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The Oxford Handbook of Political Ideologies

The Oxford Handbook of Political Ideologies

Professor Michael Freeden, Mansfield College, Oxford University

Professor Marc Stears, University College, Oxford University

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This Handbook offers a comprehensive analysis of both the nature of political ideologies and their main manifestations. The diversity of ideology studies is represented by a range of theories that illuminate the field, combined with an appreciation of the changing complexity of concrete ideologies and the emergence of new ones. The Handbook is divided into three sections: The first reflects some of the latest thinking about the development of ideology on an historical dimension, from the standpoints of conceptual history, Marx studies, social science theory and history, and leading schools of continental philosophy. The second includes some of the most recent interpretations and theories of ideology. The third focuses on the leading ideological families and traditions, as well as on some of their cultural and geographical manifestations, incorporating both historical and contemporary perspectives.

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Political ideologies : an introduction

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Introduction: Ideologies in World Politics

  • First Online: 03 September 2020

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political ideology essay pdf

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Part of the book series: Staat – Souveränität – Nation ((SSN))

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The chapter offers an introduction to the book by defining and problematizing the concepts of ideology and world politics. It also briefly introduces the individual contributions and shows the connections between them.

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Aron, Raymond. 1995 . L’Opium des intellectuels , Paris: Calmann-Levy.

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Bell, Daniel. 1960. The End of Ideology: On the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties . New York: Free Press of Glencoe.

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Giesen, KG. (2020). Introduction: Ideologies in World Politics. In: Giesen, KG. (eds) Ideologies in World Politics. Staat – Souveränität – Nation. Springer VS, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-30512-3_1

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Learning Objectives

By the end of this section, you will be able to:

  • Identify key ideologies or theories in political philosophy, such as conservatism, liberalism, egalitarianism, socialism, and anarchism.
  • Discuss distributive justice within political ideologies.
  • Demonstrate how alienation continues to be a problem for workers in modern industrial societies.

When Bernie Sanders, the American senator from Vermont, ran for president of the United States in 2016 as a democratic socialist, he set off an intense debate in the country. What exactly was democratic socialism? This was a debate about political ideologies, or people’s beliefs about how a society should be run. Ideology can shape policies and laws, as the individuals holding office and positions of authority and the people who elect them are often influenced by ideological beliefs. This section looks at some key ideologies that have influenced how people think about their rights and the responsibilities of government.

Distributive Justice

One of the important differences among the ideologies examined below is how they approach the question of distributive justice. Distributive justice can be seen as a moral framework made up of principles that seek to ensure the greatest amount of fairness with respect to distributions of wealth, goods, and services (Olsaretti 2018). However, there is much debate surrounding what amounts to fairness. Is a just society one that provides for its members, allocating resources based on need, or is it one that allows for the greatest amount of personal freedom, even if that means that some members are radically better off than others? Furthermore, given that individuals begin at varying positions of social and economic status, should a society focus on meeting the needs of its disadvantaged members even if that results in an unequal distribution of goods, or should there be as little governmental interference as possible?

It is tempting to see distributive justice as a theoretical moral concern. However, views on what constitute basic needs, what resources should be considered public versus private, and whether or not there should be restrictions on the free market have real, practical ramifications when considered by governing bodies. Given this, it is important to keep in mind the role that principles of distributive justice play in the ideologies discussed below.

Conservatism

Conservativism is a political theory that favors institutions and practices that have demonstrated their value over time and provided sufficient evidence that they are worth preserving and promoting. Conservatism sees the role of government as serving society rather than controlling it and advocates gradual change in the social order, if and when necessary.

Edmund Burke and the French Revolution

Modern conservatism begins with the 18th-century Irish political theorist Edmund Burke (1729–1797), who opposed the French Revolution and whose Reflections on the French Revolution (1790) served as an inspiration for the development of a conservative political philosophy (Viereck et al. 2021). Shocked by the violence of the French Revolution, Burke advocated against radical revolution that destroyed functioning institutions that, though flawed, served a purpose. However, Burke supported the American Revolution because the colonists had already established political institutions, such as courts and administrations, and were taking the next gradual step: asking Britain to let them run these institutions on their own.

A drawing of Edmund Burke shows him seated beside a desk.

Figure 11.7 The Irish political thinker Edmund Burke is credited with developing the theories that form the basis of modern conservatism. (credit: “Edmund Burke” by Duyckinick, Evert A. Portrait Gallery of Eminent Men and Women in Europe and America. New York: Johnson, Wilson & Company, 1873. p. 159/Wikimedia, Public Domain)

Fundamental Principles

Conservatives such as Burke are not opposed to reform, but they are wary of challenges to existing systems that have generally held up well. They believe that any sudden change is likely to lead to instability and greater insecurity. Moreover, conservatives are not against redistribution of resources, especially when it serves to alleviate severe poverty. However, they believe that such actions are best carried out at a local level (as opposed to a state or national level) by those who understand the needs of the individual community. Finally, conservatives are staunch supporters of property rights and oppose any system of reform that challenges them. Property rights serve as a check on governmental power and are seen as an essential part of a stable society (Moseley n.d.). As such, conservatism aligns with some principles of liberalism.

Conservatism maintains that human nature is fundamentally flawed and that we are driven more by selfish desires than by empathy and concern for others. Therefore, it is the job of social institutions such as church and school to teach self-discipline, and it is the job of the government to protect the established, fundamental values of society. Along with this rather Hobbesian view of humankind and belief in the preservation of historical traditions, conservatives believe that weaknesses in institutions and morals will become apparent over time and that they will either be forced to evolve, be discarded, or be gradually reformed (Moseley n.d.).

Liberalism in political philosophy does not have the same meaning as the word liberal in popular American discourse. For Americans, liberal means someone who believes in representative democracy and is politically left of center. For example, liberals generally favor regulating the activities of corporations and providing social welfare programs for the working and middle classes. Liberalism as a political philosophy, however, has quite a different emphasis.

Fundamental Principle of Liberty

British philosopher John Stuart Mill (1806–1873) expresses the fundamental principles of liberalism in his work On Liberty (1859), arguing for limited government on the grounds of utility. His interest is in “Civil, or Social Liberty: the nature and limits of the power which can be legitimately exercised by society over the individual” (Mill [1869] 2018). In this regard, he defends “one very simple principle,” which is the minimizing of government interference in people’s lives:

The sole end for which mankind are warranted, individually or collectively, in interfering with the liberty of action of any of their number, is self-protection. . . . The only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilized community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others. His own good, either physical or moral, is not a sufficient warrant. (Mill [1869] 2018)

In Mill’s view, real freedom is when people are able to pursue their own individual idea of “the good” in a manner they see fit. Mill’s claim is at the heart of most variants of liberalism.

Positive and Negative Liberty

We are at liberty when we are neither constrained to act nor obligated to refrain from acting in a certain way. At least since Isaiah Berlin’s (1905–1997) “Two Concepts of Liberty” (1958), this sort of liberty has been called negative liberty . Berlin, a British political theorist, suggests that negative liberty is “the area within which a man can act unobstructed by others” (Berlin 1969, 122). Negative liberty in the political realm often refers to the absence of government control over the lives of individuals, or in what we are reasonably able to do without interference. Conversely, Berlin thinks of positive liberty as “the wish on the part of the individual to be his own master” (131). We want our life decisions to depend on ourselves and not on external forces. “I wish to be the instrument of my own, not of other men’s, acts of will,” says Berlin (131). The ability to participate in democratic institutions, for example, is a form of positive liberty.

The Welfare State and Social Justice

Some theorists hold that negative liberty has limits when it comes to how much liberty, in practice, a person has at their disposal. The theory of justice that sees individuals as having claims on resources and care from others is often called welfare liberalism . Such theorists are not in favor of limited government and believe that the well-being of citizens must be a vital component of our agreement to obey a government. American philosopher John Rawls (1921–2002) famously makes this argument in his seminal book A Theory of Justice (1971), in which he attempts to articulate an account of fairness that satisfies our intuition that human freedom and social welfare are both important.

Rawls begins with the idea that society is a system of cooperation for mutual advantage. Given the fact of today’s pluralistic societies, people reasonably disagree about many important issues, which means we must find a way to live peaceably together with our differences and collectively determine our political institutions. In addition, Rawls believes that there are deep inequalities embedded in any basic social structure, which result from the fact that we are all born into different positions and have different expectations of life, largely determined by the political, economic, and social circumstances that attend those positions. Therefore, Rawls says, we must find a way to distance ourselves from our own particular concepts of such ideas as justice, the good, and religion and begin with relatively uncontroversial facts about human psychology and economics. We should then imagine ourselves in an “original position” behind the “ veil of ignorance ”; that is, we should imagine we do not know any facts about our personal circumstances, such as our economic status, our access to education and health services, or whether we have any talents or abilities that would be beneficial to us (Rawls 1999, 11). We also remain ignorant of any social factors such as our gender, race, class, and so forth. Because Rawls assumes that no one wants to live in a society in which they are disadvantaged, operating from this position offers the greatest chance of arranging a society in a way that is as fair and equitable as possible. For instance, we would not support a system that forbade all left-handed individuals from voting because we ourselves might fall into that group.

Rawls argues that two major principles should govern society. First, the “liberty principle” states that each person has an equal right to the same basic, adequate liberties. Basic liberties are liberties such as freedom of speech, freedom to hold property, and freedom of assembly. Second, the “difference principle” states that any social and economic inequalities must satisfy two conditions: (1) they must be attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of “fair equality of opportunity,” and (2) they must be to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged members of society. Note that Rawls is not advocating for an equal distribution of goods or advantages; rather, he says that any distribution of goods or power that is not equal can further disadvantage already disadvantaged individuals. His goal is to create a society that seeks to address inherent structural inequalities as well as possible (Rawls 1999, 13).

Egalitarianism

Rawls’s theory of justice has much in common with egalitarian theories. The term egalitarianism refers to a broad family of views that gives primary place to equality. The root egal (from the French) means “equal.” Egalitarian theories assert that all individuals should enjoy equal status and moral worth and that any legitimate system of government should reflect this value. More specifically, egalitarian theories do not argue that all individuals should be treated exactly the same; rather, they insist that individuals are all deserving of rights, including civil, social, and political rights.

Some theorists argue that equality of opportunity for welfare, meaning equality of opportunity to obtain resources, is the most important type of equality. In addition to resources, equality of opportunity includes a consideration of how individuals have acquired certain advantages. For example, nepotism (giving opportunities based on familial connections) and biases based on personal traits such as gender or race interfere with an individual’s ability to compete for resources. Any society that seeks a truly level playing field needs to contend with these issues.

One way to examine equality is to look at what individuals are able to do. The Indian economist Amartya Sen popularized a framework now known as the capability approach , which emphasizes the importance of providing resources to match individual need. This approach creates opportunities for each person to pursue what they need to live a flourishing life. An example of the capability approach is basic income, in which a city, state, or country might combat poverty by awarding everyone below a certain income level $1,000 per month.

A photograph shows Amartya Kumar Sen standing with India's 13th prime minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh.

The capability approach advocates “treating each person as an end” and “focus[ing] on choice and freedom rather than achievements” (Robeyns and Byskov 2021). According to American philosopher Martha Nussbaum (b. 1947), the capability approach would improve both justice outcomes and quality of life. She argues that a certain number of resources are necessary to enjoy a basic set of positive capabilities that all humans possess. Thus, each individual should be provided with those resources so that their life is not “so impoverished that it is not worthy of the dignity of a human being” (Nussbaum 2000, 72). What is beneficial about the capability approach is that it recognizes and respects the diverse needs of individuals based on different experiences and circumstances.

Listen to philosopher Martha Nussbaum discuss how the capabilities approach aids in creating a positive quality of life.

Martha Nussbaum

Click to view content

Rather than look to the individual, the often confused triad of socialism, Marxism, and communism examines inequality from an economic perspective. While socialism and communism both seek to address inequalities in goods and resources, socialism says that goods and resources should be owned and managed by the public and allocated based on the needs of the community rather than controlled solely by the state. A socialist system allows for the ownership of private property while relegating most control over basic resources to the government. Sometimes, as with democratic socialism, this is done through the democratic process, with the result that public resources, such as national parks, libraries, and welfare services, are controlled by a government of elected representatives.

Concepts of Socialism

Critique of Capital

While what are commonly called “Marxist ideals” did not originate solely with Karl Marx, he is responsible for coauthoring perhaps the most famous treatise criticizing capitalism, The Communist Manifesto (1848), and laying out a vision of a yet-unrealized true communist society. As such, it is important to examine his ideas in more detail.

Marx is critical of the private accumulation of capital , which he defines as money and commodities. Stockpiling of capital allows for private accumulation of power. Marx holds that the value of an object is determined by the socially necessary amount of labor used in the production of that object. In a capitalist system, labor is also a commodity, and the worker exchanges their work for a subsistence wage. In Marx’s view, workers’ labor in fact creates surplus value, for which they are not paid and which is claimed by the capitalist. Thus, the worker does not receive full value for their labor.

Marx identifies several kinds of alienation that result from the commodification of labor. To illustrate this, imagine some factory workers who have recently moved to a large city. Prior to the move, they lived in a small village, where they worked as furniture makers. They were responsible for each stage of the production, from imagining the design to obtaining the materials and creating the product. They sold the product and kept the profits of their labor. Now, however, they work on an assembly line, where they are responsible for producing a small part of an overall product. They are alienated both from the product and from their own productive nature because they have no hand in the product’s design and are involved in only a small part of its construction. They begin to see their labor, and by extension themselves, as a commodity to be sold.

The result of selling their labor is that they begin to see others as commodities as well. They begin to identify people not by who they are but by what they have accumulated and their worth as a product. In this way, they become alienated from themselves and from others, seeing them always as potential competition. For Marx, this leads to a sense of despair that is filled with material goods, thus solidifying the worker in their dependence on the capitalist system.

While the idea of negative liberty decries unnecessary government intervention in people’s lives, anarchism literally means “no ruler” or “no government.” The absence of a political authority conjures an image of the state of nature imagined by Thomas Hobbes—that is, a state of chaos. Anarchists, however, believe that disorder comes from government. According to this view, rational individuals mostly desire to live peaceful lives, free of government intervention, and this desire naturally leads them to create societies and institutions built on the principles of self-governance.

Motivations for Anarchism

One defense of anarchism is that governments do things that would be impermissible for private individuals. French philosopher Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809–1865) observes that governments monitor citizens’ activities and attempt to control their behavior through force. The more technology governments have, the greater their attempts to control people. Proudhon ([1849] 2012) observes that such treatment is against human dignity.

Proudhonian anarchists are aware of the argument that people may have consented to give up some of their power to the government (as people do in a representative democracy, for example), which means that they must accept the treatment they receive. Yet Proudhon would deny that there is any example in history of a just government. Lysander Spooner (1808–1887), the 19th-century anarchist, says that all governments have come into existence through force and maintain their existence through force (Spooner 1870). Thus, some defend anarchism on the grounds that governments violate human rights.

Limits of Anarchism

Criticisms of anarchy are often twofold. The first is that without an organized police force, society would be unable to control outbreaks of violence. A related concern is that without a judicial system to arbitrate disputes and mete out justice, any resolution would be arbitrary. Anarchists, on the other hand, claim that most incidents of violence are the result of socioeconomic imbalances that would be resolved if the government were dismantled. Social anarchism, for instance, points to community involvement and mutual exchange of goods and services as a solution (Fiala 2021).

Yet some people associate anarchism with political violence, and in fact, some anarchists see violence as an unavoidable result of clashes with a violent and oppressive government. One of the most famous anarchists, Emma Goldman (1869–1940), wrote in her essay “The Psychology of Political Violence,” “Such acts are the violent recoil from violence, whether aggressive or repressive; they are the last desperate struggle of outraged and exasperated human nature for breathing space and life” (1917). However, many anarchists favor nonviolent tactics and civil disobedience, such as protests and the creation of autonomous zones, as opposed to political violence (Fiala 2018).

A photograph shows Emma Goldman sitting on a bench in a street car. Two men are sitting next to her on the bench.

Anarchism and Feminism

Within anarchism, anarcha-feminism seeks to fight against gendered concepts that create inequity. Traditional gender roles only serve to cement unequal power distribution and further the class divide. Particularly, traditional concepts of women’s role in the domestic sphere mirror the depersonalization of the worker, with the woman seen as an extension of the home and domestic labor, rather than an independent autonomous person. It is worth noting that anarcha-feminism is in direct opposition to Proudhon, who believed that family was an essential aspect of society and that the traditional role of women within the family was necessary for its success (Proudhon 1875).

The author and poet bell hooks believes that the concerns driving anarchism can provide a motivation for current social action. She notes that the gaps between the rich and the poor are widening in the United States and that because of the “feminization of poverty” (by which she means the inequality in living standards due to gender pay disparity), a grassroots radical feminist movement is needed “that can build on the strength of the past, including the positive gains generated by reforms, while offering meaningful interrogation of existing feminist theory that was simply wrongminded while offering us new strategies” (hooks 2000, 43). She sees such a “visionary movement” (43) as grounded in the real-life conditions experienced by working-class and impoverished women.

Feminists historically have had to fight to make space for themselves within anarchist movements. The Spanish female collective Mujeres Libres formed during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) in reaction to what they saw as a dismissal of women’s issues by the anarchist movement. Members of Mujeres Libres sought to support female activists and improve the lives of working-class women through literacy drives, employment programs, and child care facilities in both neighborhoods and factories (Ackelsberg 1985). These and other initiatives that focused on creating opportunities for women helped develop a sense of social engagement and foster a desire for social change.

A headshot of Lucia Sanchez Saornil is placed over a photograph of a building that was destroyed by a bomb. The building shell is visible on the sides of the photograph, and rubble from the building is visible below the photograph.

Table 11.2 summarizes the political ideologies discussed in this chapter.

Table 11.2 Political Ideologies

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Political Philosophies and Political Ideologies

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This paper contrasts five contemporary political philosophies – neutralism, postmodernism, pluralism, anarchism, and patriotism – and argues that the latter is superior. This is because of how patriotism relates to the various political ideologies, including liberalism, conservatism, socialism, nationalism, feminism, and so on. A new, patriotic conception of the political spectrum is then advanced, one based on how people should respond to conflict: those on the left would have us do so with conversation; those in the centre with negotiation; and those on the right with force. This is a new version of the paper originally published in Public Affairs Quarterly 15, no. 3 (July 2001): 193–217; and as chapter 1 of my Patriotic Elaborations: Essays in Practical Philosophy (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2009).

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Modern political and moral philosophy, like modern philosophy more generally, is characterized by a continuing epistemological debate about its own status. In this paper, I explain why these debates have been so important and why pragmatism promises to let us finally put them behind us. My claim is that the political and moral positions most characteristic of modernity have all adopted epistemological strategies that, in different ways, combine skepticism and foundationalism. At the same time, these views suppose that correct political practice is heavily dependent on a political community attaining a broad consensus on the correct theory. Modern politics is thus, in one way or another, always an ideological form of politics, that is, a politics that aims to realize a highly theoretical view of an ideal form of human life. The founders of liberalism adopted a skeptical view about questions of religion and the human good in order to defend human freedom and equality. But they also adopted a foundationalist view of moral reasoning about questions of rights and / or utility. Some critics of the early liberals, such as Hegelians and Marxists, have gone even further in calling for political life to reflect the correct theoretical understanding of humanity and nature. Moreover, they have held that the progress of history will inevitably lead to an ideal politics based upon the correct theory. Philosophers working in some other schools of modern political and moral thought—such as Romantics, Existentialists, and Post-modernists—have complained that the foundationalism of liberalism constrains human freedom and undermines equality. And they have rejected the vision of historical progress of Hegel and Marx. They have tipped the balance to skepticism, often in a relativist or historicist form. However, in doing so, I suggest, they remained implicitly committed to a foundationalist view of reason. And most of these schools of thought remain committed to the idea that a good political community will be impossible unless most of its members come to accept certain theoretical truths, if only those of relativism or historicism. Pragmatism is typically thought of, or presented as, a skeptical or historicist view. This, for example, is Richard Rorty’s view of pragmatism. I argue, however, that properly understood, pragmatism transcends the debate between skepticism or historicism and foundationalism. On my view, a pragmatic philosophy legitimates the broadest range of political and moral theory both about the questions moderns often do not like to talk about—the human good and God—and those that they do like to talk about—rights, utility and tolerance. Pragmatists are not committed to skepticism but to fallibilism, the view that, with only a few exceptions, there are no theories or beliefs whose truth is unquestionable. I will argue that fallibilism, and the procedural account of rationality it leads to, provides the most powerful argument for freedom, equality, and democracy. This argument is very different, however, from that found in most versions of modern and post-modern political and moral theory. For it rests not on skepticism about reasoning about the good and God but, rather, on the possibility of such reasoning. At the same time, the fallibilism and proceduralism of pragmatism leads us to a vision of a free, egalitarian, and democratic community. Such a community, I suggest, can live and prosper without any but the most minimal theoretical consensus. Indeed, I argue that a pragmatic politics will be an agonistic politics. Pragmatism legitimates democratic political struggles of the deepest sorts as well as the broadest range of outcomes, provided that the minimal constraints of procedural rationality are respected in these disputes. Thus, pragmatism (re-)opens old possibilities for political and moral theory while diminishing the central role of theory in guiding political life. It encourages theoretically engaged efforts to improve our political community without insisting that political and social reform and renewal requires ideological direction or agreement. It is open to historical development and change while denying that we can know that history will take a particular path. Pragmatism limits the roles of theory, ideology, and history in our communal life. In their place, it calls for political debate and engagement, without any expectation of, or necessity for, agreement and consensus. This, I suggest at the end of the paper, is a political philosophy appropriate for the diverse, yet global, society that is emerging as we approach the new millennium.

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    political ideology essay pdf

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  1. Introduction to Political Ideologies

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  3. विचारधारा का अंत |End of ideology|PG sem1 paper 3 Political Theory|BA|VBU & other universities notes

  4. Political theory: An introduction ।+2 1st year political science Chapter 1 in Odia medium ।

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  6. Political Ideology meaning nature and scope || राजनीतिक विचारधारा क्या है ?

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  1. PDF WHAT IS IDEOLOGY?

    Abstract. Political ideology has been a confusing topic for social analysts, and those who. attempted to eschew judgmental reductions of others' conceptions and develop a non-polemical. political psychology found ideology behaving in ways that defeated their theories of political. reasoning.

  2. (PDF) Political Ideology: Its Structure, Functions, and Elective Affinities

    Abstract and Figures. Ideology has re-emerged as an important topic of inquiry among social, personality, and political psychologists. In this review, we examine recent theory and research ...

  3. (PDF) The role of ideology in politics and society

    Ideology is . . . a system of definite views, ideas, conceptions, and notions adhered. to by some class or political party. [Ideology] is always a reflection of the economic. system predominant ...

  4. Political Ideologies: An Introduction by Andrew Heywood

    The book is particularly relevant for first and second year undergraduate teaching, and can be used to structure a whole course on political ideologies covering traditional ideologies (conservatism, socialism, liberalism, anarchism and fascism) as well as concepts which have developed into concrete ideologies more recently (multiculturalism ...

  5. PDF Ideology in Politics: An Essay in Analysis

    This thesis is an attempt to examine the nature of ideological. thought, and the way in which the concept of ideology is used in. politics. A short survey of the concept introduces the topic. The. concept is then treated in terms of epistemology, the sociology of. .knowledge, nationalism, and political theory and doctrine.

  6. (PDF) Political Ideology: Its Structure, Functions, and Elective

    THE DIMENSIONAL STRUCTURE OF POLITICAL ATTITUDES One of the perennial questions asked by social and political psychologists concerns the structure of ideology, that is, the manner and extent to which political attitudes are cognitively organized according to one or more dimensions of preference or judgment (e.g., Converse 2006, Duckitt 2001 ...

  7. [PDF] Political ideology: its structure, functions, and elective

    This review examines recent theory and research concerning the structure, contents, and functions of ideological belief systems and considers the consequences of ideology, especially with respect to attitudes, evaluations, and processes of system justification. Ideology has re-emerged as an important topic of inquiry among social, personality, and political psychologists. In this review, we ...

  8. The Oxford Handbook of Political Ideologies

    Abstract. This Handbook offers a comprehensive analysis of both the nature of political ideologies and their main manifestations. The diversity of ideology studies is represented by a range of theories that illuminate the field, combined with an appreciation of the changing complexity of concrete ideologies and the emergence of new ones.

  9. Political ideologies : an introduction : Heywood, Andrew : Free

    Political ideologies : an introduction by Heywood, Andrew. Publication date 1998 Topics Political science, Right and left (Political science), Ideology Publisher ... Pdf_module_version 0.0.20 Ppi 300 Rcs_key 24143 Republisher_date 20201210191933 Republisher_operator [email protected] ...

  10. PDF American Political Ideology in Comparative Perspective

    This course examines key elements of American political ideology from the colonial era to the twenty-first century, alongside selected non-American texts. With the exception of the first week, the reading consists entirely of primary materials. Requirements: two in-class presentations of the week's readings (to be prepared with at least one ...

  11. PDF Introduction: Ideologies in World Politics

    Louis Claude Destutt de Tracy conceived of ideology in his essay Les éléments de l'idéologie (rst volume published in 1803) as a kind of natural science of sys-tems of ideas. Ideology as originally intended was a means to analyze the dog-matic, mythical and irrational value systems of the Ancien Régime, to see through

  12. A systematic review on political ideology and persuasion

    greater antipathy toward the opposing political party than affinity for their own (Ornstein, 2020). Research interest in political ideology is on the rise, and a search for "political ideology" on the Web of Science shows 2340 peer‐reviewed articles published in Social Sciences Citation Index journals between 2017 and 2023. Much of

  13. PDF Ideology and Discourse

    176 Teun A. van Dijk Criical t Discourse udies St Th e approach to ideology presented here may be seen as part of Critical Discourse Studies (CDS, oft en also called Critical Discourse Analysis, CDA), a movement of scholars in the fi eld of Discourse Studies (usually also called Discourse Analysis) interested in the study of the ways social power abuse, such as racism and sexism, is (re ...

  14. (PDF) Ideology in Politics: An Essay in Analysis

    SI SX'1VNV NI xvssa N\f : M)0'10aaI IDEOLOGY IN POLITICS: AN ESSAY IN ANALYSIS By GORDON T. CHURCHILL A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts McMaster University (November) 1968 MASTER OF ARTS (1968) (Political Sci~ne) McMASTER UNIVERSITY Hamilton, Ontario SCOPE AND CONTENTS TITLE: Ideology in Politics ...

  15. A systematic review on political ideology and persuasion

    The selected papers were categorized into three levels at which persuasion operates: self, social, and system. We categorized this way because these three categories emerged as the most frequently occurring levels, as many of the studied persuasive factors pertain to the self (e.g., factors driven by ideological differences in personality characteristics), the social level (e.g., factors ...

  16. PDF Essays on Political Socialization and Polarization

    Essays on Political Socialization and Polarization This dissertation studies the long-term consequences of political so-cialization. In the rst paper, I study socialization under di erent regime types and its implications for democratic consolidation. Using public opin-ion data from transitioning democracies in Sub-Saharan Africa I show that

  17. [PDF] Political discourse and ideology

    Political discourse and ideology. T. V. Dijk. Published 1 June 2003. Political Science. This paper analyses the influence of ideologies on political discourse, in terms not only of content but also of form and interaction, defining ideology in the broadest sense of basic beliefs shared by members of a group and understanding political discourse ...

  18. 11.4: Political Ideologies

    Save as PDF Page ID 162199; Nathan Smith et al. ... Identify key ideologies or theories in political philosophy, such as conservatism, liberalism, egalitarianism, socialism, and anarchism. ... One of the most famous anarchists, Emma Goldman (1869-1940), wrote in her essay "The Psychology of Political Violence," "Such acts are the ...

  19. Full article: Ideology studies and comparative political thought

    All of these are key points of ideological comparison, which can help to organize and orient the comparative treatment of social and political thinking. The aim, therefore, of a comparative morphological approach to ideology studies is to explore the effect of cultural and geographical plurality on the key ideas that populate global social and ...

  20. Ideology, Politics and Economy

    Open PDF in Browser. Add Paper to My Library. Share: ... Politics and Economy - An Empirical Essay on Popular Ideology, Public Politics, and Economic Development. 53 Pages Posted: 30 May 2013 Last revised: 21 Jun 2018. See all articles by Peter Kotzian Peter Kotzian. ... But the evidence for a political route linking ideology and policy is also ...

  21. PDF Political Ideology in Ireland

    of ideology was to take on a syncretic dimension as regards its semantic content to designate notably a cluster of ideas, opinions and beliefs of varied nature (philosophical, economic, religious, political etc.) peculiar to a given era or social group. In the political field, this present-day

  22. (PDF) Political Philosophies and Political Ideologies

    Charles Blattberg. This paper contrasts five contemporary political philosophies - neutralism, postmodernism, pluralism, anarchism, and patriotism - and argues that the latter is superior. This is because of how patriotism relates to the various political ideologies, including liberalism, conservatism, socialism, nationalism, feminism, and ...

  23. PDF Out of Their Heads and Into Their Conversation: Countering Extremist

    Ideology is an evil force, as in Nazi or communist or terrorist ideology. While ideology can be sinister, it can also be benevolent. For example the United States has a democratic ideology that values political participation, representation, and control of government by the people. So at base, ideology is not necessarily good or bad.

  24. uMkhonto we Sizwe (political party)

    uMkhonto weSizwe (English: Spear of the Nation), abbreviated as MK, and often referred to as the MK Party, is a left-wing populist South African political party, founded in December 2023. The party is named after uMkhonto we Sizwe (also shortened to MK), the paramilitary wing of the African National Congress (ANC) which was active during the apartheid regime in South Africa.