across numerous fronts, the nuclear family is still a key construct in federal policy and is used by many who oppose an expanding role of government into early childhood education.

I. A Definition of Early Childhood Education

II. The Status of Early Childhood Education within the United States

III. Government Support

IV. Making the Case for Further Government Support of ECE

V. Making the Case for Less Government Support of ECE

VI. Early Childhood Education from the Progressive Era to Today

A. Kindergarten

B. Day Nurseries

C. Nursery Schools

D. The Federal Government Becomes Part of Early Childhood Education

E. Project Head Start

F. Standards for Early Childhood Education

VII. Conclusion

A Definition of Early Childhood Education

The National Association for the Education of Young Children (NAEYC), the largest professional organization for early childhood educators, defines the early childhood years as those from birth through third grade, and thus this field of practice balances between systems of compulsory and noncompulsory schooling. This entry focuses on early childhood programs that serve children from birth through age five, including kindergarten.

The Status of Early Childhood Education within the United States

For children from birth through age five, early childhood services are offered through a patchwork system of care that includes public and private nonprofit agencies, religious organizations, corporations, for-profit enterprises, family child care providers, and public schools. Programs serve a range of ages, offer various types of services, and instill a range of curricula. For the most part, the early childhood community represents a fractured group of practitioners who are loosely coupled by licensure requirements that emphasize health, safety, and teacher and staff issues rather than academic expectations or curricula.

Government Support

While the debate over the role of government support for ECE continues, federal, state, and local governments do provide some funding for early childhood services and programs. Federal support for ECE exists through three main funding sources: (1) providing funding for child care services as an incentive to mothers who receive public assistance and are trying to enter the labor force; (2) providing funding for or access to services such as Head Start to children whom governmental agencies deem to be at risk due to factors such as poverty, language status, developmental delays, psychological issues, or a combination of these factors; and (3) providing financial support to families and corporations through tax credits.

The passage of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act in 1996 altered previous federal social services by mandating recipients to achieve particular goals and reducing the length of time they could receive support, which increased the need for early childhood services for these families. For instance, the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families block grant replaced programs such as Aid to Families with Dependent Children, provides states with funds that they are to use to assist families in taking care of their children at home, and provides child care for parents so that they can participate in job training. The Child Care and Development block grant provides funds to states to subsidize the child care expenses of low-income working parents, parents who are receiving training for work, and parents in school.

The most well known federally funded early childhood program is Head Start, which operates through the Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS). The DHHS directly funds local grantees to provide Head Start programs to promote children’s school readiness by enhancing their social and cognitive development. Head Start grantees are to offer children and their families’ educational, health, nutritional, social, and other services.

Finally, the federal government offers two types of tax credits: (1) the dependent care tax credit for families who use out-of-home ECE services (which began as the child care tax deduction in 1954 and converted to a child care tax credit in 1972) and (2) tax credits for employers who establish or provide access for their employees to child care services (which began in 1962).

At the state and local level, funding is more eclectic. The availability of programs and services that extend beyond federal funding depends on the individual state or local community. Some (but not all) state governments supplement these federal funds, create their own programs for targeted populations, and encourage local participation in the process.

The most common form of state involvement in ECE is kindergarten, and the fastest growing program area among the states is prekindergarten (pre-K) for four- and sometimes three-year-olds. As of 2009, only 8 states require children to attend kindergarten, while the remaining 42 states require school districts to offer kindergarten. Forty states offer some form of pre-K funding to local school districts and community organizations, and three states—Oklahoma, Georgia, and Florida—offer all four-year-old children in their states access to prekindergarten, typically referred to as universal prekindergarten (UPK). Many states, such as New York, Illinois, Louisiana, and Iowa, are taking steps toward UPK. Other states, such as Maine, Oklahoma, Wisconsin, and West Virginia, offer pre-K for all through their school funding formulas.

Making the Case for Further Government Support of ECE

Those who support the expansion of federal, state, and local early childhood services typically make their case through two interconnected lines of reasoning. The first frames ECE as an investment. The second sees ECE as a necessary step to ready children for the increasing demands of elementary school.

The investment argument emerges from a collection of longitudinal studies that examine the effects of specific early childhood programs on a child’s life. This research demonstrates that children who participate in high-quality early childhood programs are less likely as students to be retained or to require special education service and are more likely to graduate from high school. As adults, these children are more likely to be employed and not require social services and are less likely to be incarcerated (e.g., Reynolds, Ou, and Topitzes’s 2004 analysis of the effects of the Chicago Child-Parent Centers). As a result, every dollar that is invested in high-quality ECE programs will save taxpayers from having to spend additional monies on supplemental education and social services for children through their lifetimes.

The readiness argument, which follows a similar line of reasoning as the investment argument, states that, in order to have students ready for the increasing demands of elementary school, government agencies need to provide families with access to high-quality early education services to ensure that their children are ready to learn.

early childhood education argumentative essay

Making the Case for Less Government Support of ECE

Those who oppose expanding the role of government also frame their argument through two lines of reasoning. The first, which takes a libertarian approach, contends that the government should limit its social responsibilities in taking care of children, except in the direst circumstances, and allow the market to deem the need and role of ECE (e.g., the Cato Institute). The second, which takes a more conservative approach, argues that the government should implement policies that encourage family members to stay home and care for their children, such as tax credits for stay-at-home family members or incentives for corporations to encourage part-time employment.

Early Childhood Education from the Progressive Era to Today

As the Progressive Era took shape, ECE emerged along two streams of care: the kindergarten movement and the day nursery movement. Within these two movements, issues of gender, class, and cultural affiliation not only affected the goals of each program but also which children and their families had access to these care and education services.

Kindergarten

The U.S. kindergarten movement began in 1854, when Margarethe Meyer Schurz founded the first kindergarten in Watertown, Wisconsin. These early kindergartens were supplemental programs that were designed to foster a child’s growth and development and to provide mothers with a break from their children. (See Beatty 1995 for a detailed history of the development of kindergarten in the United States.)

Public kindergarten emerged in the 1870s through the work of individuals such as Susan Blow in St. Louis and spread across numerous cities. As these programs became part of education systems across the United States, stakeholders implemented them to achieve many goals—all of which framed kindergarten as a necessary and not supplemental service. For instance, some supporters saw these programs as a form of child rescue; others saw it as means to Americanize the influx of immigrants who were arriving in the United States; and many viewed these programs as form of preparation for elementary school. These programs steadily grew, because education and community stakeholders began to see more children as being unprepared for elementary school, and, thus, this construct of the deficient child infuses itself within the need for an expansion of early childhood services.

The idea of children following a normal developmental path emerged out of the work of child psychologists such as G. Stanley Hall, who began his child study experiments in Pauline Shaw’s charity kindergartens in Boston. Hall’s studies led him as well as many other psychologists to question what type of experiences should be taking place in kindergarten as well as in the home to prepare children for a successful life.

Day Nurseries

Prior to kindergarten or elementary school entry, the dominant understanding of children’s early childhood experiences was that their mothers were to raise them in their homes. The day nursery movement emerged as an intervention for mothers who had to seek employment to take care of their families so that they would not have to institutionalize their children. These nurseries emerged as the philanthropic projects of wealthy women who wanted to assist working poor and immigrant mothers in getting back on their feet so that they could take their rightful place in the home. Day nurseries emphasized patriotism and hygiene as part of their instruction and only sought governmental assistance for regulatory purposes to improve nursery program conditions. Even though these programs had less-than-appealing reputations, the need for their services far outstripped their availability. In most instances—particularly in the South, rural areas, and for African American families—kith and kin provided the majority of care for these families. Ironically, many of these working mothers struggled to find care for their own children while working for wealthier families as the caretakers of their children. (See Michel 1999 for a detailed history of the day nursery movement and the positioning of mothers and women in general within this and other debates over the role of government in child rearing and education.)

Nursery Schools

Academically, the increased interest in understanding child development by the work of theorists and researchers such as Hall, Gesell, Freud, Piaget, and others led to the growing child study movement among universities. For instance, the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial Foundation awarded significant sums of money to several colleges and universities to establish child study institutes. The institutes’ lab schools began the nursery school movement, and middle-class families became attracted to the notion that science can enhance their child’s development. Furthermore, this scientific emphasis on child development extended the view of ECE beyond the traditional academic notion of cognitive development that dominates elementary education. Early education included the child’s social, emotional, physical, and cognitive development. This expanded view of learning caused conflict between early childhood educators and their elementary school colleagues as these programs became part of the elementary school environment.

The Federal Government Becomes Part of Early Childhood Education

The onset of the Great Depression resulted in a collapse of the day nursery movement for working mothers, and a majority of the ECE programs that remained were supplemental nursery programs used by middle-class families. In 1933, the Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA) changed this by starting a federally funded nursery school program as a means of employing schoolteachers and school staff . The custodial care of children was a secondary goal. The program was incorporated into the Works Progress Administration in 1934, when FERA was terminated.

As the Great Depression ended and World War II began, the funding for this program dwindled. However, the need for women’s labor to support the war industry led to the Lanham Act, which funded over 3,000 child care centers to care for children whose mothers worked in defense-related industries.

When the Depression and the war ended, federal support for these custodial programs subsided, and mothers were to return home to care for their children. However, the kindergarten movement had come to be seen by education stakeholders as a muchneeded vehicle for preparing children for school. Kindergarten survived these two national crises, and, by the 1940s, it became a permanent fixture of many school systems across the United States.

Project Head Start

For the next 20 years, the federal government abstained from funding ECE programs until the implementation of Project Head Start in 1965. This project emerged from the Economic Opportunity Act and the Elementary and Secondary Education Act as a part of the Johnson Administration’s war on poverty.

This legislation shifted the role of the federal government in developing ECE and K–12 policy within the United States. Federal policymakers created legislation that defined the role of the federal government in ECE as a provider of intervention services that could alter the academic trajectory of particular populations of children. These policies identified the root cause of academic failure, which leads to economic failure, in the child’s home environment. By identifying educational attainment as the means by which this cycle of poverty can be broken, policymakers defined the central role of ECE as readying students for school. ECE became a tool for intervention.

As soon as the federal government took on these roles in ECE and K–12 education, controversy arose. For instance, the Nixon administration responded to Johnson’s Great Society education policies by creating the National Institute of Education, which investigated the return that society received for its investment in education. Furthermore, Nixon vetoed the Comprehensive Child Development Act of 1971, which was to expand the federal government’s funding of child care and education while creating a framework for child services. Additionally, studies such as the Westinghouse Learning House’s evaluation of Head Start in 1969 suggested that any gains in the IQs of students who participated in the program quickly faded, which raised concerns over the effectiveness of these government-funded programs.

Researchers responded to these critiques of Head Start by arguing that, while increases in IQ might not be sustainable, students who participated in such programs were more successful academically and socially as they continued through school than those students who did not receive these services. These longitudinal studies, which examined a number of early childhood programs other than Head Start, spawned the investment argument, which is outlined above.

This argument shifts the premise for funding ECE programs slightly. Rather than break the cycle of poverty for others, funding programs will save taxpayers money. Thus, this argument for ECE deemphasizes assisting families to be able to take care of their children at home, and, rather, it contends that experts in ECE can design and implement programs that prepare the child, and in some cases the family, for success in compulsory schooling and later life.

Standards for Early Childhood Education

The emphasis on student performance that emerged during the Reagan administration put pressure on early childhood educators to align their practices with K–12 education. While such pressure on ECE programs has been around since the 1920s, particularly for kindergarten programs (see Beatty 1995), organizations such as NAEYC began to produce position statements and documents that defined what empirical research identified to be appropriate teaching, learning, and assessment experiences for young children.

Although these empirically based responses deflected the pressures of accountability for children until later in their academic careers, recent federal and state standards-based accountability reforms have caused education stakeholders to again scrutinize what types of experiences students are having prior to their entry to elementary school. For instance, policymakers and early childhood stakeholders are debating the role of early learning standards, readiness assessments, and literacy and math instruction in early childhood programs.

Additional reforms that stakeholders are considering to improve children’s preparation for elementary schooling include requiring student participation in full-day kindergarten programs, expanding prekindergarten services, improving the quality of early childhood programs, increasing training requirements for ECE teachers, and aligning early childhood programs across the field as well as with the K–12 education system. (See Cryer and Clifford 2003 for discussions surrounding ECE policy.)

Whatever policies emerge, the recent history of education reform demonstrates that these reforms will be linked to increased accountability expectations, making the expansion of the field dependent on the ability of ECE programs to improve student performance.

An added question that is somewhat unique to ECE is who should be providing these services. For-profit centers have a long history in ECE and provide care for a significant population of children and their families. These providers include national and international companies (e.g., the Australian-based publicly traded for-profit child care corporation ABC Learning, which is the world’s largest provider of child care services and operates over 1,100 centers in the United States). Additionally, nonprofit and church-based centers provide a large portion of infant and toddler care for families. Thus, expanding or reforming early childhood services involves numerous stakeholders, and simply adding programs to the nation’s public schools or implementing unfunded mandates has the ability to upset many who support as well as provide care for young children and their families.

ECE has a long and unique history in the United States. Those who support the field have framed its need in numerous ways. Current advocates argue that ECE is a necessity for families in which the primary caregiver works outside the home, is a smart investment of public resources, or is a basic right for all children. Those who oppose its expansion contend that the government agencies should not be involved in child rearing, should not pay for additional social services, or should implement policies that encourage families to stay at home and take care of their children. Either way, the battle over ECE boils down to how stakeholders perceive the role of government agencies in financing the care and education of young children, and thus the debate will continue as long as there are children and families who need or desire out-of-home care.

Also check the list of 100 most popular argumentative research paper topics .

Bibliography:

  • Beatty, Barbara, Preschool Education in America: The Culture of Young Children from the Colonial Era to the Present. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995.
  • Cryer, Debby, and Richard M. Cliff ord, eds., Early Education and Care in the USA. Baltimore: Brookes Publishing, 2003.
  • Farquhar, Sandy, and Peter Fitzsimmons, eds., Philosophy of Early Childhood Education: Transforming Narratives. New York: Wiley-Blackwell, 2008.
  • Fuller, Bruce, et al., Standardized Childhood: The Political and Cultural Struggle over Early Education. Stanford. CA: Stanford University Press, 2007.
  • Goffi n, Stacie G., and Valora Washington, Ready or Not: Leadership Choices in Early Care and Education. New York: Teachers College Press, 2007.
  • Michel, Sonya, Children’s Interests/Mothers’ Rights: The Shaping of America’s Child Care Policy. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1999.
  • Reynolds, A. J., S. Ou, and J. Topitzes, “Paths of Effects of Early Childhood Intervention on Educational Attainment and Delinquency: A Confirmatory Analysis of the Chicago Child-Parent Centers.” Child Development 75 (2004): 1299–1328.
  • Siegel, Charles, What’s Wrong with Day Care? Freeing Parents To Raise Their Own Children. New York: Teachers College Press, 2000.

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early childhood education argumentative essay

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  • Group Toy Project: Children Development Parents and educators should use special tools like books and toys to enhance the cognitive and linguistic development of children.
  • Developmental Observations Middle School Aged Child Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Model of Child Development presupposes the analysis of the development in the context of the environmental factors and, in order to undermine any likelihood of misunderstanding, only the environment, where a child spends […]
  • Child Development: Psychological Factors and Theories However, the contribution of the psychodynamic theories in the general awareness of the child development stages and processes and their scope for practical and scientific application make these preferable to other theories.
  • Literature for Children’s Development This biography gives children a chance to understand the roots and background of their country, how it fought for independence, and the men who sacrificed their lives for the sake of the country. The book […]
  • A Child’s Psychological Development It also contains an analysis of a research paper on the development of children and their reaction to fear and how to handle the emotions involved.
  • Childhood Development: Naturalistic Assessment The five year old child in the school going age group was free and interactive with the rest of the peers.
  • Childhood Development and Cardiovascular Disease Cardiovascular diseases are not as prevalent among children as they are among adults; however, a number of factors that children are exposed to during their development predispose them to the diseases in adulthood.
  • “Stakeholder Engagement in the Department” Department of Education and Early Childhood Development The practice will benefit both the organization and its stakeholders. The stakeholders will also ensure their organization is on the right track.
  • The Use of Sleephormone in Children With Neuro-Developmental Disorders For the better management of the data that are planned to be retrieved from the clinical trial procedures, the following list of the definitions and acronyms used in the trial process is given.
  • The Challenges of Teen Parenting: Socioeconomic Consequences and Child Development Risks This paper aims to evaluate the risks associated with teen parenting to determine whether they have a significant impact on the quality of life of parents and children.
  • Socioeconomic Status and Child Development In the article on socioeconomic status and child development, the concept of emotional behavior disorders is obvious. The author further expounds that emotional behavior disorder to the children of low socioeconomic status originates right from […]
  • Child Development: Comprehensive Multidisciplinary Assessment Next, the problem-solving model as the basis for the design of the assessment should be viewed as the most important element of the multidisciplinary assessment.
  • Child Development and Evolutionary Psychology Judging from the point of view of fitness the authors analyze the evolved psychological mechanisms in the perspective of their adaptivity, apply functional analysis to it, and deal with such mechanisms as pregnancy-related sickness.
  • Child Care Centers: Infant Development The literature regarding the quality of child care is constantly growing, and in that regard, one of the reasons can be seen in the entrance of mothers into the labor force.
  • Synopsis of Child Social, Cognitive and Behavioral Development With respect to Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development, David is at the third, concrete operational phase of development, because, on hearing that his responses are necessary for the research, he asked “Are you going to […]
  • The Toilet Training Process in Child Development A parent, especially the mother is the initial and most important educator of a child and thus must have acquired the qualities and knowledge necessary for the upbringing of a child.
  • Stages of Biological Child Development Recent studies were discussed with the help of information processing, Vygotsky’s Sociocultural Theory, and Ecological Systems Theory, which discuss the influence of the microsystem, the mesosystem, the exosystem, the macrosystem, and an ever-changing system in […]
  • Effects of Augmentin Maternal Income on Child Development Standardization of achievement/cognitive and behavioral outcomes could have gone a long way towards the reliability of the meta-analysis were it not for the fact that the five programs employed a varying range of survey instruments: […]
  • Child Development in Non-Western Cultures In the LANCY DAVID book, the main theme regards how the modern westerners perceive and handle their children in a different way compared to the annals of culture.
  • Children’s Development in Five Year Old The last reason for the unusual nature of Carlos as compared to other five year olds is the child’s underdeveloped thinking skills.
  • Home Schooling and Children’s Social Development Going back in time, the victory of the 13-years old Rebecca Sealfon in the contest Scripps National Spelling Bee in 1997, brought the attention of the country to the phenomenon that is called homeschooling.
  • Children’s Needs, Development, and Assessment This paper will explain how physical examination needs to be adjusted to better meet the needs of children between the ages of five and 12 and describe the case of a child patient in relation […]
  • Developmental Psychology of a Child During pregnancy, it is the role of the mother to ensure that she attends clinics in order for the health of the baby and the mother to be checked.
  • Books for Children’s Cognitive & Language Development Every animal has a dissimilar sound that happens to be a part of the peek-a-boo game: Guess who? “Peek-a-moo!” says the cow.”Peek-a-squeak!” says the mouse.
  • Child Developmental Assessment and Recommendations Christopher’s ultimate need is to understand and accept all the changes that have occurred in his life. He has to find and realize his place in his new family of divorce, where the main caregiver […]
  • The Hundred Languages of Children: Learning and Development Plan Therefore, playing the piano and dreaming of increasing her proficiency promote Huan’s self-actualisation and, as a result, enhances the child’s psychological health and covers for the gaps in love needs.
  • Children’s Emotional Development and Media Influence The emotional development of a person is one of the fundamental aspects of human growth as it impacts his/her life, relations with other people, and the ability to cooperate with peers or colleagues.
  • Child Development From Birth to Eight Years Old The evaluation of information will help to highlight the main ideas proposed by the author and assess the importance of the study from the point of view of everyday life and the upbringing of children […]
  • Child-Educator Interactions and Development Due to the need to focus on child-educator interactions, it is crucial to develop a rapport based on emotional investment in the communication process, as well as to use a variety of activities that allow […]
  • Co-Sleeping Impact on Child Development At the same time, it is crucial to pay attention to the phases of sleep and the cycles of awakening. It will help to facilitate the process of sleep in the future and eliminate any […]
  • Child-Rearing Styles and Effects on Development In the country of the rising sun, the symbolic type of upbringing through games is encouraged when children are taught the interactive ways of studying the world.
  • Early Child Development: Web Sources What is more, the information presented touches upon the topics that are the most significant for parents: the stages of development of a child and signs that may indicate various problems related to the mental […]
  • Parenting, Child Development, and Socialization Relationships in the family, as it is known, are formed largely due to the participation of parents and their desire to lay the foundations of morality and social values in the process of raising children.
  • 3-Year-Old Child’s Behavior and Development His smile talks about the kind and appropriate treatment of his mother to him. He understands the talks of other people and responds to the questions while watching TV.
  • Child’s Development From Birth to High School At the age of five months, they respond to changes in a tone of voice, and they understand the first words.
  • Child-At-Risk’s Developmental Assessment Thus, it is difficult to see the establishment of unhealthy relationships that are causing tremendous harm to the child’s social, physical, and emotional development.
  • Authentic Arts Education for Child Development This is also a good opportunity to make children revise material and try to look at it from different perspectives, which is one of the major aims of authentic arts education, and education on the […]
  • Child Development in the Ecological Context It is stated that the number and the quality of different connections play the significant role and determine children’s success or failure, and contradictions between two systems are likely to confuse a child.
  • Jean Piaget’s Child Development Theory The framework provides a detailed description of the processes associated with the development of specific knowledge in children and relies heavily on the importance of sensory experiences.
  • Middle Childhood and Adolescence Development Children and adolescents need to be accepted by the peers, and the positive relations in groups contribute to increasing the children’s self-esteem and self-confidence.
  • Deaf Child Development Specialist’s Portfolio The most important thing that I have learned in the area of the development of infants, toddlers, and young children with varied hearing abilities is that initial hearing screening is the first step in a […]
  • Parenting Strategies for Early Childhood Development As the case study of a single mother, Aayla, and her children, Sasha and Cayley, shows quite graphically, there is a strong need to help the mother reconsider her parenting approach and use the strategies […]
  • Barbie Dolls in Child Development and Society Formation Thus, it is easy to understand that the Barbie doll is a symbol not only of what a perfect toy should be but of how to become a woman, Kuther and McDonald would reiterate.
  • Child Upbringing and Communication Skills Development The issues I want to analyze are related to the impact of upbringing on children’s comprehension of the reality and the development of their communication skills.
  • Saudi Arabian Children’s Behaviour and Language Development The choice was quite correct as I had a set of questions and I could see the reaction to this or that question, which enabled me to adjust my enquiry and maintain the friendly atmosphere.
  • Exceptional Children’s Socioemotional Development Nonetheless, Hardman et al.opine that ADHD is mostly caused by the lack of opportunities to express oneself in attention-oriented games in the field as was the case in the ancient times. This is in part […]
  • Child Development: Ages and Stages Questionnaire The score of 20 points is below the cutoff, which means that there is a need for further assessment with a professional to define the scope of the problem and the possible causes.
  • Villamar Child Development Center The mission of the center is to offer a child-focused educational system in a safe, secure, serene, and friendly environment that prepares the children for after preschool endeavors and that endears them to the learning […]
  • Child Learning Factors: Brain Development and Culture The presented materials discuss the impact of the brain on child development and learning, but they also indicate the reciprocal nature of this relationship.
  • Educational Psychology: Cognitive Development in Children Throughout the process of learning, I have paid close attention to the peculiarities of Piaget’s theory and realized the cornerstones of human development.
  • Child Development Under Informal Observation It is useful to observe the behavior in natural conditions when a person is not aware of being an observation object.
  • Domestic Violence and Child’s Brain Development The video “First Impressions: Exposure to Violence and a Child’s Developing Brain” answers some questions of the dependence of exposure to domestic violence and the development of brain structures of children. At the beginning of […]
  • Exploring Lifespan Development: Child Perspectives Mesman, van Ijzendoorn, and Bakermans-Kranenburg are the authors of the article about parental sensitivity and its role in the establishment of family relationships and child development.
  • Child Development Observation: Alfred Huang’ Case In this report, the author is going to document the findings of an observation conducted on a child from a Cantonese background.
  • Children’s Literary Development in English Language The story creates fun for the children because of the clarity of the photographs and their relation to the text. Regardless of the storyline and the moral lessons learned in this story, the children have […]
  • Oral Language Development and Child’s Interactions In conclusion, it is necessary to note that oral language development has a significant effect on the way children interact with peers and adults.
  • Child Development and Global Social Policy In order to distinguish between the rationales for actions on behalf of children’s development, it is first necessary to determine the meaning assigned to the dimensions of development, as well as the concept of development […]
  • Nursery and Non-Nursery Children’s Development The purpose of the project is to analyze if there are positive effects among the children going to nursery. This will be imperative because the information obtained can be used to inform the parents and […]
  • Children’s Lexical Development Mechanisms Language learning is one of the most powerful factors and incentives in the development of the child, the child discovers the access to all the achievements of human culture, forms the identity of the person […]
  • Concept of the Children Developmental Assessment The choice of the most accurate tool for use in the assessment process depends on the developmental components evaluated, as well as on the age of the child.
  • Child’s Cognitive and Socio-Emotional Development She is able to recognize the voice of the caregiver in the midst of other sounds in the room. She is very eager to respond to every sound that the caregiver makes and the composure […]
  • Autistic Children Behavior in Developmental Context The time that the therapist and the patient spent working was not enough to encourage the child to express his emotions freely.
  • Suffolk’s Early Childhood Development Program The purpose of this paper is to describe the program and the community for which it serves, as well as to discuss the data collected with the help of interviewing the staff person.
  • Child Development Research Issues Despite the fact that other children in the school frequently complains about this behavior, and in spite of the fact that the teacher has taken time to talk to the African child about this behavior, […]
  • Psychological Complications in a Child He did things by impulse and at his own pleasure as opposed to what was expected of him at the preschool.
  • Deaf Children’s Education and Social Skills Development The topic of special education interventions is of crucial importance due to the fact that children with HI commonly have additional trouble developing their social skills, perhaps due to the lack of early exposure to […]
  • Child Development and Its Age Characteristics The participants of the interview were the members of one family. The aim of the project was to compare the age peculiarities of the children and differences in their development.
  • Jean Piaget’s Theory of Child Development The website also describes Piaget’s four stages of child development. The website also explains why Piaget managed to present the best ideas and arguments.
  • Child Development and Socialization Recognition and cognitive processing of information is learned through participation in various activities, and the more social interaction there is, the better a child will adjust to the environment.
  • Child Development: Social Categories and Gender Closely related to the above findings are the works of Banaji & Gelman which investigated the influence of social categories for induction change by analysing the behaviours of children aged between three and six years […]
  • Young Child’s Language and Literacy Development In addition, a work of literature on any social issue may influence how children respond to the demands of their learning environments. Taken together, the growing importance of literature in learning and children’s linguistic development […]
  • Child Development and Education It is also acknowledged that children need specific support of their close ones and they expect a parent to devote him/herself to their needs.
  • Neuroscience and Child Development – Psychology In this regard, the adoption of neuroscience findings in the development of new childhood theories and policies could lead to enhanced interventions for improved life outcomes.
  • John Locke vs. Gottfried Leibniz: Child Development Views In this light, the nature aspect refers to the genetic and hereditary elements that determine the traits of an individual. The following is a debate between Locke and Leibniz on the background of the nature […]
  • Integrated Spaces for Children Development It should be easy for the parents and guardians to easily monitor the activities going in the facility as a way of getting an assurance that their young children are in safe hands.
  • Childhood Developmental Stages in Psychology Social Development of this skill means that a child is capable of interacting with people and understanding the meaning of relationships.
  • Family Formation and Child Development The shift in the role of women from a homemaker to a wage earner has contributed to raising socially exclusive and emotionally detached children in the society since they spend less time with their children.
  • How Effective Teachers Support the Youngest Children’s Literacy Development? The effective teachers should be aware of the most common issues the youngest learners may face and understand the methods to address the issues.
  • Parents’ Involvement and Factors Important for Children’s Growth and Development The concentration on the elements which should be associated with the start of the children’s life is essential because each parent should choose the ideal combination of factors to provide a child with the harmonious […]
  • How Poverty Affects Children Development? The fact is that as much as it is the responsibility of parents and guardians to ensure that children get their needs, the inability of the parents and guardians to provide these basic needs to […]
  • Effects of Domestic Violence on Children Development In cases where children are exposed to such violence, then they become emotionally troubled: In the above, case them the dependent variable is children emotions while the independent variable is domestic violence: Emotions = f […]
  • Childhood and Development This study as it would be when learning a real language; will offer an opportunity to learn the effects of experiencing exemplars in implicit knowledge and teaching of the rules of artificial grammar common in […]
  • Socio- Affective Characteristics and Personalogical Development of the Gifted Child It archives this through looking at the socio- affective characteristics and personalogical development of the gifted child, and how they interact to assist or hinder the development of talents by the gifted children.
  • Child Psychology Development The reason is because, this data are consistent with the intuition model of judgments and that such subjects generated a pattern of moral judgments that was considered to be parallel with intuition principles.
  • “Nature” Versus “Nurture”: Effects on Child Development Consequently, a child’s behavior cannot be viewed as solely attributable to the genetic composition of the parents and the hereditary characteristics.
  • Child Development in a Bi-Racial Family There are several aspects involved in development of children in bi-racial family due to the impact of culture and history of the family.
  • Children’s Personal and Social Development The theorists argue that the outcomes of kids’ development come because of the incessant dynamic interplay amid the environmental variables, the caregivers’ response and the children behaviours which might influence both the caregiver and the […]
  • Supporting Children’s Care Learning and Development For this reason, he is in the best position to inform the teacher and the teaching assistant some peculiar behavior of the child or some important information that would help the teacher and the teaching […]
  • Child Development Field Observation The project seeks to make an observation of four-year-old and a seven-year-old child to unveil the conformance of the widely anticipated developments at the stages with the actual field observations.
  • Maternal Depressive Symptoms Timing: Child Cognitive Development The early environment, a child is exposed to, especially the maternal care environment influences the brain and affects the cognitive functioning of the child.
  • Theory of Child Development Some of these behaviors include the cry of a child due to hunger or cold; the cry alerts the mother who responds to the infant’s distress.
  • Child and Adolescent Development: Love, Hate, and Reparation Love, hate and reparation: the fundamentals Of course, it is obvious that love seems to be a good feeling or an emotional response.
  • Intervention Strategies in Children Development The main aspect engrained in the process of intervention is based on the fact that to intervene is to enter into an existing system, with a structured and planned activity, directed at a targeted person, […]
  • Drawing Ability Development as a Reflection of the Overall Psychological Development of a Child I pertain to the second group which is the first peculiarity of my drawing abilities development. In conclusion, it is possible to point out that my drawing ability development proves the major theories of child’s […]
  • Temperament in Child Development Early socialization of caregivers and their children and especially the use of the affective tone in these relationships have a very profound effect on the child’s developmental process.
  • Family Influences on the Development of a Child’s Behavior Objectives of the study: The general aim of the study is to determine how the organization of the family has a direct effect on the development of the child’s behavior.
  • Socialization Skills Role in the Child Development When he was done, I observed the three shapes that he had made; two of them looked like two people but I could not identify the last one so I decided to ask him what […]
  • The Neo-Vygotskian Approach to Child Development The Neo-Vygotskian approach to child development is positive stratagems of education, which are resource-oriented and presents the society with the view of the child as an empowered individual with a will, apparent ability, and unique […]
  • How Can Adoption Affect a Child’s Development?
  • Does Child Care Availability Play a Role in Maternal Employment and Children’s Development?
  • How Do Animals Benefit Child Development?
  • Does Child Development Matter if It Occurs at a Home or a Daycare Center?
  • How Does Art Affect Child Development?
  • Does Early Child Care Affect Children’s Development?
  • How Can Transitions Affect a Child Development?
  • Does Early Child Care Attendance Influence Children’s Cognitive and Non-cognitive Skill Development?
  • How Do Classroom Environments Affect Child Development?
  • Does Early Child Care Help or Hurt Children’s Development?
  • How Do Developmental Psychologists Think About Family Process and Child Development in Low-Income Families?
  • Does Early Maternal Employment Harm Child Development?
  • How Can Disability Effect Child Development?
  • Does Maternal Involvement Harm Child Development?
  • How Does Autism Affect the Development of a Child?
  • Does the Environment Have a Positive, Negative, or Any Effect at All on Child Development?
  • How Does Early Childhood Attachment Affect Child Development?
  • What Are the Three Stages of Child Development?
  • How Does Media Affect a Child’s Development?
  • How Do Family Dynamics Affect the Growth of a Child?
  • What Contribution Did Jean Piaget Make to the Understanding of Child Development?
  • How Does Parenting Styles Influence a Child’s Development?
  • Why Playing Is an Important Part of Development in Child?
  • How Does Stress Affect Child Development?
  • Why Do Psychologists Conduct Research on Child Development?
  • How Can Drugs Affect the Health and Physical Development of a Child?
  • Does Social Inequality Affect Child Development?
  • How Do Genetics Affect Child Development?
  • Does Excess Television Viewing Affect Child Development?
  • How Can Sexual Child Abuse Effect the Child’s Psychological Development?
  • Coping Mechanisms for Children during a Divorce
  • Cognitive Advantages of Growing up Multilingual
  • Gender-Neutral Perspectives on Child Development
  • The Importance of Outdoor Play in Children’s Health
  • Adverse Effects of Childhood Trauma on Brain Development
  • The Effects of Socioeconomic Status on Child Development
  • Genetic Predisposition vs. Environmental Factors in Child Development
  • The Impact of Early Childhood Education on Cognitive and Social Development
  • How different Parenting Styles Influence Children’s Emotional Intelligence
  • How Early Intervention Programs Promote Positive Child Development Outcomes
  • Understanding Child-Parent Relationships through Attachment Theory
  • How Early Childhood Experiences Impact Emotional Development
  • Effective Treatment Approaches for Child Anxiety and Depression
  • Applications of Play Therapy in Child Psychology
  • Five Perspectives of Children’s Development Child development is the process that continues from the child’s birth to early adulthood and includes the formation of the human psyche in general.
  • The Influence of Peer Relationships on Social Development in Children
  • Language Development in Infants and Toddlers
  • Bullying and its Psychological Effects on Children
  • The Effects of Technology on Child Development
  • Implications Nature and Nurture on Child Temperament
  • The Role of Play in Supporting Children’s Emotional Growth

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early childhood education argumentative essay

A New Vision for High-Quality Preschool Curriculum

A high-quality preschool education can foster critical development and learning that promotes joyful, affirming, and enriching learning opportunities that prepare children for success in school and life. While preschool programs generally provide emotionally supportive environments, their curricula often fall short in advancing learning in math, early literacy, and science, and lack the necessary support for multilingual learners emerging bilingualism. Additionally, access to high-quality, effective early learning experiences may be limited and inadequate based on factors such as a childs race, location, gender, language, identified disability, and socioeconomic status.

A New Vision for High-Quality Preschool Curriculum examines preschool curriculum quality for children from ages three to five, with special attention to the needs of Black and Latine children, multilingual learners, children with disabilities and children experiencing poverty in the United States. The report articulates a vision for high-quality preschool curricula for all children, grounded in an equity and justice-oriented principles from inception to implementation and evaluation.

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  • Issue Brief: Early Childhood Organizations and Educators
  • Issue Brief: Funders
  • Issue Brief: Policymakers
  • Issue Brief: Curriculum Developers and Publishers

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Understanding Prepubescence: a Journey through Early Childhood Education

This essay delves into the vital yet often overlooked stage of human development known as prepubescence, covering the ages of six to twelve. It emphasizes the significance of this period in laying the groundwork for a child’s physical, cognitive, social, and emotional growth. The essay highlights how children in this phase experience steady physical development, enhance motor skills, and absorb information rapidly, contributing to their cognitive advancements. Socially and emotionally, it’s a time of forming complex relationships and developing self-awareness, with a heavy influence from parents and the immediate environment. The essay also addresses the challenges faced during this stage, including academic and social pressures, and the emergence of issues like bullying and self-esteem. Overall, the essay underscores the importance of understanding and nurturing children in prepubescence, recognizing it as a crucial period for shaping their future well-being and resilience, and preparing them for the challenges of adolescence and adulthood. More free essay examples are accessible at PapersOwl about Early Childhood Education.

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Prepubescence, often overshadowed by its more dramatic successor, adolescence, is a fascinating and crucial stage in human development. Typically covering the years from about six to twelve, this phase is more than just a prelude to teenage angst and hormonal surges. It’s a period of profound growth, learning, and exploration, where the foundations of a person’s character and abilities are laid down. Let’s delve into this less-discussed but equally important stage of life, exploring what makes it so unique and vital.

Firstly, prepubescence is characterized by physical growth that’s steady but less visible compared to the rapid changes seen in infancy and later in adolescence. Kids in this stage are refining their motor skills, gaining strength, coordination, and endurance. It’s the golden era of physical play – running, jumping, climbing, and exploring the physical limits of their bodies. This physical development goes hand in hand with cognitive advancements. Their brains are like sponges, absorbing information at an astonishing rate. They’re developing critical thinking skills, understanding more complex concepts, and beginning to see the world from perspectives other than their own.

Socially and emotionally, this stage is a playground of development. Kids start to form more complex friendships and begin to understand and navigate the social structures around them. It’s a time when they’re figuring out their place in the world, developing their sense of self and self-esteem. Conflicts with peers start to arise, and they learn vital life skills like negotiation, empathy, and cooperation. What’s unique about this stage is that while they’re becoming more independent and developing their personalities, they’re still heavily influenced by their parents and immediate environment. This makes it a critical time for positive role models and nurturing surroundings.

One of the most significant aspects of prepubescence is the development of emotional and psychological resilience. This stage is when children start to face more structured challenges, whether in school or in their social lives. They’re learning how to cope with failure, manage stress, and develop problem-solving skills. This emotional growth is crucial as it lays the groundwork for how they’ll handle the tumultuous teenage years and beyond. It’s also a period where interests and hobbies start to take root, potentially shaping future passions and career paths.

But it’s not all smooth sailing. Prepubescence can also come with its challenges. For instance, the pressure to perform academically and socially can start to mount. Issues like bullying, struggles with self-esteem, and the need for peer acceptance become more prominent. As much as it’s a time of growth and discovery, it’s also a period where vulnerabilities can be exposed, making it essential for parents, teachers, and caregivers to provide the right mix of support, guidance, and freedom.

In conclusion, prepubescence is a pivotal stage in human development, deserving of as much attention and understanding as any other. It’s a time of significant physical, cognitive, social, and emotional growth, where the foundations for future well-being and success are laid. While it may lack the drama of adolescence, it’s a period where the subtleties of development are at play, shaping a child’s journey towards becoming a well-rounded, resilient individual. As we reflect on this stage, it’s vital to recognize the importance of nurturing environments, positive role models, and the space for exploration and failure. Understanding and supporting children through this stage is not just about guiding them through their current challenges but about setting them up for a healthy, fulfilling life ahead.

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The Life of O.J. Simpson: A Timeline

He was a football star, actor, commercial pitchman, and a defendant in a gruesome double murder whose trial gripped the nation.

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early childhood education argumentative essay

By Victor Mather

O.J. Simpson, who died on Wednesday at 76 , lived a life that made him one of the most famous people in America, as well as, at various times, the most celebrated and most reviled.

A Heisman Trophy winner when he played football at the University of Southern California, he reached superstar status as a running back with the Buffalo Bills. As a commercial pitchman and a Hollywood actor, he became a household name across much of America.

But fame turned to infamy when he was charged in the 1994 double murder of his former wife and her friend. He was acquitted after a trial that riveted the nation.

Here is a look at a man who never seemed to stop making news, for good and ill.

Heisman Trophy Winner

Mr. Simpson, who was born in San Francisco in 1947, first came to the attention of many Americans as a football star at the University of Southern California. In his two years playing for the Trojans, he was the game’s best running back, and tallied 33 touchdowns.

As a junior in 1967, he was the runner-up for the Heisman Trophy as the college game’s best player, then won the award in 1968, his second and final year at U.S.C.

Professional Stardom

Mr. Simpson was drafted first overall by the Buffalo Bills in 1969, and by his fourth season he was a superstar. In 1973, he ran for 2,003 yards , which stood as a record for more than a decade, and won the N.F.L.’s Most Valuable Player Award; he was in the Top 5 in M.V.P. voting three other times as well.

He became known as the Juice, and his talent and likability propelled him to even greater notoriety. His on-field accomplishments and fame were all the more impressive given that he seldom played for good teams; his only playoff game, a loss, came in 1974.

He retired in 1979 after playing his final two seasons for the San Francisco 49ers.

Even those who knew little about football got to know the Juice as he began appearing in television advertisements, notably a series of ads for Hertz starting in 1975, in which he dashed through airports on his way to get his rental car. “Nobody has more of what it takes to rent you a Fairmont, Mustang, LTD or other fine car faster,” he said in one ad .

He also tried his hand at announcing, including a stretch from 1983 to 1985 on “Monday Night Football.”

Hollywood Calls

Mr. Simpson began appearing in television and movie roles even as his football career continued, including some big budget projects like “The Towering Inferno” in 1974, in which he played the building’s chief of security, and the blockbuster mini-series “Roots” in 1977.

His biggest success, though, came in the three “Naked Gun” films, in which he played Detective Nordberg. In a running series of gags, Nordberg was continuously injured, often in scenes played for broad laughs. In one particularly memorable scene , at the end of the first film, Nordberg is seen flying down stadium steps in a wheelchair before being catapulted off a ledge and flipping into the air.

Divorce and Reports of Abuse

The prosecution in Mr. Simpson’s murder trial said he abused his second wife , Nicole Brown Simpson, whom he married in 1985, throughout their relationship.

The abuse left Ms. Simpson bruised and terrified, but the police rarely took substantive action. After one call to the authorities, on New Year’s Day, 1989, officers found her badly beaten and half-naked, hiding in the bushes outside their home. “He’s going to kill me!” she sobbed. Mr. Simpson pleaded no contest to a charge of spousal abuse ; he was sentenced to probation and community service, and was ordered to pay a fine.

The confrontations continued after the couple divorced in 1992. On Oct. 25, 1993, Ms. Simpson called the police again. “He’s back,” she told a 911 operator, and officers once more intervened.

June 12, 1994

Nicole Brown Simpson and Ronald Goldman Are Murdered

Ms. Simpson and her friend Ronald L Goldman, were stabbed to death at her home in Los Angeles on June 12, 1994.

Mr. Simpson was questioned and charged with murder. But he did not turn himself in initially. Instead, five days after the killings, he led the police on a bizarre, hourslong low-speed chase in a white 1993 Ford Bronco driven by his friend and former teammate Al Cowlings. The chase was shown live on nearly every television network, even pre-empting the N.B.A. Finals.

‘The Trial of the Century’

Mr. Simpson’s trial lasted for nine months and gripped the nation for all that time. Multiple television networks broadcast the trial every day, and minor figures, like Kato Kaelin, who was staying in Mr. Simpson’s guesthouse at the time of the killings, became celebrities.

In one of the most riveting moments, Mr. Simpson was asked to try on bloody gloves found at the crime scene. Mr. Simpson claimed the gloves were too tight; his lawyer Johnnie L. Cochran Jr. alluded to this in his closing argument, saying, “If it doesn’t fit, you must acquit.”

The verdict, despite significant DNA and other evidence, was not guilty on both counts. The result divided Americans: A majority felt it was a miscarriage of justice and continued to assume that Mr. Simpson was guilty, while some, including many Black Americans, believed the verdict to be justified.

Civil Judgment

After the acquittal, the parents of Ms. Simpson and Mr. Goldman filed a wrongful-death lawsuit against Mr. Simpson. The jury found Mr. Simpson liable and ordered him to pay more than $30 million.

But Mr. Simpson said that his no longer having acting and endorsement work meant he was broke. The families ultimately received only a small fraction of the judgment.

Theft Charges and Prison

Mr. Simpson and several other men entered a hotel room in Las Vegas in 2007; Mr. Simpson claimed they were seeking sports memorabilia that had been stolen from him. A gun was brandished.

Mr. Simpson was arrested and in 2008 and was found guilty of armed robbery and kidnapping. He was released on parole in 2017 after serving nine years of a 33-year sentence.

Release and Later Life

Upon his release from prison in 2017, Mr. Simpson settled in Florida and led what was, for him, a relatively low-key life. He played a lot of golf and posted videos regularly on Twitter, generally opening with “It’s me, yours truly,” offering thoughts on professional sports and frequently urging his 800,000 followers to get vaccinated against the coronavirus.

In his final post , on Feb. 11, Mr. Simpson, as usual looking relaxed, spoke optimistically about his health and incorrectly predicted that the 49ers would win the Super Bowl.

An earlier version of a picture caption with this article referred incorrectly to a glove that was an important piece of evidence in Mr. Simpson’s murder trial. It was not a golf glove.

How we handle corrections

Victor Mather covers sports as well as breaking news for The Times. More about Victor Mather

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