effect of online dating essay

Online Dating: A Critical Analysis From the Perspective of Psychological Science

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Although the authors find that online dating sites offer a distinctly different experience than conventional dating, the superiority of these sites is not as evident. Dating sites provide access to more potential partners than do traditional dating methods, but the act of browsing and comparing large numbers of profiles can lead individuals to commoditize potential partners and can reduce their willingness to commit to any one person. Communicating online can foster intimacy and affection between strangers, but it can also lead to unrealistic expectations and disappointment when potential partners meet in real life. Although many dating sites tout the superiority of partner matching through the use of “scientific algorithms,” the authors find that there is little evidence that these algorithms can predict whether people are good matches or will have chemistry with one another.

The authors’ overarching assessment of online dating sites is that scientifically, they just don’t measure up. As online dating matures, however, it is likely that more and more people will avail themselves of these services, and if development — and use — of these sites is guided by rigorous psychological science, they may become a more promising way for people to meet their perfect partners.

Hear author Eli J. Finkel discuss the science behind online dating at the 24th APS Annual Convention .

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Editorial: Online Dating:  The Current Status —and Beyond

By Arthur Aron

I agree wholeheartedly that so-called scientific dating sites are totally off-base. They make worse matches than just using a random site. That’s because their matching criteria are hardly scientific, as far as romance goes. They also have a very small pool of educated, older men, and lots more women. Therefore they often come up with no matches at all, despite the fact that women with many different personality types in that age group have joined. They are an expensive rip-off for many women over 45.

Speaking as someone who was recently “commoditized” by who I thought was a wonderful man I met on a dating site, I find that the types of people who use these services are looking at the wrong metrics when they seek out a prospective love interest. My mother and father had very few hobbies and interests in common, but because they shared the same core values, their love endured a lifetime. When I got dumped because I didn’t share my S.O.’s interests exactly down the line, I realized how dangerous this line of thinking truly is, how it marginalizes people who really want to give and receive love for more important reasons.

I met a few potential love interests online and I never paid for any matching service! I did my own research on people and chatted online within a site to see if we had things in common. If we had a few things in common, we exchanged numbers, texted for a while, eventually spoke on the phone and if things felt right, we’d meet in a public place to talk. If that went well, we would have another date. I am currently with a man I met online and we have been together for two years! We have plans to marry in the future. But there is always the thought that if this doesn’t work out, how long will it take either of us to jump right back online to find the next possible love connection? I myself would probably start looking right away since looking for love online is a lengthy process!

I knew this man 40 years ago as we worked in the same agency for two years but never dated. Last November 2013 I saw his profile on a dating site. My husband had died four years ago and his wife died 11 years ago. We dated for five months. I questioned him about his continued online search as I had access to his username. Five months into the friendship he told me he “Was looking for his dream women in cyberspace”. I think he has been on these dating sites for over 5 years. Needless to say I will not tolerate this and it was over. I am sad, frustrated and angry how this ended as underneath all of his insecurities, unresolved issues with his wife’s death he is a good guy. I had been on these dating sties for 2 and 1/2 years and now I am looking at Matchmaking services as a better choice in finding a “Better good guy”.

I refer to these sites as “Designer Dating” sites. I liken the search process to ‘Window Shopping’. No-one seems very interested in making an actual purchase or commitment. I notice that all the previous comments are from women only. I agree with the article that says essentially, there are too many profiles and photos. Having fallen under this spell myself…”Oh, he’s nice but I’m sure there’s something better on the next page…” Click. Next. And on it goes. The term Chemistry gets thrown around a lot. I don’t know folks. I sure ain’t feelin’ it. Think I’ll go hang out with some friends now.

Stumbling upon this article during research for my Master thesis and I am curious: Would you use an app, that introduces a new way of dating, solely based on your voice and who you are, rather than how you look like? To me, we don’t fall in love with someone because of their looks (or their body mass index for that matter) or because of an algorithm, but because of the way somebody makes you feel and the way s.o. makes you laugh. At the end of the day, it really doesn’t matter if someone has blue or brown eyes and my experience is, that most people place fake, manipulated or outdated pictures online to sell someone we don’t really are. And we are definitely more than our looks. I found my partner online and we had no picture of each other for three months – but we talked every night for hours…. fell in love and still are after 10 years… We met on a different level and got aligned long before we met. So, the question is, would you give this way of meeting someone a chance… an app where you can listen in to answers people give to questions other user asked before and where you can get a feeling for somebody before you even see them?

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Essay on Positive & Negative Effects of Online Dating

January 12, 2018 by Study Mentor Leave a Comment

Online dating is a very common occurrence among the youth of today and almost every other person is constantly resorting to this option for various reasons.

Like every other consequence of the internet era, online dating has both its advantages and disadvantages and we must not be clouded by any preconceived notions while we are evaluating its effects.

Some people are extremely apprehensive of the anonymity which is allowed to one by the procedure of online dating as such, but this cannot be denied that many a perfect match had been also made by dating sites and several social networks, but one can never completely deny the obvious risk that online dating brings along with it.

Table of Contents

Ways in which online dating occurs

Online dating started to spread itself mostly through social media and social networking and all such sites which permit the same- starting from the times of Orkut to the modern age of Facebook , Twitter , and Instagram . There are also various virtual chat rooms which might facilitate online dating as well.

Moreover, there are several mobile applications specifically designed to help people find suitable partners for online dating, etc. The most prominent example of such an application will be Tinder, which is now very popular among the Indian youth too, especially the college goers.

There are other similar apps too but they do not concentrate solely on the prospect of online dating. However, there are many software’s and applications dedicated to online dating, chatting, and for other such purposes.

However, online dating is not an entirely new phenomenon, as it had started in the medieval times in the form of sending letters to carry out more or less a similar function. It has merely redecorated and rejuvenated itself in various newer forms over the ages and is now highly digitalised.

Negative effects of Online Dating

The biggest problem of online dating is when two people get acquainted, and then attracted to practically someone who is a complete stranger to them. This can cause many risks and eventually be very harmful to the individual, who is entering in any such relations without being completely aware of the other person’s actual identity. Many people create different fake profiles on social media sites to entrap such vulnerable individuals.

In such a way, they can easily make such vulnerable people trust them and not perceive their malicious intentions. Many cases have been reported that through this way, people have been blackmailed, robbed, and exploited in many other ways- all of them being equally harmful to one’s resources and reputation.

Another effect can be misunderstandings between the people involved in any such relations. Any such relationship which is built merely on a virtual premise can never possibly inform both the involved parties about each other’s identities completely, thus there is an inevitable tendency of misconceptions to creep in, which might result in both underestimating or overestimating someone and their abilities.

This can be the root cause behind such misunderstandings, as texting and virtual messaging are two most important and effective ways to misrepresent the actual message one is trying to convey in plenty of situations. Many a times, it is also seen that males have formed accounts with the fake name and images of females, and vice versa, to further trick people for reasons which are certainly not very humble or altruistic.

The different MMS scams which surface every now and then can also be seen as an adverse effect of online dating, as on sites such as Facebook, etc. it is quite easy to download one’s pictures and use them for evil purposes or to blackmail someone as such.

However, that particular website had recently taken some measures to try and prevent such acts through some safety measures, but the problem has not been yet curbed in its entirety. Therefore, further safety measures are still required.

Positive effects of online dating

However, at times, online dating can also link two people aptly based on their likes and interests, and it can turn out to be a very good match indeed which might turn out to be fruitful in the future. Needless to say, all relationships need certain qualities to prosper and progress, but how they are acquainted to each other can also play a big role in advancing their relationship as such.

For example, social media is often used by people to convey their feelings and opinions on different issues, and this is how we find like-minded people or people we can engage in a healthy debate and discussion with. This can go a long way in establishing a proper relationship between them, and thus leading to online dating.

Also, online dating might also keep aside one’s prejudices before they delve into any relationship as in this case, one likes a person only on the basis of their identity and not on other grounds such as their family identity, their financial status, etc. which can otherwise attract people in other forms of dating, besides the virtual form being discussed in this essay.

Therefore, in a certain way, online dating might eliminate relationships based on false premises and a pretentious sense of attraction between people.

It cannot be really said that online dating is completely a bad thing; likewise, it cannot be referred to be something entirely positive. It is obviously a blend of both its diverse pros and cons, but we need to realize that either of these over weigh the other at certain situations, and therefore, the social and geographical setting and context of online dating also highly influences how the system fairs out to be eventually.

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The Impact of Dating Apps on Young Adults: Evidence From Tinder

MIT Sloan Research Paper No. 6833-22

71 Pages Posted: 17 Oct 2022 Last revised: 26 May 2024

Berkeren Buyukeren

Einaudi Institute for Economics and Finance (EIEF); Libera Universita Internazionale degli Studi Sociali - LUISS Guido Carli

Alexey Makarin

Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) - Sloan School of Management; Einaudi Institute for Economics and Finance (EIEF); Centre for Economic Policy Research (CEPR)

Case Western Reserve University

Date Written: October 6, 2022

Online dating apps have become a central part of the dating market over the past decade, yet their broader effects remain unclear. We analyze the impact of Tinder, the pioneer and market leader in the dating app space, on a segment of the population that was among the earliest adopters of this technology: college students. For identification, we rely on the fact that Tinder's initial marketing strategy centered on Greek organizations (fraternities and sororities) within college campuses. Using a comprehensive survey containing more than 1.1 million responses, we estimate a difference-in-differences model comparing student outcomes before and after Tinder's full-scale launch and across students' membership in Greek organizations. We show that Tinder's introduction led to a sharp, persistent increase in the frequency of sexual activity, but with no corresponding impact on the likelihood of relationship formation. Inequality in dating outcomes increased among male students but not among female students. Further, we observe a rise in the incidences of sexual assaults and sexually transmitted diseases. However, despite these changes, Tinder's introduction did not worsen students' mental health and may have even led to improvements for female students. These results suggest that the transformation of dating due to dating apps has far-reaching and nuanced effects on young adults.

Keywords: Online platforms, dating market, Tinder, health, mobile technology

JEL Classification: D91, I12, I23, J10, L82, L86

Suggested Citation: Suggested Citation

Einaudi Institute for Economics and Finance (EIEF) ( email )

Via Due Macelli, 73 Rome, 00187 Italy

HOME PAGE: http://https://berkerenbuyukeren.github.io/

Libera Universita Internazionale degli Studi Sociali - LUISS Guido Carli ( email )

United States

Alexey Makarin (Contact Author)

Massachusetts institute of technology (mit) - sloan school of management ( email ).

100 Main Street E62-416 Cambridge, MA 02142 United States

HOME PAGE: http://https://alexeymakarin.github.io/

Einaudi Institute for Economics and Finance (EIEF)

Via Sallustiana, 62 Rome, Lazio 00187 Italy

Centre for Economic Policy Research (CEPR) ( email )

London United Kingdom

Case Western Reserve University ( email )

10900 Euclid Ave. Cleveland, OH 44106 United States

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Dating Apps and Their Sociodemographic and Psychosocial Correlates: A Systematic Review

The emergence and popularization of dating apps have changed the way people meet and interact with potential romantic and sexual partners. In parallel with the increased use of these applications, a remarkable scientific literature has developed. However, due to the recency of the phenomenon, some gaps in the existing research can be expected. Therefore, the objective of this study was to conduct a systematic review of the empirical research of the psychosocial content published in the last five years (2016–2020) on dating apps. A search was conducted in different databases, and we identified 502 articles in our initial search. After screening titles and abstracts and examining articles in detail, 70 studies were included in the review. The most relevant data (author/s and year, sample size and characteristics, methodology) and their findings were extracted from each study and grouped into four blocks: user dating apps characteristics, usage characteristics, motives for use, and benefits and risks of use. The limitations of the literature consulted are discussed, as well as the practical implications of the results obtained, highlighting the relevance of dating apps, which have become a tool widely used by millions of people around the world.

1. Introduction

In the last decade, the popularization of the Internet and the use of the smartphone and the emergence of real-time location-based dating apps (e.g., Tinder, Grindr) have transformed traditional pathways of socialization and promoted new ways of meeting and relating to potential romantic and/or sexual partners [ 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 ].

It is difficult to know reliably how many users currently make use of dating apps, due to the secrecy of the developer companies. However, thanks to the information provided by different reports and studies, the magnitude of the phenomenon can be seen online. For example, the Statista Market Forecast [ 5 ] portal estimated that by the end of 2019, there were more than 200 million active users of dating apps worldwide. It has been noted that more than ten million people use Tinder daily, which has been downloaded more than a hundred million times worldwide [ 6 , 7 ]. In addition, studies conducted in different geographical and cultural contexts have shown that around 40% of single adults are looking for an online partner [ 8 ], or that around 25% of new couples met through this means [ 9 ].

Some theoretical reviews related to users and uses of dating apps have been published, although they have focused on specific groups, such as men who have sex with men (MSM [ 10 , 11 ]) or on certain risks, such as aggression and abuse through apps [ 12 ].

Anzani et al. [ 1 ] conducted a review of the literature on the use of apps to find a sexual partner, in which they focused on users’ sociodemographic characteristics, usage patterns, and the transition from online to offline contact. However, this is not a systematic review of the results of studies published up to that point and it leaves out some relevant aspects that have received considerable research attention, such as the reasons for use of dating apps, or their associated advantages and risks.

Thus, we find a recent and changing object of study, which has achieved great social relevance in recent years and whose impact on research has not been adequately studied and evaluated so far. Therefore, the objective of this study was to conduct a systematic review of the empirical research of psychosocial content published in the last five years (2016–2020) on dating apps. By doing so, we intend to assess the state of the literature in terms of several relevant aspects (i.e., users’ profile, uses and motives for use, advantages, and associated risks), pointing out some limitations and posing possible future lines of research. Practical implications will be highlighted.

2. Materials and Methods

The systematic literature review was conducted according to the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines [ 13 , 14 ], and following the recommendations of Gough et al. [ 15 ]. However, it should be noted that, as the objective of this study was to provide a state of the art view of the published literature on dating apps in the last five years and without statistical data processing, there are several principles included in the PRISMA that could not be met (e.g., summary measures, planned methods of analysis, additional analysis, risk of bias within studies). However, following the advice of the developers of these guidelines concerning the specific nature of systematic reviews, the procedure followed has been described in a clear, precise, and replicable manner [ 13 ].

2.1. Literature Search and Inclusion/Exclusion Criteria

We examined the databases of the Web of Science, Scopus, and Medline, as well as PsycInfo and Psycarticle and Google Scholar, between 1 March and 6 April 2020. In all the databases consulted, we limited the search to documents from the last five years (2016–2020) and used general search terms, such as “dating apps” and “online dating” (linking the latter with “apps”), in addition to the names of some of the most popular and frequently used dating apps worldwide, such as “tinder”, “grindr”, and “momo”, to identify articles that met the inclusion criteria (see below).

The selection criteria in this systematic review were established and agreed on by the two authors of this study. The database search was carried out by one researcher. In case of doubt about whether or not a study should be included in the review, consultation occurred and the decision was agreed upon by the two researchers.

Four-hundred and ninety-three results were located, to which were added 15 documents that were found through other resources (e.g., social networks, e-mail alerts, newspapers, the web). After these documents were reviewed and the duplicates removed, a total of 502 records remained, as shown by the flowchart presented in Figure 1 . At that time, the following inclusion criteria were applied: (1) empirical, quantitative or qualitative articles; (2) published on paper or in electronic format (including “online first”) between 2016 and 2020 (we decided to include articles published since 2016 after finding that the previous empirical literature in databases on dating apps from a psychosocial point of view was not very large; in fact, the earliest studies of Tinder included in Scopus dated back to 2016; (3) to be written in English or Spanish; and (4) with psychosocial content. No theoretical reviews, case studies/ethnography, user profile content analyses, institutional reports, conference presentations, proceeding papers, etc., were taken into account.

Flowchart of the systematic review process.

Thus, the process of refining the results, which can be viewed graphically in Figure 1 , was as follows. Of the initial 502 results, the following exclusion criteria were applied: (1) pre-2016 documents (96 records excluded); (2) documents that either did not refer to dating apps or did so from a technological approach (identified through title and abstract; 239 records excluded); (3) published in a language other than English or Spanish (10 records excluded); (4) institutional reports, or analysis of the results of such reports (six records excluded); (5) proceeding papers (six records excluded); (6) systematic reviews and theoretical reflections (26 records excluded); (7) case studies/ethnography (nine records excluded); (8) non-empirical studies of a sociological nature (20 records excluded); (9) analysis of user profile content and campaigns on dating apps and other social networks (e.g., Instagram; nine records excluded); and (10) studies with confusing methodology, which did not explain the methodology followed, the instruments used, and/or the characteristics of the participants (11 records excluded). This process led to a final sample of 70 empirical studies (55 quantitative studies, 11 qualitative studies, and 4 mixed studies), as shown by the flowchart presented in Figure 1 .

2.2. Data Collection Process and Data Items

One review author extracted the data from the included studies, and the second author checked the extracted data. Information was extracted from each included study of: (1) author/s and year; (2) sample size and characteristics; (3) methodology used; (4) main findings.

Table 1 shows the information extracted from each of the articles included in this systematic review. The main findings drawn from these studies are also presented below, distributed in different sections.

Characteristics of reviewed studies.

3.1. Characteristics of Reviewed Studies

First, the characteristics of the 70 articles included in the systematic review were analyzed. An annual increase in production can be seen, with 2019 being the most productive year, with 31.4% ( n = 22) of included articles. More articles (11) were published in the first three months of 2020 than in 2016. It is curious to note, on the other hand, how, in the titles of the articles, some similar formulas were repeated, even the same articles (e.g., Love me Tinder), playing with the swipe characteristic of this type of application (e.g., Swiping more, Swiping right, Swiping me).

As for the methodology used, the first aspect to note is that all the localized studies were cross-sectional and there were no longitudinal ones. As mentioned above, 80% ( n = 55) of the studies were quantitative, especially through online survey ( n = 49; 70%). 15.7% ( n = 11) used a qualitative methodology, either through semi-structured interviews or focus groups. And 5.7% ( n = 4) used a mixed methodology, both through surveys and interviews. It is worth noting the increasing use of tools such as Amazon Mechanical Turk ( n = 9, 12.9%) or Qualtrics ( n = 8, 11.4%) for the selection of participants and data collection.

The studies included in the review were conducted in different geographical and cultural contexts. More than one in five investigations was conducted in the United States (22.8%, n = 16), to which the two studies carried out in Canada can be added. Concerning other contexts, 20% ( n = 14) of the included studies was carried out in different European countries (e.g., Belgium, The Netherlands, UK, Spain), whereas 15.7% ( n = 11) was carried out in China, and 8.6% ( n = 6) in other countries (e.g., Thailand, Australia). However, 21.4% ( n = 15) of the investigations did not specify the context they were studying.

Finally, 57.1% ( n = 40) of the studies included in the systematic review asked about dating apps use, without specifying which one. The results of these studies showed that Tinder was the most used dating app among heterosexual people and Grindr among sexual minorities. Furthermore, 35% ( n = 25) of the studies included in the review focused on the use of Tinder, while 5.7% ( n = 4) focused on Grindr.

3.2. Characteristics of Dating App Users

It is difficult to find studies that offer an overall user profile of dating apps, as many of them have focused on specific populations or groups. However, based on the information collected in the studies included in this review, some features of the users of these applications may be highlighted.

Gender. Traditionally, it has been claimed that men use dating apps more than women and that they engage in more casual sex relationships through apps [ 3 ]. In fact, some authors, such as Weiser et al. [ 75 ], collected data that indicated that 60% of the users of these applications were male and 40% were female. Some current studies endorse that being male predicts the use of dating apps [ 23 ], but research has also been published in recent years that has shown no differences in the proportion of male and female users [ 59 , 68 ].

To explain these similar prevalence rates, some authors, such as Chan [ 27 ], have proposed a feminist perspective, stating that women use dating apps to gain greater control over their relationships and sexuality, thus countering structural gender inequality. On the other hand, other authors have referred to the perpetuation of traditional masculinity and femmephobic language in these applications [ 28 , 53 ].

Age. Specific studies have been conducted on people of different ages: adolescents [ 49 ], young people (e.g., [ 21 , 23 , 71 ]), and middle-aged and older people [ 58 ]. The most studied group has been young people between 18 and 30 years old, mainly university students, and some authors have concluded that the age subgroup with a higher prevalence of use of dating apps is between 24 and 30 years of age [ 44 , 59 ].

Sexual orientation. This is a fundamental variable in research on dating apps. In recent years, especially after the success of Tinder, the use of these applications by heterosexuals, both men and women, has increased, which has affected the increase of research on this group [ 3 , 59 ]. However, the most studied group with the highest prevalence rates of dating apps use is that of men from sexual minorities [ 18 , 40 ]. There is considerable literature on this collective, both among adolescents [ 49 ], young people [ 18 ], and older people [ 58 ], in different geographical contexts and both in urban and rural areas [ 24 , 36 , 43 , 79 ]. Moreover, being a member of a sexual minority, especially among men, seems to be a good predictor of the use of dating apps [ 23 ].

For these people, being able to communicate online can be particularly valuable, especially for those who may have trouble expressing their sexual orientation and/or finding a partner [ 3 , 80 ]. There is much less research on non-heterosexual women and this focuses precisely on their need to reaffirm their own identity and discourse, against the traditional values of hetero-patriate societies [ 35 , 69 ].

Relationship status. It has traditionally been argued that the prevalence of the use of dating apps was much higher among singles than among those with a partner [ 72 ]. This remains the case, as some studies have shown that being single was the most powerful sociodemographic predictor of using these applications [ 23 ]. However, several investigations have concluded that there is a remarkable percentage of users, between 10 and 29%, who have a partner [ 4 , 17 , 72 ]. From what has been studied, usually aimed at evaluating infidelity [ 17 , 75 ], the reasons for using Tinder are very different depending on the relational state, and the users of this app who had a partner had had more sexual and romantic partners than the singles who used it [ 72 ].

Other sociodemographic variables. Some studies, such as the one of Shapiro et al. [ 64 ], have found a direct relationship between the level of education and the use of dating apps. However, most studies that contemplated this variable have focused on university students (see, for example [ 21 , 23 , 31 , 38 ]), so there may be a bias in the interpretation of their results. The findings of Shapiro et al. [ 64 ] presented a paradox: while they found a direct link between Tinder use and educational level, they also found that those who did not use any app achieved better grades. Another striking result about the educational level is that of the study of Neyt et al. [ 9 ] about their users’ characteristics and those that are sought in potential partners through the apps. These authors found a heterogeneous effect of educational level by gender: whereas women preferred a potential male partner with a high educational level, this hypothesis was not refuted in men, who preferred female partners with lower educational levels.

Other variables evaluated in the literature on dating apps are place of residence or income level. As for the former, app users tend to live in urban contexts, so studies are usually performed in large cities (e.g., [ 11 , 28 , 45 ]), although it is true that in recent years studies are beginning to be seen in rural contexts to know the reality of the people who live there [ 43 ]. It has also been shown that dating app users have a higher income level than non-users, although this can be understood as a feature associated with young people with high educational levels. However, it seems that the use of these applications is present in all social layers, as it has been documented even among homeless youth in the United States [ 66 ].

Personality and other psychosocial variables. The literature that relates the use of dating apps to different psychosocial variables is increasingly extensive and diverse. The most evaluated variable concerning the use of these applications is self-esteem, although the results are inconclusive. It seems established that self-esteem is the most important psychological predictor of using dating apps [ 6 , 8 , 59 ]. But some authors, such as Orosz et al. [ 55 ], warn that the meaning of that relationship is unclear: apps can function both as a resource for and a booster of self-esteem (e.g., having a lot of matches) or to decrease it (e.g., lack of matches, ignorance of usage patterns).

The relationship between dating app use and attachment has also been studied. Chin et al. [ 29 ] concluded that people with a more anxious attachment orientation and those with a less avoidant orientation were more likely to use these apps.

Sociosexuality is another important variable concerning the use of dating apps. It has been found that users of these applications tended to have a less restrictive sociosexuality, especially those who used them to have casual sex [ 6 , 7 , 8 , 21 ].

Finally, the most studied approach in this field is the one that relates the use of dating apps with certain personality traits, both from the Big Five and from the dark personality model. As for the Big Five model, Castro et al. [ 23 ] found that the only trait that allowed the prediction of the current use of these applications was open-mindedness. Other studies looked at the use of apps, these personality traits, and relational status. Thus, Timmermans and De Caluwé [ 71 ] found that single users of Tinder were more outgoing and open to new experiences than non-user singles, who scored higher in conscientiousness. For their part, Timmermans et al. [ 72 ] concluded that Tinder users who had a partner scored lower in agreeableness and conscientiousness and higher in neuroticism than people with partners who did not use Tinder.

The dark personality, on the other hand, has been used to predict the different reasons for using dating apps [ 48 ], as well as certain antisocial behaviors in Tinder [ 6 , 51 ]. As for the differences in dark personality traits between users and non-users of dating apps, the results are inconclusive. A study was localized that highlighted the relevance of psychopathy [ 3 ] whereas another study found no predictive power as a global indicator of dark personality [ 23 ].

3.3. Characteristics of Dating App Use

It is very difficult to know not only the actual number of users of dating apps in any country in the world but also the prevalence of use. This varies depending on the collectives studied and the sampling techniques used. Given this caveat, the results of some studies do allow an idea of the proportion of people using these apps. It has been found to vary between the 12.7% found by Castro et al. [ 23 ] and the 60% found by LeFebvre [ 44 ]. Most common, however, is to find a participant prevalence of between 40–50% [ 3 , 4 , 39 , 62 , 64 ], being slightly higher among men from sexual minorities [ 18 , 50 ].

The study of Botnen et al. [ 21 ] among Norwegian university students concluded that about half of the participants appeared to be a user of dating apps, past or present. But only one-fifth were current users, a result similar to those found by Castro et al. [ 23 ] among Spanish university students. The most widely used, and therefore the most examined, apps in the studies are Tinder and Grindr. The first is the most popular among heterosexuals, and the second among men of sexual minorities [ 3 , 18 , 36 , 70 ].

Findings from existing research on the characteristics of the use of dating apps can be divided among those referring to before (e.g., profiling), during (e.g., use), and after (e.g., offline behavior with other app users). Regarding before , the studies focus on users’ profile-building and self-presentation more among men of sexual minorities [ 52 , 77 ]. Ward [ 74 ] highlighted the importance of the process of choosing the profile picture in applications that are based on physical appearance. Like Ranzini and Lutz [ 59 ], Ward [ 74 ] mentions the differences between the “real self” and the “ideal self” created in dating apps, where one should try to maintain a balance between one and the other. Self-esteem plays a fundamental role in this process, as it has been shown that higher self-esteem encourages real self-presentation [ 59 ].

Most of the studies that analyze the use of dating apps focus on during , i.e. on how applications are used. As for the frequency of use and the connection time, Chin et al. [ 29 ] found that Tinder users opened the app up to 11 times a day, investing up to 90 minutes per day. Strubel and Petrie [ 67 ] found that 23% of Tinder users opened the app two to three times a day, and 14% did so once a day. Meanwhile, Sumter and Vandenbosch [ 3 ] concluded that 23% of the users opened Tinder daily.

It seems that the frequency and intensity of use, in addition to the way users behave on dating apps, vary depending on sexual orientation and sex. Members of sexual minorities, especially men, use these applications more times per day and for longer times [ 18 ]. As for sex, different patterns of behavior have been observed both in men and women, as the study of Timmermans and Courtois [ 4 ] shows. Men use apps more often and more intensely, but women use them more selectively and effectively. They accumulate more matches than men and do so much faster, allowing them to choose and have a greater sense of control. Therefore, it is concluded that the number of swipes and likes of app users does not guarantee a high number of matches in Tinder [ 4 ].

Some authors are alert to various behaviors observed in dating apps which, in some cases, may be negative for the user. For example, Yeo and Fung [ 77 ] mention the fast and hasty way of acting in apps, which is incongruous with cultural norms for the formation of friendships and committed relationships and ends up frustrating those who seek more lasting relationships. Parisi and Comunello [ 57 ] highlighted a key to the use of apps and a paradox. They referred to relational homophilia, that is, the tendency to be attracted to people similar to oneself. But, at the same time, this occurs in a context that increases the diversity of intimate interactions, thus expanding pre-existing networks. Finally, Licoppe [ 45 ] concluded that users of Grindr and Tinder present almost opposite types of communication and interaction. In Grindr, quick conversations seem to take precedence, aimed at organizing immediate sexual encounters, whereas, in Tinder, there are longer conversations and more exchange of information.

The latest group of studies focuses on offline behavior with contacts made through dating apps. Differences have been observed in the prevalence of encounters with other app users, possibly related to participants’ sociodemographic characteristics. Whereas Strugo and Muise [ 2 ], and Macapagal et al. [ 49 ] found that between 60 and 70% of their participants had had an encounter with another person known through these applications, in other studies this is less common, with prevalence being less than 50% [ 3 , 4 , 62 ]. In fact, Griffin et al. [ 39 ] stated that in-person encounters were relatively rare among users of dating apps.

There are also differences in the types of relationships that arose after offline encounters with other users. Strugo and Muise [ 2 ] concluded that 33% of participants had found a romantic partner and that 52% had had casual sex with at least one partner met through an app. Timmermans and Courtois [ 4 ] found that one-third of the offline encounters ended in casual sex and one-fourth in a committed relationship. Sumter and Vandenbosch [ 3 ], for their part, concluded that 18.6% of the participants had had sex with another person they had met on Tinder. And finally, the participants in the study of Timmermans and De Caluwé [ 71 ] indicated that: (1) they had met face-to-face with an average of 4.25 people whom they had met on Tinder; (2) they had had one romantic relationship with people met on Tinder; (3) they had had casual sex with an average of 1.57 people met on Tinder; and (4) they had become friends with an average of 2.19 people met on Tinder.

3.4. Motives for Dating App Use

There is a stereotype that dating apps are used only, or above all, to look for casual sex [ 44 ]. In fact, these applications have been accused of generating a hookup culture, associated with superficiality and sexual frivolity [ 2 ]. However, this is not the case. In the last five years, a large body of literature has been generated on the reasons why people use dating apps, especially Tinder, and the conclusion is unanimous: apps serve multiple purposes, among which casual sex is only one [ 1 , 4 , 44 ]. It has been found that up to 70% of the app users participating in a study [ 18 ] indicated that their goal when using it was not sex-seeking.

An evolution of research interest can be traced regarding the reasons that guide people to use dating apps [ 55 ]. The first classification of reasons for using Tinder was published by Ranzini and Lutz [ 59 ], who adapted a previous scale, designed for Grindr, composed of six motives: hooking up/sex (finding sexual partners), friendship (building a social network), relationship (finding a romantic partner), traveling (having dates in different places), self-validation (self-improvement), and entertainment (satisfying social curiosity). They found that the reason given by most users was those of entertainment, followed by those of self-validation and traveling, with the search for sex occupying fourth place in importance. However, the adaptation of this scale did not have adequate psychometric properties and it has not been reused.

Subsequently, Sumter et al. [ 68 ] generated a new classification of reasons to use Tinder, later refined by Sumter and Vandenbosch [ 3 ]. They proposed six reasons for use, both relational (love, casual sex), intrapersonal (ease of communication, self-worth validation), and entertainment (the thrill of excitement, trendiness). The motivation most indicated by the participants was that of love, and the authors concluded that Tinder is used: (1) to find love and/or sex; (2) because it is easy to communicate; (3) to feel better about oneself; and (4) because it’s fun and exciting.

At the same time, Timmermans and De Caluwé [ 70 ] developed the Tinder Motives Scale, which evaluates up to 13 reasons for using Tinder. The reasons, sorted by the scores obtained, were: to pass time/entertainment, curiosity, socializing, relationship-seeking, social approval, distraction, flirting/social skills, sexual orientation, peer pressure, traveling, sexual experience, ex, and belongingness. So far, the most recently published classification of reasons is that of Orosz et al. [ 55 ], who in the Tinder Use Motivations Scale proposed four groups of reasons: boredom (individual reasons to use Tinder to overcome boredom), self-esteem (use of Tinder to improve self-esteem), sex (use of Tinder to satisfy sexual need) and love (use of Tinder to find love). As in the previous scales, the reasons of seeking sex did not score higher on this scale, so it can be concluded that dating apps are not mainly used for this reason.

The existing literature indicates that reasons for the use of dating apps may vary depending on different sociodemographic and personality variables [ 1 ]. As for sex, Ranzini and Lutz [ 59 ] found that women used Tinder more for friendship and self-validation, whereas men used it more to seek sex and relationships. Sumter et al. [ 68 ] found something similar: men scored higher than women in casual sex motivation and also in the motives of ease of communication and thrill of excitement.

With regard to age, Ward [ 74 ] concluded that motivations change over time and Sumter et al. [ 68 ] found a direct association with the motives of love, casual sex, and ease of communication. In terms of sexual orientation, it has become commoner for people from sexual minorities, especially men, than for heterosexual participants to use these applications much more in the search for casual sex [ 18 ].

Finally, other studies have concluded that personality guides the motivations for the use of dating apps [ 3 , 72 ]. A line of research initiated in recent years links dark personality traits to the reasons for using Tinder. In this investigation, Lyons et al. [ 48 ] found that people who score high in Machiavellianism and psychopathy offer more reasons for use (e.g., get casual sex, acquiring social or flirting skills).

3.5. Benefits and Risks of Using Dating Apps

In the latter section, the benefits and advantages of the use of dating apps are analyzed. There is also an extensive literature on the risks associated with use. Many studies indicate that dating apps have opened a new horizon in how to meet potential partners, allowing access to many [ 3 , 6 , 8 ], which may be even more positive for certain individuals and groups who have been silenced or marginalized, such as some men from sexual minorities [ 80 ]. It has also been emphasized that these applications are a non-intimidating way to start connecting, they are flexible and free, and require less time and effort than other traditional means of communication [ 1 , 55 ].

On the other hand, the advantages of apps based on the technology they use and the possibilities they pose to users have been highlighted. Ranzini and Lutz [ 59 ] underlined four aspects. First is the portability of smartphones and tablets, which allows the use of apps in any location, both private and public. Second is availability, as their operation increases the spontaneity and frequency of use of the apps, and this, in turn, allows a quick face-to-face encounter, turning online interactions into offline relationships [ 70 , 77 ]. Thirdly is locatability, as dating apps allow matches, messages, and encounters with other users who are geographically close [ 77 ]. Finally is multimediality, the relevance of the visual, closely related to physical appearance, which results in two channels of communication (photos and messages) and the possibility of linking the profile with that of other social networks, such as Facebook and Instagram [ 4 ].

There is also considerable literature focused on the potential risks associated with using these applications. The topics covered in the studies can be grouped into four blocks, having in common the negative consequences that these apps can generate in users’ mental, relational, and sexual health. The first block focuses on the configuration and use of the applications themselves. Their emergence and popularization have been so rapid that apps pose risks associated with security, intimacy, and privacy [ 16 , 20 ]. This can lead to more insecure contacts, especially among women, and fears related to the ease of localization and the inclusion of personal data in apps [ 39 ]. Some authors highlight the paradox that many users suffer: they have more chances of contact than ever before, but at the same time this makes them more vulnerable [ 26 , 80 ].

This block can also include studies on the problematic use of apps, which can affect the daily lives of users [ 34 , 56 ], and research that focuses on the possible negative psychological effects of their use, as a link has been shown between using dating apps and loneliness, dissatisfaction with life, and feeling excluded from the world [ 24 , 34 , 78 ].

The second block of studies on the risks associated with dating apps refers to discrimination and aggression. Some authors, such as Conner [ 81 ] and Lauckner et al. [ 43 ], have argued that technology, instead of reducing certain abusive cultural practices associated with deception, discrimination, or abuse (e.g., about body types, weight, age, rural environments, racism, HIV stigma), has accentuated them, and this can affect users’ mental health. Moreover, certain antisocial behaviors in apps, such as trolling [ 6 , 51 ], have been studied, and a relationship has been found between being a user of these applications and suffering some episode of sexual victimization, both in childhood and adulthood [ 30 ].

The following block refers to the risks of dating app use regarding diet and body image. These applications, focusing on appearance and physical attractiveness, can promote excessive concerns about body image, as well as various negative consequences associated with it (e.g., unhealthy weight management behaviors, low satisfaction and high shame about the body, more comparisons with appearance [ 22 , 36 , 67 , 73 ]). These risks have been more closely associated with men than with women [ 61 ], perhaps because of the standards of physical attractiveness prevalent among men of sexual minorities, which have been the most studied collective.

The last block of studies on the risks of dating app use focuses on their relationship with risky sexual behaviors. This is probably the most studied topic in different populations (e.g., sexual minority men, heterosexual people). The use of these applications can contribute to a greater performance of risky sexual behaviors, which results in a higher prevalence of sexually transmitted illnesses (STIs). However, the results of the studies analyzed are inconclusive [ 40 ].

On the one hand, some studies find a relationship between being a user of dating apps and performing more risky sexual behaviors (e.g., having more sexual partners, less condom use, more relationships under the effects of alcohol and other drugs), both among men from sexual minorities [ 19 ] and among heterosexual individuals [ 32 , 41 , 62 ]. On the other hand, some research has found that, although app users perform more risky behaviors, especially having more partners, they also engage in more prevention behaviors (e.g., more sex counseling, more HIV tests, more treatment) and they do not use the condoms less than non-users [ 18 , 50 , 64 , 79 ]. Studies such as that of Luo et al. [ 46 ] and that of Wu [ 76 ] also found greater use of condoms among app users than among non-users.

Finally, some studies make relevant appraisals of this topic. For example, Green et al. [ 38 ] concluded that risky sexual behaviors are more likely to be performed when sex is performed with a person met through a dating app with whom some common connection was made (e.g., shared friends in Facebook or Instagram). This is because these users tend to avoid discussing issues related to prevention, either because they treat that person more familiarly, or for fear of possible gossip. Finally, Hahn et al. [ 40 ] found that, among men from sexual minorities, the contact time prior to meeting in person was associated with greater prevention. The less time between the conversation and the first encounter, the more likely the performance of risky behaviors.

4. Discussion

In a very few years, dating apps have revolutionized the way of meeting and interacting with potential partners. In parallel with the popularization of these applications, a large body of knowledge has been generated which, however, has not been collected in any systematic review. Given the social relevance that this phenomenon has reached, we performed this study to gather and analyze the main findings of empirical research on psychosocial content published in the last five years (2016–2020) on dating apps.

Seventy studies were located and analyzed, after applying stringent inclusion criteria that, for various reasons, left out a large number of investigations. Thus, it has been found that the literature on the subject is extensive and varied. Studies of different types and methodologies have been published, in very diverse contexts, on very varied populations and focusing on different aspects, some general and others very specific. Therefore, the first and main conclusion of this study is that the phenomenon of dating apps is transversal, and very present in the daily lives of millions of people around the world.

This transversality has been evident in the analysis of the characteristics of the users of dating apps. Apps have been found to be used, regardless of sex [ 59 , 68 ], age [ 49 , 58 , 71 ], sexual orientation [ 3 , 59 ], relational status [ 72 ], educational and income level [ 9 , 66 ], or personality traits [ 23 , 48 , 72 ].

Another conclusion that can be drawn from this analysis is that there are many preconceived ideas and stereotypes about dating apps, both at the research and social level, which are supported by the literature, but with nuances. For example, although the stereotype says that apps are mostly used by men, studies have concluded that women use them in a similar proportion, and more effectively [ 4 ]. The same goes for sexual orientation or relational status; the stereotype says that dating apps are mostly used by men of sexual minorities and singles [ 1 ], but some apps (e.g., Tinder) are used more by heterosexual people [ 3 , 59 ] and there is a remarkable proportion of people with a partner who use these apps [ 4 , 17 ].

A third conclusion of the review of the studies is that to know and be able to foresee the possible consequences of the use of dating apps, how and why they are used are particularly relevant. For this reason, both the use and the motives for use of these applications have been analyzed, confirming the enormous relevance of different psychosocial processes and variables (e.g., self-esteem, communication, and interaction processes), both before (profiling), during (use), and after (off-line encounters) of the use of dating apps.

However, in this section, what stands out most is the difficulty in estimating the prevalence of the use of dating apps. Very disparate prevalence have been found not only because of the possible differences between places and groups (see, for example [ 18 , 23 , 44 , 64 ]), but also because of the use of different sampling and information collection procedures, which in some cases, over-represent app users. All this hinders the characterization and assessment of the phenomenon of dating apps, as well as the work of the researchers. After selecting the group to be studied, it would be more appropriate to collect information from a representative sample, without conditioning or directing the study toward users, as this may inflate the prevalence rates.

The study of motives for the use of dating apps may contain the strongest findings of all those appraised in this review. Here, once again, a preconceived idea has been refuted, not only among researchers but across society. Since their appearance, there is a stereotype that dating apps are mostly used for casual sex [ 2 , 44 ]. However, studies constantly and consistently show that this is not the case. The classifications of the reasons analyzed for their use have concluded that people use dating apps for a variety of reasons, such as to entertain themselves, out of curiosity, to socialize, and to seek relationships, both sexual and romantic [ 3 , 59 , 68 , 70 ]. Thus, these apps should not be seen as merely for casual sex, but as much more [ 68 ].

Understanding the reasons for using dating apps provides a necessary starting point for research questions regarding the positive and negative effects of use [ 70 ]. Thus, the former result block reflected findings on the advantages and risks associated with using dating apps. In this topic, there may be a paradox in the sense that something that is an advantage (e.g., access to a multitude of potential partners, facilitates meeting people) turns into a drawback (e.g., loss of intimacy and privacy). Research on the benefits of using dating apps is relatively scarce, but it has stressed that these tools are making life and relationships easier for many people worldwide [ 6 , 80 ].

The literature on the risks associated with using dating apps is much broader, perhaps explaining the negative social vision of them that still exists nowadays. These risks have highlighted body image, aggression, and the performance of risky sexual behaviors. Apps represent a contemporary environment that, based on appearance and physical attractiveness, is associated with several negative pressures and perceptions about the body, which can have detrimental consequences for the physical and mental health of the individual [ 67 ]. As for assaults, there is a growing literature alerting us to the increasing amount of sexual harassment and abuse related to dating apps, especially in more vulnerable groups, such as women, or among people of sexual minorities (e.g., [ 12 , 82 ]).

Finally, there is considerable research that has analyzed the relationship between the use of dating apps and risky sexual behaviors, in different groups and with inconclusive results, as has already been shown [ 40 , 46 , 76 ]. In any case, as dating apps favor contact and interaction between potential partners, and given that a remarkable percentage of sexual contacts are unprotected [ 10 , 83 ], further research should be carried out on this topic.

Limitations and Future Directions

The meteoric appearance and popularization of dating apps have generated high interest in researchers around the world in knowing how they work, the profile of users, and the psychosocial processes involved. However, due to the recency of the phenomenon, there are many gaps in the current literature on these applications. That is why, in general terms, more research is needed to improve the understanding of all the elements involved in the functioning of dating apps.

It is strange to note that many studies have been conducted focusing on very specific aspects related to apps while other central aspects, such as the profile of users, had not yet been consolidated. Thus, it is advisable to improve the understanding of the sociodemographic and personality characteristics of those who use dating apps, to assess possible differences with those who do not use them. Attention should also be paid to certain groups that have been poorly studied (e.g., women from sexual minorities), as research has routinely focused on men and heterosexual people.

Similarly, limitations in understanding the actual data of prevalence of use have been highlighted, due to the over-representation of the number of users of dating apps seen in some studies. Therefore, it would be appropriate to perform studies in which the app user would not be prioritized, to know the actual use of these tools among the population at large. Although further studies must continue to be carried out on the risks of using these applications (e.g., risky sexual behaviors), it is also important to highlight the positive sexual and relational consequences of their use, in order to try to mitigate the negative social vision that still exists about dating app users. Last but not least, as all the studies consulted and included in this systematic review were cross-sectional, longitudinal studies are necessary which can evaluate the evolution of dating apps, their users and their uses, motives, and consequences.

The main limitations of this systematic review concern the enormous amount of information currently existing on dating apps. Despite having applied rigorous exclusion criteria, limiting the studies to the 2016–2020 period, and that the final sample was of 70 studies, much information has been analyzed and a significant number of studies and findings that may be relevant were left out. In future, the theoretical reviews that are made will have to be more specific, focused on certain groups and/or problems.

Another limitation—in this case, methodological, to do with the characteristics of the topic analyzed and the studies included—is that not all the criteria of the PRISMA guidelines were followed [ 13 , 14 ]. We intended to make known the state of the art in a subject well-studied in recent years, and to gather the existing literature without statistical treatment of the data. Therefore, there are certain criteria of PRISMA (e.g., summary measures, planned methods of analysis, additional analysis, risk of bias within studies) that cannot be satisfied.

However, as stated in the Method section, the developers of the PRISMA guidelines themselves have stated that some systematic reviews are of a different nature and that not all of them can meet these criteria. Thus, their main recommendation, to present methods with adequate clarity and transparency to enable readers to critically judge the available evidence and replicate or update the research, has been followed [ 13 ].

Finally, as the initial search in the different databases was carried by only one of the authors, some bias could have been introduced. However, as previously noted, with any doubt about the inclusion of any study, the final decision was agreed between both authors, so we expect this possible bias to be small.

5. Conclusions

Dating apps have come to stay and constitute an unstoppable social phenomenon, as evidenced by the usage and published literature on the subject over the past five years. These apps have become a new way to meet and interact with potential partners, changing the rules of the game and romantic and sexual relationships for millions of people all over the world. Thus, it is important to understand them and integrate them into the relational and sexual life of users [ 76 ].

The findings of this systematic review have relevant implications for various groups (i.e., researchers, clinicians, health prevention professionals, users). Detailed information has been provided on the characteristics of users and the use of dating apps, the most common reasons for using them, and the benefits and risks associated with them. This can guide researchers to see what has been done and how it has been done and to design future research.

Second, there are implications for clinicians and health prevention and health professionals, concerning mental, relational, and sexual health. These individuals will have a starting point for designing more effective information and educational programs. These programs could harness the potential of the apps themselves and be integrated into them, as suggested by some authors [ 42 , 84 ].

Finally and unavoidably, knowledge about the phenomenon of dating apps collected in this systematic review can have positive implications for users, who may have at their disposal the necessary tools to make a healthy and responsible use of these applications, maximizing their advantages and reducing the risks posed by this new form of communication present in the daily life of so many people.

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, Á.C. and J.R.B.; methodology, Á.C. and J.R.B.; formal analysis, Á.C. and J.R.B.; investigation, Á.C. and J.R.B.; resources, Á.C. and J.R.B.; data curation, Á.C. and J.R.B.; writing—original draft preparation, Á.C.; writing—review and editing, J.R.B. and Á.C.; project administration, Á.C.; funding acquisition, Á.C. and J.R.B. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

This research was funded by: (1) Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities, Government of Spain (PGC2018-097086-A-I00); and (2) Government of Aragón (Group S31_20D). Department of Innovation, Research and University and FEDER 2014-2020, “Building Europe from Aragón”.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflict of interest. The funders had no role in the design of the study; in the collection, analyses, or interpretation of data; in the writing of the manuscript, or in the decision to publish the results.

Online Dating and Problematic Use: A Systematic Review

• Original Article
• Open access
• Published: 11 June 2020
• Volume 19 , pages 2245–2278, ( 2021 )

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• Gabriel Bonilla-Zorita   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-8689-7506 1 ,
• Mark D. Griffiths 1 &
• Daria J. Kuss 1  

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Despite the constant growth in the use of online dating sites and mobile dating applications, research examining potential problematic use of online dating has remained scarce. Previous research has obviated problematic use of online dating in favour of users’ personality correlates and scams through online dating services. A systematic review was carried out using PsycINFO and Web of Science databases to gather previous findings that address potential problematic use of online dating by (i) identifying use and motivations, (ii) assessing users’ personality correlates, (iii) outlining negative correlates of use, (iv) examining sexual and impulsive behaviour, (v) exploring substance use and behavioural addictions in relation to online dating, and (vi) examining problematic use of online dating, resulting in 43 studies. Findings suggest that personality correlates such as neuroticism, sociability, sensation-seeking, and sexual permissiveness are related to greater use of online dating services. Sex-search and self-esteem enhancement are predictors of problematic use of online dating. Previous research coincides with online dating risks (e.g. fear of deception) and objectification tendency due to online dating services (sites and apps) design. Observations regarding methodological weaknesses and future research implications are included.

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Back in 1995, Match.com was launched for public use as a popular global online dating service. Within a decade, online dating became the second most popular industry for paid online content with an annual revenue of $1.9 billion (Matthews 2018 ), moving from being a service used by a minority to a tool frequently used by millions of individuals in modern societies. In 2007, location-based smartphone dating applications first appeared, which allowed users to access online dating anytime and anywhere, making them ubiquitous. Regarding the ubiquity of online dating, Jung et al. ( 2014 ) reported that higher availability may be associated with greater engagement in dating apps by showing higher rates of log-ins and use whilst engaged in day-to-day activities.

Greater use of online dating may not necessarily imply the existence of problematic use. However, previous literature in the field of internet disorders has found that extended use (higher frequency of use) is related to higher scores on smartphone addiction (Haug et al. 2015 ). Yet, extended use is not sufficient to describe problematic use of online dating. Its aetiology and maintenance may be a reflection of diverse factors of different nature (i.e. biological, psychological, and social). Hence, an interdisciplinary explanation (i.e. biopsychosocial framework) is needed. Problematic use of online dating could be explained by utilizing the ‘addiction components model’ (Griffiths 2005 ) which postulates all addictive behaviours comprise six core components: (i) salience (dating app use dominates to a great extent the cognitive and behavioural reality of the individual), (ii) mood modification (alteration of mood by use of dating apps), (iii) tolerance (individual’s use of dating apps increases over time), (iv) withdrawal (distress when dating app use is interrupted for a longer period of time), (v) conflict (use of dating apps negatively affects the social reality of the user), and (vi) relapse (return to previous patterns of dating app use after interruption).

In terms of structural characteristics of dating applications, location-based structural characteristic appear to facilitate offline encounters (Miles 2017 ), enabling short-term gratification of users’ needs (e.g. users seeking sex encounters are able to find other users at walking distance). In fact, based on the interaction of person-affect-cognition-execution (I-PACE) model (Brand et al. 2016 ), short-term gratification on dating apps can reinforce the appearance of dysfunctional coping styles to deal with unpleasant emotions (e.g. sadness, frustration and anger) and dysfunctional affective and cognitive responses in relation to dating apps (e.g. craving, urge for mood regulation and attentional bias), which are related to internet-based disorders and exemplify the criteria of Griffiths’ ( 2005 ) model previously described.

In the scope of internet disorders, and more specifically addiction to social networking sites (SNSs), previous research has reported that availability increases the number of people engaged in the activity, which can lead to excessive use (Kuss and Griffiths 2011 ). In turn, excessive use of SNSs has been associated with factors such as introversion, extraversion, neuroticism, narcissism and dysfunctional coping mechanisms (Kuss and Griffiths 2011 ), as well as low self-esteem and anxious attachment (D’Arienzo et al. 2019 ). In terms of mental health problems, previous literature has noted a positive correlation between depressive symptoms and time spent on SNSs (Pantic 2014 ), the use of smartphones for different purposes, including SNSs and other media services (e.g. videos and chatrooms) before going to sleep has been found to correlate with depressive symptoms and sleep disturbances in adolescent populations (Lemola et al. 2014 ). Considering the similarities of SNSs and online dating (sites and applications) and similar findings in online dating research (e.g. low self-esteem related to higher use of online dating, higher availability of online dating sites leading to longer use), it appears plausible to consider previous research investigating SNSs as a guide for online dating research.

Another overlapping phenomenon between SNS use and online dating is the social changes that their usage (SNS use and online dating use) may create in individuals’ life. In that sense, Pantic ( 2014 ) concluded that SNS use has created changes in how individuals relate to each other in the present time making social interactions more shallow and decreasing communication with family members (Pantic 2014 ). At the same time, online dating may potentially change the dating scene because of the growth in popularity and ubiquity of the service due to smartphone applications. Previous literature highlighted that time needed to form long-lasting relationships (romantic and platonic) is mismatched with the time users spent on online dating for that same purpose (establishing a long-term relationship), thus favouring casual encounters over other types of dates (Yeo and Fung 2018 ) that may potentially lead to longer-lasting relationships and stronger bonding. Social changes in relation to dating may not necessarily lead to detrimental effects. However, research is needed to assess what types of changes are produced by the inclusion of online dating in our day-to-day life and how these changes affect individuals in a multidisciplinary perspective.

Contrary to other internet disorders, problematic online dating research is still in its initial stage, and as of today, online dating has not been particularly studied in terms of its problematic use. Considering the extended use that online dating services have in the present, and the concerns at the individual level (i.e. mental health problems) and societal level (i.e. dating scene changes), it seems appropriate to review previous literature in this field attending to the need of formulating new knowledge in relation to online dating use and problematic use. Therefore, the present review paper scans previous literature in the field of online dating that relates to longer or higher use of online dating sites and/or dating apps which may be one of the first steps towards the study of excessive and/or problematic use of online dating sites.

Consequently, the aim of the present paper is to review the empirical evidence examining the use and problematic use of online dating. Considering that previous literature concerning problematic use of online dating is scarce, the structure of this present review has been designed to assess and discuss relevant factors related to online dating use that may serve as the basis for further study of problematic use of online dating.

An extensive literature search in accordance with the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analysis statement (PRISMA) (Moher et al. 2009 ) was conducted in May 2019 using the Web of Science and PsycINFO databases. In order to be as inclusive as possible, terms also included extensively used online dating apps and platforms, as well as terms for ‘addiction’ and similar constructs, and technological mediums. The search was as follows: Ti=(dating OR tinder OR grindr OR match.com OR okcupid OR jack’d OR badoo) AND (smartphone OR mobile OR online OR internet OR apps OR cyber* OR patho* OR addict* OR compuls* OR depend* OR problem* OR excess* OR misuse OR obsess* OR habit* OR impuls*). The search yielded a total of 627 studies in Web of Science and 176 studies in PsycINFO. A total of 803 studies were identified which produced a final selection of 43 studies after inclusion and exclusion criteria were applied (see Fig.  1 ).

Flowchart displaying the search process

The inclusion criteria comprised full-text studies that (i) were published in peer-reviewed journals, (ii) were published from January 1 (2004) to May 30 (2019) as first studies on online dating in the consulted databases dating back to 2004, (iii) were written in English or Spanish as these are the languages that the first author speaks, (iv) made reference to patterns and/or motivations of use and (v) made reference to personality traits, negative consequences or risks, impulsive behaviours and/or addictions. Studies were excluded if they (i) primarily concerned cyberbullying and its derivatives, (ii) primarily concerned scams, and (iii) did not assess online dating as the main variable under investigation. This yielded 43 studies (see Table 1 ), only two of which specifically covered potential addiction to online dating.

This section has been divided into six subsections which cover: (i) usage and motivation, (ii) personality correlates, (iii) negative correlates, (iv) impulsive behaviour, (v) substance use and behavioural addictions, and (vi) problematic use of online dating. Across the subsections, the focus is on the main findings of each study and, when applicable, how these findings relate to overuse/problematic attributes.

Usage and Motivations

A total of eleven studies were found that examined the characteristics of use or motivations of online dating use. Out of the eleven studies, there were ten quantitative studies, all of which were cross-sectional (Corriero and Tong 2016 ; Gunter 2008 ; Hance et al. 2018 ; Houran and Lange 2004 ; Hwang 2013 ; Kim et al. 2009 ; Menkin et al. 2015 ; Paul 2014 ; Stinson and Jeske 2016 ; Valkenburg and Peter 2007 ), and one qualitative study (Lawson and Leck 2006 ). One study examined heterosexual respondents only (Hwang 2013 ), and another study focused on male homosexual populations only (Corriero and Tong 2016 ), and the remaining studies did not differentiate between sexual orientations.

Before the proliferation of online dating platforms and smartphone applications, Gunter ( 2008 ) collected 3844 responses (67% female) from the British population in an online survey available on the website of a research agency that asked questions regarding motivations and users’ satisfaction with the online dating service. All age groups were represented evenly: 16–24 years (11%), 25–34 years (31%), 35–44 years (27%), 45–54 years (20%) and 55+ years (11%). Results showed that 29% had used online dating sites and 90% of these users had spent up to £200 over the previous two years using online dating services (Gunter 2008 ). These results were supported by another study (Valkenburg and Peter 2007 ) with 367 single respondents (50% females) from the Netherlands. They were asked to complete an online survey that contained a subscale on active intentions from the Dating Anxiety Survey (Calvert et al. 1987 ). Findings showed that almost half of the respondents (43%) had used the internet to date potential partners. Both studies found differences in terms of use by gender, where men were found to be more likely (40%) to have used online dating services than women (24%) (Gunter 2008 ). However, there was no difference regarding income or education. Furthermore, in relation to age, it appeared that adults aged between 30 and 50 years were the most active users. In addition to the socio-demographic pattern of use, Hwang ( 2013 ) collected data from 2123 heterosexual users’ profiles on an American online dating site in Los Angeles and compared the willingness to date between different racial groups (e.g. Asians and Latinos) and within the same group (i.e. whites with whites). In order to do this, demographic measures (i.e. age, gender, marital status, educational level and zip code of residence) were taken; also willingness to date inter- and intra-racially was registered; however, the authors did not specify how they measured that variable (willingness to date inter- and intra-racially). Generally, dating online intra-racially was favoured over inter-racial dating. However, men were found to be higher in willingness to date inter-racially in comparison to women. Nonetheless, considering the specificity of the sample, these results cannot be extrapolated to the general population. Further studies should consider including variability in terms of sexual orientations and cultural background to see if these findings can be replicated.

Considering the expectations of use in terms of finding a perfect partner, Houran and Lange ( 2004 ) studied a sample of 222 non-married participants from a paid survey panel (mean age = 37.39 years) and reported that online dating users did not hold unrealistic expectations (i.e. positive distortions towards finding the perfect match). However, the authors did not consider the participants’ goals for using online dating, and arguably, depending on users’ goals, expectations may differ. Taken together, the previous four studies indicate that young adult men are the most active online dating users tending to date intra-racially. However, three of these studies (i.e. Gunter 2008 ; Houran and Lange 2004 ; Valkenburg and Peter 2007 ) were carried out before the launch of smartphone dating apps, the appearance of which could have resulted in different findings.

Regarding psychological characteristics of users, Kim et al. ( 2009 ) surveyed 3354 American respondents across a wide age range (19 to 89 years) and found that those who experienced less dating anxiety were notably more present on online dating platforms. Furthermore, they found that users high in social skills (i.e. sociability), together with high self-esteem, and high relationship involvement were more likely to use online dating services in comparison to those with high sociability and high relationship involvement but with low self-esteem. On the contrary, individuals with low self-esteem and low relationship involvement (together with high sociability) were found to be more active users compared to less sociable participants, and those whose self-esteem was high but who scored low on relationship involvement, or vice versa. To clarify, the effect was only found in the interaction between self-esteem and relationship involvement among those high in sociability. Seemingly, being sociable appears as an important predictor of higher online dating use. However, being highly sociable is not a reliable predictor of online dating use by itself, but only in interaction with individuals’ goals and self-esteem. In contrast to these results, a small survey by Stinson and Jeske ( 2016 ) of 162 participants found that peer pressure influenced the decision to use online dating services instead of personality factors (e.g. sociability, introversion). The authors claimed that it may be due to the spreading popularity of online dating that personality features were not as predictive in regard to usage tendency.

In terms of individuals’ motives, there appear to be many possibilities as to why people date online. In a study of 5434 respondents, Menkin et al. ( 2015 ) found that participants generally emphasised interpersonal communication over sex appeal, with women placing greater importance on social interaction, whereas men considered sexual attraction more important than women across all ages. However, younger individuals, aged between 20 and 39 years, considered sexual attraction more important than older individuals (75+ years old). Emphasising sexual attraction, in a study with 62 young men using an all-male dating app (mean age = 22.18 years), Corriero and Tong ( 2016 ) identified that casual sex goals were related with desire for uncertainty. Conversely, if users were concerned about their own personal information, health and privacy, then their desire for uncertainty decreased. Therefore, it may be argued that those young users who are looking for casual sex encounters put themselves at higher risk than those who are not looking for sex. This hypothesis is discussed in a later section.

In more general terms, online daters search for companionship, comfort after a life crisis, control over the presentation of oneself to others, to refrain from commitment and societal boundaries, new experiences, and romantic fantasies (Lawson and Leck 2006 ). In relation to control over self-presentation, it has been claimed that individuals with high rejection–sensitivity tend to feel more comfortable to express themselves in the online medium, and those who feel more comfortable expressing themselves online are found to score higher on online dating use (Hance et al. 2018 ). One of the reasons for high rejection–sensitive individuals to engage more in the online dating arena may be related to feeling less constrained to show themselves (i.e. ‘true self’), identifying less difficulties in the online context. Nonetheless, it appears that common features in online dating like the absence of time limits (i.e. asynchronous communication) and selective self-presentation facilitate deceptive representations of oneself (Hall et al. 2010 ). In a study of secondary survey data from 4002 US participants, Paul ( 2014 ) found that couples who met online had higher split up rates in comparison to partners who met offline. Arguably, typical features of online dating services and apps such as asynchronous communication and selective self-presentation may negatively affect the quality of a long-term relationship between two online daters. Consequently, further studies are needed in the form of longitudinal designs that would help establish the causes that affect the quality of relationships initiated via online dating services.

Overall, the results of this subsection show that the use of online dating platforms is widespread and has grown rapidly in the past few years. In terms of use, younger adult men appear to be the most prevalent users of online dating services. In terms of motivations to use online dating, men favour sex appeal more compared to women. Regarding psychological characteristics, it appears that high sociability and high rejection–sensitivity are associated with higher use of online dating services. The studies reviewed suggest that there are some features in online dating services (i.e. sites and apps) that could enhance the chances of deception and decrease the quality of long-term relationships. Nonetheless, there are some methodological weaknesses (e.g. the use of non-validated psychometric instruments, and non-representative samples) that should be amended in future research so that the internal and external validity of these findings are increased. As to the design, the research should consider longitudinal approaches to help establish the direction of causality (i.e. is relationship quality affected by online dating or are there underlying factors that directly affect relationship quality).

Personality Correlates

Considering the association that exists between specific personality correlates and patterns of use, a total of seven studies (Blackhart et al. 2014 ; Chan 2017 ; Chin et al. 2019 ; Clemens et al. 2015 ; Hall et al. 2010 ; Peter and Valkenburg 2007 ; Sumter and Vandenbosch 2019 ) were found and reviewed focusing on the association of personality traits and use of online dating services. All the studies assessed used quantitative and cross-sectional methods.

Blackhart et al. ( 2014 ) surveyed 725 US participants (73.9% females; mean age = 22.31 years) using the Online Dating Inventory (Blackhart et al. 2014 ) and the Big Five Inventory (John et al. 1991 ) among other validated scales, and found that individuals low in conscientiousness were more likely to be involved in risky sexual behaviours in the context of online dating. Also, in a survey of 657 Dutch participants (51% females; mean age = 39.26 years), Peter and Valkenburg ( 2007 ) found that individuals high in sexual permissiveness and sensation-seeking search more for sex dates. This association was also reported in a study of 257 US heterosexual participants (57.86% males; mean age = 27.14 years) incorporating the integrative model of behavioural prediction, which suggests that intent to engage in a behaviour, normative beliefs, and one’s self-efficacy are the key components to predict human behaviour (Fishbein 2000 ). Findings suggested that those high in sensation-seeking used online dating apps to look for casual partners and romantic dates (Chan 2017 ). The authors also found associations between trust towards people, sensation-seeking, and higher use of smartphones with increased dating app use, and a direct relationship between smartphone use and dating app use. Arguably, there may be an association between excessive smartphone use and dating app use. Furthermore, Sumter and Vandenbosch ( 2019 ) collected data from 171 students of the University of Amsterdam and 370 from a research agency ( N  = 541; 60.1% females; mean age = 23.71 years) using the Dating App Motivation Scale, based on the Tinder Motivation Scale (Sumter et al. 2017 ), Dating Anxiety Scale (Peter and Valkenburg 2007 ), Brief Sensation Seeking Scale (Hoyle et al. 2002 ) and Sexual Permissiveness Scale (Peter and Valkenburg 2007 ). They reported a positive correlation between sexual permissiveness and dating app use for casual sex dates. The authors also found that the odds ratio for likelihood of being an active user increased by 1.25 for those high in sexual permissiveness. This heightened use was related to feelings of excitement of new activities, coined as the ‘thrill of excitement’ (Sumter and Vandenbosch 2019 , p. 661). Thrill of excitement also works as a motivation for online dating app use for sensation-seeking individuals.

There appears to be agreement concerning the relationship between some personality traits and the motives for online dating use (Sumter and Vandenbosch 2019 ). In a survey of 678 participants (584 undergraduate students and 94 individuals from the general population from online networking websites; 86% aged between 18 and 20 years), Clemens et al. ( 2015 ) took personality measures using the Big-Five Scale (Benet-Martínez and John 1998 ) and online dating gratifications (i.e. identity, social, companionship, distraction, intercourse, status, and relationship) with blended items from three different validated scales: the General Internet Use Scale (Charney and Greenberg 2002 ), Television Viewing Motives Scale (Rubin 1981 ) and Social Networking Scale (Guessennd et al. 2008 ). Results provided significant correlations between personality traits and online dating gratifications. For example, neuroticism was significantly related to identity gratification, which means that individuals high in neuroticism pursue the creation of their own identity by being free to choose what to show to others. Openness to experience was found to be associated with being social when using online dating sites. Disagreeable individuals were found to use online dating sites to be social and to search for companions. Conversely, those who scored low in disagreeableness were found to use online dating sites with peer pressure (i.e. status). Furthermore, conscientiousness was correlated with finding a romantic relationship. Also, the authors included sex and sexual orientation in the model in order to relate them to personality traits and dating gratifications. Significant associations were found between homosexual participants and gratifications of relationship and sex. Additionally, homosexuals were found to score higher on neuroticism, together with heterosexual women.

It has already been noted that neurotic individuals aim to form their own identity via online dating sites (Clemens et al. 2015 ). Forming one’s own identity on online sites, in this case online dating websites, can lead to misrepresentation (Hall et al. 2010 ). In a survey of 5020 American online daters (74% females; mean age = 39.8 years), Hall et al. ( 2010 ) found that self-monitoring, defined as the quality of adapting one’s presentation in order to obtain a desired outcome (Back and Snyder 1988 ), was a predictor of misrepresentation in online dating. In terms of personality traits, the authors reported that participants low in openness to experience were more likely to misrepresent themselves on online dating sites in order to appear more appealing. Neurotic individuals, who have been claimed to pursue control over their online representation, were not found to misrepresent themselves (Hall et al. 2010 ).

Regarding attachment styles, Chin et al. ( 2019 ) surveyed 183 single American participants, and 60% of those were male (mean age = 29.97 years). A multivariate regression analysis was performed utilising data from the Attachment Style Questionnaire (Simpson et al. 1992 ), together with some items covering the use of dating apps. Results showed differences in use depending on the type of attachment and reported those with anxious attachment patterns tended to use online dating more than avoidant types.

The results in this section indicate that there is a relationship between the use of dating apps and personality characteristics, such as low conscientiousness, high sensation-seeking, and sexual permissiveness. The relationship suggests that individuals high in sensation-seeking and sexual permissiveness use dating app services for casual sexual encounters. Further research should study the relationship between sensation-seeking and sexual permissiveness with the use of dating apps. Also, there appears to be an association between neuroticism and higher online dating use. However, only two studies have reported a clear positive correlation (Chin et al. 2019 ; Hance et al. 2018 ). Regarding the limitations of the studies, all of them were cross-sectional; therefore, no causality or directionality of the findings can be inferred. In terms of samples, there are some limitations regarding generalisability considering that many of the studies used convenience and/or non-randomised samples.

Negative Correlates

This section reviews risks in relation to the use of online dating. A total of ten studies were identified. There were six qualitative studies (Best and Delmege 2012 ; Couch and Liamputtong 2007 ; Couch et al. 2012 ; Erjavec and Fišer 2016 ; Heino et al. 2010 ; Vandeweerd et al. 2016 ) and one paper which contained two studies: one qualitative and one quantitative (Sánchez et al. 2015 ). Three of the studies were purely quantitative (Cali et al. 2013 ; Choi et al. 2018 ; Solis and Wong 2019 ). Additionally, two studies utilised female-only samples (Cali et al. 2013 ; Vandeweerd et al. 2016 ).

According to the studies found in relation to perceived risks, there appears to be agreement on the existence of potential dangers of online dating. Vandeweerd et al. ( 2016 ) in an interview-based study with 45 women aged 50 years and older (mean age = 57.3 years) found that there was acknowledgement of risks, such as pervasive lying, attempted financial exploitation, and unwanted electronic sexual aggression (Vandeweerd et al. 2016 ). Moreover, Solis and Wong ( 2019 ) in their study in mainland China with 433 users of dating apps (mean age = 30 years; 57.5% males) reported five categories of perceived risks: lies and deception, sexual risk, dangerous people, self-exposure, and harassment (Solis and Wong 2019 ). There were some shared perceived risk categories identified by these two studies: lying, finding people with ulterior motives, and aggression. In another study, with a female-only sample from a Midwestern University in the USA (mean age = 24.36 years), Cali et al. ( 2013 ) carried out a vignette study comparing two different dating scenarios (i.e. online vs. offline). Participants were randomly assigned to one of the two conditions and were given a description. Following this, they were asked to complete the Dating Self-Protection Against Rape Scale (Moore and Waterman 1999 ) and some items on internet usage. After analysis, results showed a difference between the two groups. Online dating scenario participants placed more importance on self-protective behaviours, and those who had never used online dating before scored the highest in self-protective behaviours. Here, it appears that time spent using online dating mitigates the perceptions of risks which could lead to the underestimation of potential dangers. Further research needs to verify this hypothesis.

Choi et al. ( 2018 ) studied a sample of 666 students from four different universities in Hong Kong (mean age = 20.03 years) and collected data on the use of dating apps and experience of sexual abuse with the subscale of the revised Conflict Tactics Scale (Straus et al. 1996 ). The data showed that users of dating apps were more likely to have been sexually abused than non-users in the past year. The use of online dating apps was also associated with lifetime sexual abuse, especially among sexual minorities (i.e. bisexual/homosexual males). These data need to be interpreted cautiously because the data did not discern whether the abuser was met online or offline. Further studies should discriminate whether or not the abuser was met via dating apps.

Among adolescent populations, Sánchez et al. ( 2015 ) carried out two studies. The first study was qualitative, with focus groups including 16 participants (eight males) with ages ranging from 14 to 17 years. The focus group data analysis resulted in identifying several factors which were later included in the development of a scale (second study). The scale, namely the Cyberdating Q_A, assesses the quality of online dating among adolescents over six dimensions (online intimacy, emotional communication strategies, cyberdating practices, online control, online jealousy, and online intrusive behaviour).

Couch and Liamputtong ( 2007 ) interviewed 15 participants from Melbourne (Australia) via online chat, eleven males aged between 24 and 44 years. After carrying out thematic analysis of the transcripts, the main findings reported that participants’ management of risks was dependent upon the control they had over their own personal information on the online dating site (e.g. whether they can change their name, not showing telephone number and/or address). In a later study, Couch et al. ( 2012 ) carried out a qualitative study with 29 participants from Australia, 12 females, aged between 18 and 70 years (mean age = 32.83). After conducting the interviews via an online chat platform, they found that participants identified risks such as deceit, sexual risks, emotional and physical risks and risks of encountering dangerous and untrustworthy people.

Additionally, one of the key features of online dating (i.e. the screening of multiple profiles in order to select potential partners to establish an interaction which could later lead to an offline date) appears to have counterproductive effects on the users, such as partners’ objectification and reduced energies for dating. Heino et al. ( 2010 ) reported objectification of the potential dates in a study with 34 American online daters (50% females, mean age = 42) from a large dating site, all of them living in Los Angeles. Participants used many marketplace metaphors when referring to screening profiles, which were themed into five categories: (i) other market’s worth, (ii) own market’s worth, (iii) shopping for perfect parts, (iv) maximising inventory, and (v) calibrating selectivity (Heino et al. 2010 ). Another study carried out with 38 older Slovenian adults between 63 and 77 years of age (18 females) found that participants used economic metaphors (e.g. the best of what the market offers, to be back in the market) when speaking about their experience of online dating (Erjavec and Fišer 2016 ). Similar to these findings, Best and Delmege ( 2012 ) in a small-scale study with 15 respondents (66% females aged 18 to 62) from Western Australia found that the use of marketplace metaphors or a ‘shopping culture of dating’ (Best and Delmege 2012 , p. 237) affected the online daters by decreasing their willingness to date. Based on these findings, further research could study the relationship between objectification of others and self in online dating use and mental health problems.

Overall, the studies covered in this section demonstrate that online dating is perceived as more dangerous than traditional offline dating. The perceived risks appear to coincide across studies, mainly involving deception, sexual harassment, and finding untrustworthy people. However, only one study (Choi et al. 2018 ) identified the risks of being abused in relation to dating apps use, although the findings in this study may be somewhat unspecific because it was not assessed whether the experienced abuse resulted from online or offline sources of aggression. There is agreement on the general perception of risks and the objectification effect by filtering through multiple profiles. Findings come mainly from qualitative studies; therefore, they are informative, but further analysis on more representative populations using quantitative approaches is needed to support these results.

Sexual and Impulsive Behaviour

There is an important body of research studying impulsive behaviours mainly in the form of risky sexual choices in the context of online dating. Consequently, a total of ten studies in relation to online dating were identified examining risky sexual behaviours (Choi et al. 2016a , 2016b ; Chow et al. 2018 ; Goedel and Duncan 2016 ; Heijman et al. 2016 ; Hospers et al. 2005 ; Kok et al. 2007 ; Whitfield et al. 2017 ), antisocial behaviour (March et al. 2017 ), and behavioural changes based on site-to-apps shift (Jung et al. 2019 ). All the studies were quantitative and cross-sectional (Choi et al. 2016a , 2016b ; Chow et al. 2018 ; Goedel and Duncan 2016 ; Heijman et al. 2016 ; Hospers et al. 2005 ; Kok et al. 2007 ; March et al. 2017 ; Whitfield et al. 2017 ) with the exception of one longitudinal study (Jung et al. 2019 ). In terms of samples, six of the studies focused exclusively on men who have sex with men (MSM) (Chow et al. 2018 ; Goedel and Duncan 2016 ; Heijman et al. 2016 ; Hospers et al. 2005 ; Kok et al. 2007 ; Whitfield et al. 2017 ).

Choi et al. ( 2016a , 2016b ) collected data using questionnaires covering the use of dating apps and sexual history, together with some demographic variables. These data were collected in four universities in Hong Kong, which formed a convenience sample of 666 students (mean age = 20.03 years). Of those, at least 296 were male participants (ten did not answer the gender question). The aim was to examine the relationship between smartphone dating apps and risky sexual behaviours (i.e. condomless sex). In the first study (Choi et al. 2016a ), results showed a robust positive correlation between dating app use and condomless sex. Additionally, the use of dating apps for a period longer than 12 months was associated with having casual condomless sex in the most recent sexual interaction. In the second study (Choi et al. 2016b ), similar results with further associations were found in addition to the previous findings. For example, dating app users and alcohol drinkers were less likely to use a condom during sex (alcohol consumption was categorised as current drinker or non-drinker). Being bisexual, homosexual, or female was significantly correlated with being less likely to have used a condom during the most recent sexual interaction.

Regarding homosexual populations, Chow et al. ( 2018 ) studied a large sample of 1672 Australian MSM from the Melbourne Sexual Health Centre (aged between 17 and 78 years; median age = 29 years) in relation to dating apps and use of saliva in sex as a form of lubricant, which has been shown to pose a higher risk of being infected by gonorrhoea (Chow et al. 2016 ). Findings reported that MSM who used dating apps were 1.78 times more likely to perform rimming (oro-anal sex) and 1.63 times more likely to use saliva as lubricant during anal sex (Chow et al. 2018 ). In line with these findings, Goedel and Duncan ( 2016 ) found a positive correlation between condomless sex and use of several dating apps in a sample of 174 New York City male users (age range 19 to 58; mean age = 30.8 years) of an all-male dating app. Additionally, a significant relationship between alcohol and drug use and condomless sex was found (drugs and alcohol consumption data were collected via an item based on a retrospective account of the last three months in conjunction with dating app use).

In contrast to these findings, Heijman et al. ( 2016 ) studied a sample of 3050 MSM Amsterdam participants (mostly Dutch [73.8%] with a median age of 37 years). The results found no significant association with dating app use and condomless sex among HIV-negative users; conversely, HIV-positive users were found to be more likely to perform anal sex without a condom, indicating that there are differences in risky sexual choices by MSM in the context of online dating. However, this association was not significant after inclusion of partnership characteristics in the multivariate model (e.g. HIV status, ethnic origin, and age). The authors suggested that knowing more information about partners (i.e. HIV status, lifestyle concordance, and ethnic origin) works as a mediating effect for condomless sex in the context of online dating.

In a previous study with MSM in the Netherlands, Hospers et al. ( 2005 ) reported a higher percentage (39%) of condomless anal sex especially in HIV-positive online daters in comparison to HIV-negative daters, but no differences were found between offline and online samples. Even though the sample comprised 4984 users (mean age = 33.2) of an online dating platform, the results may be interpreted with caution because smartphone dating apps were non-existent at the time the study was published. Nonetheless, a more recent study found no correlation between the use of dating apps and condomless sex among a homosexual sample of 545 men (mean age = 36.81 years) (Whitfield et al. 2017 ). Nonetheless, Whitfield et al. ( 2017 ) found ethnic group differences in terms of condom use in online daters, and the results of their research show that individuals with Latino/Hispanic origin are found to be 0.46 times more likely to have unprotected anal sex than Whites; other ethnic origins such as American Indian, Alaskan, Asian and Hawaiian were categorised as ‘other’ (Whitfield et al. 2017 , p. 780) which increased the chances of condomless anal sex by 0.35 in comparison to their White counterparts in individuals who use online dating.

In order to explain the factors involved in the decision-making of sexual risky behaviours among MSM who actively use online dating platforms, Kok et al. ( 2007 ) used the theory of planned behaviour (Ajzen 1991 ) and found that attitude (e.g. behavioural beliefs about the use of condoms), subjective norms (i.e. normative beliefs), and perceived control (i.e. self-efficacy) explained 55% of the variance in intention of using protection during anal sex. Fantasising about condomless sex was found to have a direct effect on intention to carry out condomless sex (intention is considered by the theory of planned behaviour to be the most reliable predictor of behaviour) (Ajzen 1991 ; Kok et al. 2007 ). In relation to online dating apps, it could be argued that specific structural characteristics (e.g. chat, sharing pictures) may increase fantasising about condomless sex. However, further research is needed to relate the aforementioned structural characteristics of dating apps and sexual behaviour.

Regarding behavioural changes among computer online dating and smartphone dating apps, Jung et al. ( 2019 ), in a study that accessed data from 100,000 users (geographical location was not specified) of an online dating site (female mean age = 36.10 years; male mean age = 33.22 years) reported that the shift from computer-only access (i.e. online dating site) to smartphone access (i.e. dating app) produced a behavioural change in the users, such as increasing the number of visits to others’ profiles, sending more messages, and achieving more matches (Jung et al. 2019 ). As a consequence of computer-to-smartphone shift, the authors noted that men had increased impulsivity (i.e. they became even less deliberate in terms of quantity of messages sent and their targets). Regarding disinhibition, both men and women lowered their partners’ preference standards. For example, viewing profiles of individuals from a different ethnic background increased by 85.3% per week for females and 127% for males (Jung et al. 2019 ). Therefore, according to these results, there appears to be an effect on the ubiquity factor to becoming more engaged and presumably increasing the chances of developing a misuse pattern of online dating services when using smartphone dating apps rather than computer-based online sites.

According to March et al. ( 2017 ), there is a relationship between dysfunctional impulsivity and antisocial behaviours, such as trolling (i.e. the act of being provocative, offensive or threatening [Bishop 2014 ]) on the Tinder app. In their study with 357 participants from Australia (mean age = 22.50 years), findings suggested that traits of psychopathy, sadism, and impulsivity were positively related to acts of trolling. Taking these two studies together (Jung et al. 2019 ; March et al. 2017 ), it appears that impulsivity plays a role in increasing users’ behavioural repertoire in the context of online dating and also provides the possibility to engage in non-adjusted behaviours.

Overall, the results presented in this section suggest that online daters have higher chances of behaving impulsively in comparison to non-users in terms of risky sexual choices. The behaviours covered were mostly of sexual nature and focused mainly on homosexual male populations (MSM). This biased focus may be due to the fact that homosexual men’s sexual practices pose a higher risk of HIV infection. Nonetheless, it could be beneficial for the sake of generalisability to know if these results can be replicated across individuals with other sexual orientations (i.e. heterosexual, bisexual, homosexual women). Apart from sexually risky behaviours, it has been reported how the ubiquity factor of dating apps facilitates users’ engagement (Jung et al. 2019 ), potentially leading to an addictive pattern of use, but there is a need for further research to support this hypothesis.

Substance Use and Behavioural Addictions

In the final selection of studies, there are only two studies that have examined the relationship between online dating and substance use addiction (Boonchutima and Kongchan 2017 ; Choi et al. 2017 ) and one was dedicated to a behavioural addiction (i.e. sex addiction and online dating) (Zlot et al. 2018 ).

Boonchutima and Kongchan ( 2017 ) surveyed a sample of 350 MSM from Thailand (three out of four respondents aged 18 to 35 years) and asked about their online dating app use, sexual history, drug use history and intention of using drugs. Regression analysis reported that over 73% of the participants were using dating apps to find partners and to invite others to use illicit drugs with a 77% invitation success rate. Furthermore, one in three substance users (34.3%) engaged in condomless sex. Therefore, according to the findings, there may be an association between illegal drug use and condomless sex. Nevertheless, it should be noted there is no mention regarding what type of illicit drugs was used.

Regarding alcohol consumption and online dating, Choi et al. ( 2016b ) recruited a convenience sample of 666 students from Hong Kong, and correlational analysis found that being an online dater was associated with inconsistent use of condoms during sexual interactions (use of condoms was categorised as consistent if condoms were always used, or non-consistent if condoms were not used every time) and being a current drinker (categories were non-drinker or current drinker, no specific description of those categories are provided), concluding that ‘dating apps tend to skew their users toward risky sexual encounters’ (Choi et al. 2016b , p. 8). In a later study, Choi et al. ( 2017 ), with a convenience sample of 666 students (mean age = 20 years) from Hong Kong, reported a relationship between longer use of online dating (i.e. more than a year) and recreational substance use in conjunction with sex. Again, the specific substances were not mentioned and were coined as recreational drugs (alcohol was independent of the recreational drugs category). It would be useful for further research to specify the respective substances as the scope of illicit or recreational drugs can be extensive. According to these studies, the co-occurrence of substance use with risky sexual behaviour in the context of online dating was indicated. Nonetheless, caution needs to be used with regard to this assumption because the assessed samples were skewed towards MSM; therefore, generalising the results to the general population is not possible.

In relation to behavioural addictions in the context of online dating, Zlot et al. ( 2018 ) studied a sample of 279 participants from Israel comprising 128 males (mean age = 25 years). In order to collect data, participants answered a series of validated psychometric instruments that were integrated in an online questionnaire. Measures included the Liebowitz Social Anxiety Scale (Liebowitz 1987 ), the Sensation Seeking Scale (Zuckerman et al. 1964 ) and the Sexual Addiction Screening Test (Carnes 1991 ). Following the analysis, associations were found between users of dating apps and higher scores on sexual addiction measures in comparison to non-app users, as well as a positive correlation between social anxiety and the use of smartphone dating. Again, the relationship between anxiety-tendency factors and the use of online dating was supported as was mentioned in the preceding sections.

The scarcity of the literature limits the conclusions. However, the findings can be considered as a guide for future study examining substance use and other types of behavioural addictions with online dating. There appears to be a relationship between substance use among partners who have met via online dating, at least among MSM who use dating apps. In relation to substance use and online dating among heterosexual populations, data come from only one study that reported no direct relationship (Choi et al. 2017 ). However, limitations in both studies include the use of general terms such as illicit/recreational drugs which necessitates further specification and replication. In terms of behavioural addiction, only sex addiction has been studied and it was found to be related to dating app use (Zlot et al. 2018 ).

Problematic Use of Online Dating

To date, only two studies have exclusively focused on problematic online dating. Both studies were quantitative and developed validated psychometric scales (Orosz et al. 2016 , 2018 ). One of the studies used a mixed-methods approach (Orosz et al. 2018 ). The two studies solely focused on one specific dating app (i.e. Tinder). In the first study, Orosz et al. ( 2016 ) developed a psychometric instrument to assess the problematic use of Tinder (Problematic Tinder Use Scale, PTUS). This self-report measure is based on the components model of addiction (Griffiths 2005 ), which comprises six characteristics of addiction: salience, mood modification, tolerance, withdrawal, conflict and relapse. In order to validate the PTUS, a sample of 430 Hungarian Tinder users (243 females; mean age = 22.53 years) was selected, and the six-item unidimensional structure showed good reliability and factor structure. In the second study, Orosz et al. ( 2018 ) carried out three different studies. First, with a sample of 414 Hungarian respondents (246 females; mean age = 22.71 years), the TUMS (Tinder Use Motivations Scale) was developed, resulting in the identification of four main motivations of Tinder use arising from a 16-item first-order factor structure (i.e. sex, love, self-esteem enhancement, and boredom). In the second study, with a convenience sample of 346 participants (165 females; mean age = 22.02), measures were taken from the newly developed TUMS, together with the PTUS, and the Hungarian Big Five Inventory (John and Srivastava 1999 ). The results were weak in relation to personality factors and the four main motivations for Tinder use. However, self-esteem enhancement was related to Tinder use. In the third study, 298 participants (177 females; mean age = 25.09) were assessed with the TUMS, PTUS, the Hungarian 10-item Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES) (Randal et al. 2015 ; Urbán et al. 2014 ), and the Hungarian version of the Basic Psychological Need Satisfaction and Need Frustration Scale (BPNSFS) (Chen et al. 2015 ; Tóth-Király et al. 2018 ). The results showed that relatedness frustration (i.e. needs not met by affection and care from relevant others) predicted the motivation of self-esteem enhancement which was found to be one of the motivations associated with problematic use of Tinder, together with the sex motive.

Overall, the studies presented in this section are not sufficient in terms of quantity to consider online dating addiction as an entity. However, the studies are of general interest to researchers considering the widespread use of dating apps and provide insight in relation to factors such as self-esteem and sex-searching that may be related to the development of problematic patterns of use. Even though there is a scarcity of literature examining problematic use of online dating, there is some research that appears to support the findings presented in this section. Further study is needed to consider the relevant factors that have been suggested as predictors of problematic use, self-esteem and sex-searching motives, with a cross-cultural approach in order to inform of possible cultural differences in relation to problematic use. Also, other dating apps could be subject of study to examine if there are any differences in terms of motives that could lead to problematic use.

The present paper reviewed the literature concerning the use of online dating focusing on problematic online dating (computer-based and smartphone apps), characteristics of users (e.g. personality correlates, users’ motivations), and consequences of use (e.g. risks associated with the use of online dating, impulsivity, use of drugs in conjunction to online dating). Due to the lack of previous literature on problematic use of online dating, socio-demographic and psychological characteristics (e.g. gender, age and personality) are informative with regard to which specific individual characteristics relate to greater use of online dating. Even though longer-time use cannot be considered as problematic or addictive per se , it could be a reference point for future research in the field.

In terms of use, two of the reviewed studies pointed out that between 29% and 43% of their samples had used online dating services. However, these studies were published in 2007 and 2008, and in one decade, the usage of online dating platforms (including dating sites and dating apps) has been extended reaching up to 8000 different dating sites in the world, representing a business worth almost US$2 billion per year (Matthews 2018 ). The growth in this service may be due to different reasons, and as with other forms of internet use (e.g. social media use, online gaming, online shopping, etc.), much of this use may have nothing to do with addictive patterns, but with passing time and being a pleasurable activity.

Nevertheless, online dating developers have acknowledged that design is made to engage the user and increase monetisation of the business (Jung et al. 2014 ). Even though the design of dating apps has not been studied in the field of addiction, previous literature examining SNS use suggests that user interaction such as scrolling, tapping, and typing is related to smartphone addiction (Noë et al. 2019 ). Considering that dating apps have a similar user interaction design (i.e. typing, scrolling/swiping, and liking), comparable associations with addictive patterns of use may exist. Further research is needed to confirm such a speculation.

In terms of personality correlates, reviewed studies pointed out that sociability, anxious attachment style, social anxiety, lower conscientiousness, higher sensation-seeking, and sexual permissiveness were associated with higher use of online dating (sexual permissiveness and lower conscientiousness have also been related to sex-searching in the context of online dating) (Blackhart et al. 2014 ; Chin et al. 2019 ; Kim et al. 2009 ; Peter and Valkenburg 2007 ; Zlot et al. 2018 ). Likewise, SNS research has suggested that higher extraversion, social anxiety, loneliness, and lower self-efficacy are related to Facebook addiction (Atroszko et al. 2018 ), higher extraversion and neuroticism to SNSs (Wang et al. 2015 ), and higher sensation-seeking to smartphone addiction (Wang et al. 2018 ). Neurotic correlates (i.e. social anxiety, neuroticism, and anxious attachment style) of SNS and online dating research have been found, with these characteristics having been associated with higher use, operationalising the definition of neuroticism as being highly anxious, depressed, and low in self-esteem (Eysenck 1965 ), and it could be argued that some of the motives of use claimed for these individuals could work as a form of avoidance or escapism from distress (e.g. distraction), leading to a negative reinforcement of the behaviour (i.e. online dating) that could heighten the chances of developing any kind of misuse or excessive usage pattern. Furthermore, the relationship between anxiety traits and neuroticism has been upheld by a great body of research in behavioural addictions (Andreassen et al. 2013 ; Atroszko et al. 2015 ; Balta et al. 2018 ; Kuss et al. 2013 , 2014 ). Therefore, considering this association, it is recommended that future research should study this relationship with the problematic use of online dating.

To date, only one study has related self-esteem enhancement to problematic use of Tinder (Orosz et al. 2018 ). Considering that anxious attachment, and generally anxiety-tendency correlates (i.e. neuroticism) are associated with lower measures of self-esteem (Lee and Hankin 2009 ), it could be argued that anxious users find online dating a form of validation, which can serve as positive social reinforcement that can increase the chances of continuing the use of online dating for longer periods of time, and potentially developing addictive-like patterns of use (e.g. craving for the use/validation, salience of use and mood modification).

Another form of problematic use of dating apps, more specifically Tinder, is sex-search use (Orosz et al. 2018 ). As previously discussed, sex-search use of online dating has been related to higher measures of sexual permissiveness, sensation-seeking, and lower conscientiousness. Furthermore, in one study, sex addiction was related to greater use of online dating sites (Zlot et al. 2018 ). Being a homosexual man has also been related to sex-search motives (Clemens et al. 2015 ), which may explain the bias towards homosexual men samples examining risky sexual behaviours in the context of online dating.

The reviewed studies supported an association between dating app use and condomless sex in comparison to non-dating app users, even though there are some studies that did not find this association (Heijman et al. 2016 ; Hospers et al. 2005 ; Whitfield et al. 2017 ). Nonetheless, homosexual men may be at higher risk of problematic use of online dating due to the prominent sex-search motive for online dating. Finding casual sexual partners in online dating services is facilitated by some apps that show how far users are from each other (i.e. geographical distance). This structural characteristic (GPS-based service) may be related to higher impulsive decisions and problematic use of online dating. Arguably, by showing up walking-distance profiles, it is easier to engage in casual dates and this may serve as a self-esteem enhancement mechanism, as previously discussed, which may increase engagement and usage of online dating services. However, further research is needed to support this association and how the different structural mechanisms of the respective dating apps affect measures of well being in users. Drawing upon chatting via online dating sites and apps (one of the structural characteristics of online dating is the possibility of engaging in online chatting with other users), it may be relevant to consider the act of ‘sexting’ (the act of sending sexual content or explicit nude pictures or videos via text messages) (Gordon-Messer et al. 2013 ) as a potential factor for increasing sex-motive search. Previous research has associated sexting with risky sexual behaviour (Klettke et al. 2014 ) Consequently, chatting (one structural characteristic of dating apps) may facilitate the appearance of sexting, in turn increasing the chances of risky sexual behaviours. Sexting through dating applications may as well increase the sex-search motive of users (i.e. casual sex dates) which has been found to be a predictor of problematic use of dating apps. However, further study is needed to provide evidence in order to relate chatting through dating apps and sexting, and how this may influence the appearance of sexual behaviour (e.g. risky sexual behaviour and/or heightened sex-search motive).

Some of the reviewed studies concerning associated risks converge on the findings that generally online dating users find online dating to have specific risks, including deceit, fear of physical harassment, and financial exploitation. Additionally, there is a body of research that points to the objectifying environment that emerges in online dating (e.g. through using market-like vocabulary and filtering through numerous profiles). It is of concern that objectification of other users may increase self-objectification (Koval et al. 2019 ), whose mental health consequences have been noted in previous literature including clinical symptoms of depression and eating disorders (Jones and Griffiths 2014 ; Register et al. 2015 ). Therefore, further research should study the emotional experience of users and consider how longer time of use may influence wellbeing measures and clinical mental health symptoms through self-objectification.

Regarding methodology, some weaknesses limit the strength of the findings in the reviewed studies. First, cross-sectional design prevents from making causality inferences and to know the directionality of the results (e.g. condomless sex leads to using dating apps or using dating apps leads to having condomless sex). Second, some of the measures present limitations which may bias the results (e.g. use of non-validated items, lack of categorisation, and specificity). Third, some samples limit the external validity of the findings (i.e. convenience samples and specific-population samples). Therefore, it is recommended for further study to (i) use more diverse samples, (ii) consider methodologies that can establish causality, and (iii) collect data using self-reports together with interviews to increase internal validity. In addition to the latter, it could be useful to collect real-life measures of online dating use which assess the temporal stability of usage and may provide some insightful objective data that self-report measures cannot facilitate, such as using the experience sampling method (ESM), which is defined as a research procedure by which participants respond to a series of questions multiple times a day during a specific period of time (Larson and Csikszentmihalyi 2014 ). All of these proposals would help to overcome the present limitations of these studies and provide more robust insights in the field of online dating utilising the highest standards of empirical research.

This current systematic review presents a number of limitations. First, there are some studies that do not specify whether their findings are based on online dating sites, mobile applications, or both. This is necessary in order to differentiate the distinctive phenomena of each service. Second, online dating services include a great variety of apps and sites; therefore, including all of them under the term online dating services may be reductionist and ignore different processes (i.e. psychological and behavioural) that may arise from their use. Third, due to the paucity in previous research in the field of online dating, some conclusions are based on a limited amount of studies, and further study will be needed in order to support current findings and conclusions. Lastly, considering that the field of online dating research is growing over time, it is likely that studies under the process of submission or publication have been not included in this review.

Conclusions

Online dating has become an extended service across technological societies. The present review is the first attempt to gather empirical findings regarding the use of online dating services (sites and smartphone applications) and problematic use of online dating. Findings in this this review indicate that there are personality correlates such as sociability, sensation-seeking, sexual permissiveness, and anxious attachment that correlate to greater use of online dating. Self-esteem enhancement and sex-search motives have been related to problematic use of online dating (more specifically of the dating app Tinder). Other results indicate that users consider online dating as more dangerous than offline (i.e. traditional) dating, as well as more objectifying. Additionally, online dating services facilitate casual encounters (i.e. hook-up dates) which represent a public health concern in terms of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and substance use (alcohol and recreational drugs).

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Bonilla-Zorita, G., Griffiths, M.D. & Kuss, D.J. Online Dating and Problematic Use: A Systematic Review. Int J Ment Health Addiction 19 , 2245–2278 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11469-020-00318-9

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The Downsides of Online Dating

Three factors to consider when seeking a relationship online..

Posted November 7, 2019 | Reviewed by Lybi Ma

The Internet has transformed the dating game. Many changes have been positive such as broadening the pool of potential partners and matching people based on preset characteristics. In fact, online dating is now responsible for approximately 20% of marriages! But this article isn’t about the positives; it’s about the negatives. Here are some pitfalls for online daters to consider, and my suggestions for addressing each one.

1) Overemphasis on physical appearance. Dating services that present a brief bio or profile for people to evaluate lead to an overemphasis on looks. Although valuing physical appearance is not new, traditional methods of meeting people such as through friends, or at school or work, afford the opportunity to observe much more than outward appearance before deciding whether to pursue a relationship. The rapid and sometimes shallow evaluations involved in online dating may cause people to overlook partners who would otherwise be a good match. How can you solve this problem? Expand your “type” to allow for a broader range of connections. Attraction can be more intense and long-lasting when a person’s character influences the degree to which you find them physically attractive. Give people the chance to show their character before they are discounted.

2) Disposable view of relationships. Let’s say two people make it past the initial swipe or message and actually end up on a date, the context in which they first met (online) sets them up for further scrutiny. Rather than focusing on a person's positive attributes, online daters are looking for turnoffs. One reason for this tendency is that online dating exposes people to abundant prospective partners. If one partner has too many flaws, it’s easy to move onto the next person. When people meet through traditional channels, they typically spend time getting to know one another before deciding to go out, which enables them to learn each other’s personality and make an informed decision about whether to pursue something further. But if you still plan to meet a partner online, how can you enhance the likelihood of building a strong connection? Seek to develop a friendship first . I would recommend putting “friends first” or “seeking friends” in your profile headline. When you take the pressure off of a romantic connection, you stop looking for flaws and focus instead on commonalities. This emphasis helps build a foundation of friendship, which is key to a long-lasting romantic relationship .

3) Risk of deception . The potential for deception exists in any relationship but the likelihood of misrepresentation is greater online, and some distortions are unique to online dating. For instance, although a person could lie about their marital status or sexual orientation in face-to-face contexts, lying about one’s gender and entire physical makeup is only possible online. One study reported that up to 90% of online daters have been deceptive, which is a huge number considering about 50 million people have participated in online dating (Epstein, 2009). Most online daters are aware of the risks including encountering fake profiles, meeting dangerous people, and experiencing emotional distress, but they continue using these forums anyway. How can you avoid being deceived online? Listen to your gut and pay attention to red flags . If a person refuses to video chat or meet in person, or if they seem too good to be true, they are likely hiding something. Don’t waste your time on someone who won’t give you the respect and treatment you deserve. If you are seeking a relationship and they can’t make the time and effort to meet you, it’s not a good match.

Epstein, R. (2009). The truth about online dating. Scientific American Mind, 20(3), 54-61.

I’m currently recruiting online daters to participate in a study. If you’re interested, please follow this link: http://csusb.az1.qualtrics.com/jfe/form/SV_3OTQ65oeTKpKQst

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Home — Essay Samples — Sociology — Dating — The Benefits of Online Dating to Society

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