the effect of homework on mental health

Is it time to get rid of homework? Mental health experts weigh in.

It's no secret that kids hate homework. And as students grapple with an ongoing pandemic that has had a wide range of mental health impacts, is it time schools start listening to their pleas about workloads?

Some teachers are turning to social media to take a stand against homework. 

Tiktok user @misguided.teacher says he doesn't assign it because the "whole premise of homework is flawed."

For starters, he says, he can't grade work on "even playing fields" when students' home environments can be vastly different.

"Even students who go home to a peaceful house, do they really want to spend their time on busy work? Because typically that's what a lot of homework is, it's busy work," he says in the video that has garnered 1.6 million likes. "You only get one year to be 7, you only got one year to be 10, you only get one year to be 16, 18."

Mental health experts agree heavy workloads have the potential do more harm than good for students, especially when taking into account the impacts of the pandemic. But they also say the answer may not be to eliminate homework altogether.

Emmy Kang, mental health counselor at Humantold , says studies have shown heavy workloads can be "detrimental" for students and cause a "big impact on their mental, physical and emotional health."

"More than half of students say that homework is their primary source of stress, and we know what stress can do on our bodies," she says, adding that staying up late to finish assignments also leads to disrupted sleep and exhaustion.

Cynthia Catchings, a licensed clinical social worker and therapist at Talkspace , says heavy workloads can also cause serious mental health problems in the long run, like anxiety and depression. 

And for all the distress homework  can cause, it's not as useful as many may think, says Dr. Nicholas Kardaras, a psychologist and CEO of Omega Recovery treatment center.

"The research shows that there's really limited benefit of homework for elementary age students, that really the school work should be contained in the classroom," he says.

For older students, Kang says, homework benefits plateau at about two hours per night. 

"Most students, especially at these high achieving schools, they're doing a minimum of three hours, and it's taking away time from their friends, from their families, their extracurricular activities. And these are all very important things for a person's mental and emotional health."

Catchings, who also taught third to 12th graders for 12 years, says she's seen the positive effects of a no-homework policy while working with students abroad.

"Not having homework was something that I always admired from the French students (and) the French schools, because that was helping the students to really have the time off and really disconnect from school," she says.

The answer may not be to eliminate homework completely but to be more mindful of the type of work students take home, suggests Kang, who was a high school teacher for 10 years.

"I don't think (we) should scrap homework; I think we should scrap meaningless, purposeless busy work-type homework. That's something that needs to be scrapped entirely," she says, encouraging teachers to be thoughtful and consider the amount of time it would take for students to complete assignments.

The pandemic made the conversation around homework more crucial 

Mindfulness surrounding homework is especially important in the context of the past two years. Many students will be struggling with mental health issues that were brought on or worsened by the pandemic , making heavy workloads even harder to balance.

"COVID was just a disaster in terms of the lack of structure. Everything just deteriorated," Kardaras says, pointing to an increase in cognitive issues and decrease in attention spans among students. "School acts as an anchor for a lot of children, as a stabilizing force, and that disappeared."

But even if students transition back to the structure of in-person classes, Kardaras suspects students may still struggle after two school years of shifted schedules and disrupted sleeping habits.

"We've seen adults struggling to go back to in-person work environments from remote work environments. That effect is amplified with children because children have less resources to be able to cope with those transitions than adults do," he explains.

'Get organized' ahead of back-to-school

In order to make the transition back to in-person school easier, Kang encourages students to "get good sleep, exercise regularly (and) eat a healthy diet."

To help manage workloads, she suggests students "get organized."

"There's so much mental clutter up there when you're disorganized. ... Sitting down and planning out their study schedules can really help manage their time," she says.

Breaking up assignments can also make things easier to tackle.

"I know that heavy workloads can be stressful, but if you sit down and you break down that studying into smaller chunks, they're much more manageable."

If workloads are still too much, Kang encourages students to advocate for themselves.

"They should tell their teachers when a homework assignment just took too much time or if it was too difficult for them to do on their own," she says. "It's good to speak up and ask those questions. Respectfully, of course, because these are your teachers. But still, I think sometimes teachers themselves need this feedback from their students."

More: Some teachers let their students sleep in class. Here's what mental health experts say.

More: Some parents are slipping young kids in for the COVID-19 vaccine, but doctors discourage the move as 'risky'

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Health Hazards of Homework

March 18, 2014 | Julie Greicius Pediatrics .

A new study by the Stanford Graduate School of Education and colleagues found that students in high-performing schools who did excessive hours of homework “experienced greater behavioral engagement in school but also more academic stress, physical health problems, and lack of balance in their lives.”

Those health problems ranged from stress, headaches, exhaustion, sleep deprivation, weight loss and stomach problems, to psycho-social effects like dropping activities, not seeing friends or family, and not pursuing hobbies they enjoy.

In the Stanford Report story about the research, Denise Pope , a senior lecturer at the Stanford Graduate School of Education and a co-author of the  study published in the  Journal of Experimental Education , says, “Our findings on the effects of homework challenge the traditional assumption that homework is inherently good.”

The study was based on survey data from a sample of 4,317 students from 10 high-performing high schools in California communities in which median household income exceeded $90,000. Of the students surveyed, homework volume averaged about 3.1 hours each night.

“It is time to re-evaluate how the school environment is preparing our high school student for today’s workplace,” says Neville Golden, MD , chief of adolescent medicine at Stanford Medicine Children’s Health and a professor at the School of Medicine. “This landmark study shows that excessive homework is counterproductive, leading to sleep deprivation, school stress and other health problems. Parents can best support their children in these demanding academic environments by advocating for them through direct communication with teachers and school administrators about homework load.”

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More than two hours of homework may be counterproductive, research suggests.

A Stanford education researcher found that too much homework can negatively affect kids, especially their lives away from school, where family, friends and activities matter.   "Our findings on the effects of homework challenge the traditional assumption that homework is inherently good," wrote Denise Pope , a senior lecturer at the Stanford Graduate School of Education and a co-author of a study published in the Journal of Experimental Education .   The researchers used survey data to examine perceptions about homework, student well-being and behavioral engagement in a sample of 4,317 students from 10 high-performing high schools in upper-middle-class California communities. Along with the survey data, Pope and her colleagues used open-ended answers to explore the students' views on homework.   Median household income exceeded $90,000 in these communities, and 93 percent of the students went on to college, either two-year or four-year.   Students in these schools average about 3.1 hours of homework each night.   "The findings address how current homework practices in privileged, high-performing schools sustain students' advantage in competitive climates yet hinder learning, full engagement and well-being," Pope wrote.   Pope and her colleagues found that too much homework can diminish its effectiveness and even be counterproductive. They cite prior research indicating that homework benefits plateau at about two hours per night, and that 90 minutes to two and a half hours is optimal for high school.   Their study found that too much homework is associated with:   • Greater stress : 56 percent of the students considered homework a primary source of stress, according to the survey data. Forty-three percent viewed tests as a primary stressor, while 33 percent put the pressure to get good grades in that category. Less than 1 percent of the students said homework was not a stressor.   • Reductions in health : In their open-ended answers, many students said their homework load led to sleep deprivation and other health problems. The researchers asked students whether they experienced health issues such as headaches, exhaustion, sleep deprivation, weight loss and stomach problems.   • Less time for friends, family and extracurricular pursuits : Both the survey data and student responses indicate that spending too much time on homework meant that students were "not meeting their developmental needs or cultivating other critical life skills," according to the researchers. Students were more likely to drop activities, not see friends or family, and not pursue hobbies they enjoy.   A balancing act   The results offer empirical evidence that many students struggle to find balance between homework, extracurricular activities and social time, the researchers said. Many students felt forced or obligated to choose homework over developing other talents or skills.   Also, there was no relationship between the time spent on homework and how much the student enjoyed it. The research quoted students as saying they often do homework they see as "pointless" or "mindless" in order to keep their grades up.   "This kind of busy work, by its very nature, discourages learning and instead promotes doing homework simply to get points," said Pope, who is also a co-founder of Challenge Success , a nonprofit organization affiliated with the GSE that conducts research and works with schools and parents to improve students' educational experiences..   Pope said the research calls into question the value of assigning large amounts of homework in high-performing schools. Homework should not be simply assigned as a routine practice, she said.   "Rather, any homework assigned should have a purpose and benefit, and it should be designed to cultivate learning and development," wrote Pope.   High-performing paradox   In places where students attend high-performing schools, too much homework can reduce their time to foster skills in the area of personal responsibility, the researchers concluded. "Young people are spending more time alone," they wrote, "which means less time for family and fewer opportunities to engage in their communities."   Student perspectives   The researchers say that while their open-ended or "self-reporting" methodology to gauge student concerns about homework may have limitations – some might regard it as an opportunity for "typical adolescent complaining" – it was important to learn firsthand what the students believe.   The paper was co-authored by Mollie Galloway from Lewis and Clark College and Jerusha Conner from Villanova University.

Clifton B. Parker is a writer at the Stanford News Service .

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Stanford research shows pitfalls of homework

A Stanford researcher found that students in high-achieving communities who spend too much time on homework experience more stress, physical health problems, a lack of balance and even alienation from society. More than two hours of homework a night may be counterproductive, according to the study.

Education scholar Denise Pope has found that too much homework has negative effects on student well-being and behavioral engagement. (Image credit: L.A. Cicero)

A Stanford researcher found that too much homework can negatively affect kids, especially their lives away from school, where family, friends and activities matter.

“Our findings on the effects of homework challenge the traditional assumption that homework is inherently good,” wrote Denise Pope , a senior lecturer at the Stanford Graduate School of Education and a co-author of a study published in the Journal of Experimental Education .

The researchers used survey data to examine perceptions about homework, student well-being and behavioral engagement in a sample of 4,317 students from 10 high-performing high schools in upper-middle-class California communities. Along with the survey data, Pope and her colleagues used open-ended answers to explore the students’ views on homework.

Median household income exceeded $90,000 in these communities, and 93 percent of the students went on to college, either two-year or four-year.

Students in these schools average about 3.1 hours of homework each night.

“The findings address how current homework practices in privileged, high-performing schools sustain students’ advantage in competitive climates yet hinder learning, full engagement and well-being,” Pope wrote.

Pope and her colleagues found that too much homework can diminish its effectiveness and even be counterproductive. They cite prior research indicating that homework benefits plateau at about two hours per night, and that 90 minutes to two and a half hours is optimal for high school.

Their study found that too much homework is associated with:

• Greater stress: 56 percent of the students considered homework a primary source of stress, according to the survey data. Forty-three percent viewed tests as a primary stressor, while 33 percent put the pressure to get good grades in that category. Less than 1 percent of the students said homework was not a stressor.

• Reductions in health: In their open-ended answers, many students said their homework load led to sleep deprivation and other health problems. The researchers asked students whether they experienced health issues such as headaches, exhaustion, sleep deprivation, weight loss and stomach problems.

• Less time for friends, family and extracurricular pursuits: Both the survey data and student responses indicate that spending too much time on homework meant that students were “not meeting their developmental needs or cultivating other critical life skills,” according to the researchers. Students were more likely to drop activities, not see friends or family, and not pursue hobbies they enjoy.

A balancing act

The results offer empirical evidence that many students struggle to find balance between homework, extracurricular activities and social time, the researchers said. Many students felt forced or obligated to choose homework over developing other talents or skills.

Also, there was no relationship between the time spent on homework and how much the student enjoyed it. The research quoted students as saying they often do homework they see as “pointless” or “mindless” in order to keep their grades up.

“This kind of busy work, by its very nature, discourages learning and instead promotes doing homework simply to get points,” Pope said.

She said the research calls into question the value of assigning large amounts of homework in high-performing schools. Homework should not be simply assigned as a routine practice, she said.

“Rather, any homework assigned should have a purpose and benefit, and it should be designed to cultivate learning and development,” wrote Pope.

High-performing paradox

In places where students attend high-performing schools, too much homework can reduce their time to foster skills in the area of personal responsibility, the researchers concluded. “Young people are spending more time alone,” they wrote, “which means less time for family and fewer opportunities to engage in their communities.”

Student perspectives

The researchers say that while their open-ended or “self-reporting” methodology to gauge student concerns about homework may have limitations – some might regard it as an opportunity for “typical adolescent complaining” – it was important to learn firsthand what the students believe.

The paper was co-authored by Mollie Galloway from Lewis and Clark College and Jerusha Conner from Villanova University.

Homework Struggles May Not Be a Behavior Problem

Exploring some options to understand and help..

Posted August 2, 2022 | Reviewed by Abigail Fagan

• Mental health challenges and neurodevelopmental differences directly affect children's ability to do homework.
• Understanding what difficulties are getting in the way—beyond the usual explanation of a behavior problem—is key.
• Sleep and mental health needs can take priority over homework completion.

Chelsea was in 10th grade the first time I told her directly to stop doing her homework and get some sleep. I had been working with her since she was in middle school, treating her anxiety disorder. She deeply feared disappointing anyone—especially her teachers—and spent hours trying to finish homework perfectly. The more tired and anxious she got, the harder it got for her to finish the assignments.

One night Chelsea called me in despair, feeling hopeless. She was exhausted and couldn’t think straight. She felt like a failure and that she was a burden to everyone because she couldn’t finish her homework.

She was shocked when I told her that my prescription for her was to go to sleep now—not to figure out how to finish her work. I told her to leave her homework incomplete and go to sleep. We briefly discussed how we would figure it out the next day, with her mom and her teachers. At that moment, it clicked for her that it was futile to keep working—because nothing was getting done.

This was an inflection point for her awareness of when she was emotionally over-cooked and when she needed to stop and take a break or get some sleep. We repeated versions of this phone call several times over the course of her high school and college years, but she got much better at being able to do this for herself most of the time.

When Mental Health Symptoms Interfere with Homework

Kids with mental health or neurodevelopmental challenges often struggle mightily with homework. Challenges can come up in every step of the homework process, including, but not limited to:

• Remembering and tracking assignments and materials
• Getting the mental energy/organization to start homework
• Filtering distractions enough to persist with assignments
• Understanding unspoken or implied parts of the homework
• Remembering to bring finished homework to class
• Being in class long enough to know the material
• Tolerating the fear of not knowing or failing
• Not giving up the assignment because of a panic attack
• Tolerating frustration—such as not understanding—without emotional dysregulation
• Being able to ask for help—from a peer or a teacher and not being afraid to reach out

This list is hardly comprehensive. ADHD , autism spectrum disorder, social anxiety , generalized anxiety, panic disorder, depression , dysregulation, and a range of other neurodevelopmental and mental health challenges cause numerous learning differences and symptoms that can specifically and frequently interfere with getting homework done.

The Usual Diagnosis for Homework Problems is "Not Trying Hard Enough"

Unfortunately, when kids frequently struggle to meet homework demands, teachers and parents typically default to one explanation of the problem: The child is making a choice not to do their homework. That is the default “diagnosis” in classrooms and living rooms. And once this framework is drawn, the student is often seen as not trying hard enough, disrespectful, manipulative, or just plain lazy.

The fundamental disconnect here is that the diagnosis of homework struggles as a behavioral choice is, in fact, only one explanation, while there are so many other diagnoses and differences that impair children's ability to consistently do their homework. If we are trying to create solutions based on only one understanding of the problem, the solutions will not work. More devastatingly, the wrong solutions can worsen the child’s mental health and their long-term engagement with school and learning.

To be clear, we aren’t talking about children who sometimes struggle with or skip homework—kids who can change and adapt their behaviors and patterns in response to the outcomes of that struggle. For this discussion, we are talking about children with mental health and/or neurodevelopmental symptoms and challenges that create chronic difficulties with meeting homework demands.

How Can You Help a Child Who Struggles with Homework?

How can you help your child who is struggling to meet homework demands because of their ADHD, depression, anxiety, OCD , school avoidance, or any other neurodevelopmental or mental health differences? Let’s break this down into two broad areas—things you can do at home, and things you can do in communication with the school.

Helping at Home

The following suggestions for managing school demands at home can feel counterintuitive to parents—because we usually focus on helping our kids to complete their tasks. But mental health needs jump the line ahead of task completion. And starting at home will be key to developing an idea of what needs to change at school.

• Set an end time in the evening after which no more homework will be attempted. Kids need time to decompress and they need sleep—and pushing homework too close to or past bedtime doesn’t serve their educational needs. Even if your child hasn’t been able to approach the homework at all, even if they have avoided and argued the whole evening, it is still important for everyone to have a predictable time to shut down the whole process.
• If there are arguments almost every night about homework, if your child isn’t starting homework or finishing it, reframe it from failure into information. It’s data to put into problem-solving. We need to consider other possible explanations besides “behavioral choice” when trying to understand the problem and create effective solutions. What problems are getting in the way of our child’s meeting homework demands that their peers are meeting most of the time?
• Try not to argue about homework. If you can check your own anxiety and frustration, it can be more productive to ally with your child and be curious with them. Kids usually can’t tell you a clear “why” but maybe they can tell you how they are feeling and what they are thinking. And if your child can’t talk about it or just keeps saying “I don't know,” try not to push. Come back another time. Rushing, forcing, yelling, and threatening will predictably not help kids do homework.

Helping at School

The second area to explore when your neurodiverse child struggles frequently with homework is building communication and connections with school and teachers. Some places to focus on include the following.

• Label your child’s diagnoses and break down specific symptoms for the teachers and school team. Nonjudgmental, but specific language is essential for teachers to understand your child’s struggles. Breaking their challenges down into the problems specific to homework can help with building solutions. As your child gets older, help them identify their difficulties and communicate them to teachers.
• Let teachers and the school team know that your child’s mental health needs—including sleep—take priority over finishing homework. If your child is always struggling to complete homework and get enough sleep, or if completing homework is leading to emotional meltdowns every night, adjusting their homework demands will be more successful than continuing to push them into sleep deprivation or meltdowns.
• Request a child study team evaluation to determine if your child qualifies for services under special education law such as an IEP, or accommodations through section 504—and be sure that homework adjustments are included in any plan. Or if such a plan is already in place, be clear that modification of homework expectations needs to be part of it.

The Long-Term Story

I still work with Chelsea and she recently mentioned how those conversations so many years ago are still part of how she approaches work tasks or other demands that are spiking her anxiety when she finds herself in a vortex of distress. She stops what she is doing and prioritizes reducing her anxiety—whether it’s a break during her day or an ending to the task for the evening. She sees that this is crucial to managing her anxiety in her life and still succeeding at what she is doing.

Task completion at all costs is not a solution for kids with emotional needs. Her story (and the story of many of my patients) make this crystal clear.

Candida Fink, M.D. , is board certified in child/adolescent and general psychiatry. She practices in New York and has co-authored two books— The Ups and Downs of Raising a Bipolar Child and Bipolar Disorder for Dummies.

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Homework as a Mental Health Concern It's time for an in depth discussion about homework as a major concern for those pursuing mental health in schools. So many problems between kids and their families, the home and school, and students and teachers arise from conflicts over homework. The topic is a long standing concern for mental health practitioners, especially those who work in schools. Over the years, we have tried to emphasize the idea that schools need to ensure that homework is designed as "motivated practice," and parents need to avoid turning homework into a battleground. These views are embedded in many of the Center documents. At this time, we hope you will join in a discussion of what problems you see arising related to homework and what you recommend as ways to deal with such problems, what positive homework practices you know about, and so forth. Read the material that follows, and then, let us hear from you on this topic. Contact: [email protected] ######################### As one stimulus, here's a piece by Sharon Cromwell from Education World prepared for teachers " The Homework Dilemma: How Much Should Parents Get Involved? " http://www.education-world.com/a_curr/curr053.shtml . What can teachers do to help parents help their children with homework? Just what kind of parental involvement -- and how much involvement -- truly helps children with their homework? The most useful stance parents can take, many experts agree, is to be somewhat but not overly involved in homework. The emphasis needs to be on parents' helping children do their homework themselves -- not on doing it for them. In an Instructor magazine article, How to Make Parents Your Homework Partner s, study-skills consultant Judy Dodge maintains that involving students in homework is largely the teacher's job, yet parents can help by "creating a home environment that's conducive to kids getting their homework done." Children who spend more time on homework, on average, do better academically than children who don't, and the academic benefits of homework increase in the upper grades, according to Helping Your Child With Homework , a handbook by the Office of Education Research and Improvement in the U.S. Department of Education. The handbook offers ideas for helping children finish homework assignments successfully and answers questions that parents and people who care for elementary and junior high school students often ask about homework. One of the Goals 2000 goals involves the parent/school relationship. The goal reads, "Every school will promote partnerships that will increase parental involvement and participation in promoting the social, emotional, and academic growth of children." Teachers can pursue the goal, in part, by communicating to parents their reasons for assigning homework. For example, the handbook states, homework can help children to review and practice what they have learned; prepare for the next day's class; use resources, such as libraries and reference materials; investigate topics more fully than time allows in the classroom. Parents can help children excel at homework by setting a regular time; choosing a place; removing distractions; having supplies and resources on hand; monitoring assignments; and providing guidance. The handbook cautions against actually doing the homework for a child, but talking about the assignment so the child can figure out what needs to be done is OK. And reviewing a completed assignment with a child can also be helpful. The kind of help that works best depends, of course, partly on the child's age. Elementary school students who are doing homework for the first time may need more direct involvement than older students. HOMEWORK "TIPS" Specific methods have been developed for encouraging the optimal parental involvement in homework. TIPS (Teachers Involve Parents in Schoolwork) Interactive Homework process was designed by researchers at Johns Hopkins University and teachers in Maryland, Virginia, and the District of Columbia to meet parents' and teachers' needs, says the Phi Delta Kappa Research Bulletin . The September 1997 bulletin reported the effects of TIPS-Language Arts on middle-grade students' writing skills, language arts report card grades, and attitudes toward TIPS as well as parents' reactions to interactive homework. TIPS interactive homework assignments involve students in demonstrating or discussing homework with a family member. Parents are asked to monitor, interact, and support their children. They are not required to read or direct the students' assignments because that is the students' responsibility. All TIPS homework has a section for home-to-school communication where parents indicate their interaction with the student about the homework. The goals of the TIPS process are for parents to gain knowledge about their children's school work, students to gain mastery in academic subjects by enhancing school lessons at home, and teachers to have an understanding of the parental contribution to student learning. "TIPS" RESULTS Nearly all parents involved in the TIPS program said TIPS provided them with information about what their children were studying in school. About 90 percent of the parents wanted the school to continue TIPS the following year. More than 80 percent of the families liked the TIPS process (44 percent a lot; 36% a little). TIPS activities were better than regular homework, according to 60 percent of the students who participated. About 70 percent wanted the school to use TIPS the next year. According to Phi Delta Kappa Research Bulletin , more family involvement helped students' writing skills increase, even when prior writing skills were taken into account. And completing more TIPS assignments improved students' language arts grades on report cards, even after prior report card grades and attendance were taken into account. Of the eight teachers involved, six liked the TIPS process and intended to go on using it without help or supplies from the researchers. Furthermore, seven of the eight teachers said TIPS "helps families see what their children are learning in class." OTHER TIPS In "How to Make Parents Your Homework Partners," Judy Dodge suggests that teachers begin giving parent workshops to provide practical tips for "winning the homework battle." At the workshop, teachers should focus on three key study skills: Organizational skills -- Help put students in control of work and to feel sure that they can master what they need to learn and do. Parents can, for example, help students find a "steady study spot" with the materials they need at hand. Time-management skills -- Enable students to complete work without feeling too much pressure and to have free time. By working with students to set a definite study time, for example, parents can help with time management. Active study strategies -- Help students to achieve better outcomes from studying. Parents suggest, for instance, that students write questions they think will be on a test and then recite their answers out loud. Related Resources Homework Without Tears by Lee Canter and Lee Hauser (Perennial Library, 1987). A down-to-earth book by well-known experts suggests how to deal with specific homework problems. Megaskills: How Families Can Help Children Succeed in School and Beyond by Dorothy Rich (Houghton Mifflin Company, 1992). Families can help children develop skills that nurture success in and out of school. "Helping Your Student Get the Most Out of Homework" by the National PTA and the National Education Association (1995). This booklet for teachers to use with students is sold in packages of 25 through the National PTA. The Catalog item is #B307. Call 312-549-3253 or write National PTA Orders, 135 South LaSalle Street, Dept. 1860, Chicago, IL 60674-1860. Related Sites A cornucopia of homework help is available for children who use a computer or whose parents are willing to help them get started online. The following LINKS include Internet sites that can be used for reference, research, and overall resources for both homework and schoolwork. Dr. Internet. The Dr. Internet Web site, part of the Internet Public Library, helps students with science and math homework or projects. It includes a science project resource guide Help With Homework. His extensive listing of Internet links is divided into Language Art Links, Science Links, Social Studies Links, Homework Help, Kids Education, and Universities. If students know what they are looking for, the site could be invaluable. Kidz-Net... Links to places where you can get help with homework. An array of homework help links is offered here, from Ask Dr. Math (which provides answers to math questions) to Roget's Thesaurus and the White House. Surfing the Net With Kids: Got Questions? Links to people -- such as teachers, librarians, experts, authors, and other students -- who will help students with questions about homework. Barbara J. Feldman put together the links. Kidsurfer: For Kids and Teens The site, from the National Children's Coalition, includes a Homework/Reference section for many subjects, including science, geography, music, history, and language arts. Homework: Parents' Work, Kid's Work, or School Work? A quick search of this title in the Education Week Archives and you'll find an article presenting a parent's viewpoint on helping children with homework. @#@#@#@@# As another stimulus for the discussion, here is an excerpt from our online continuing education module Enhancing Classroom Approaches for Addressing Barriers to Learning ( https://smhp.psych.ucla.edu ) Turning Homework into Motivated Practice Most of us have had the experience of wanting to be good at something such as playing a musical instrument or participating in a sport. What we found out was that becoming good at it meant a great deal of practice, and the practicing often was not very much fun. In the face of this fact, many of us turned to other pursuits. In some cases, individuals were compelled by their parents to labor on, and many of these sufferers grew to dislike the activity. (A few, of course, commend their parents for pushing them, but be assured these are a small minority. Ask your friends who were compelled to practice the piano.) Becoming good at reading, mathematics, writing, and other academic pursuits requires practice outside the classroom. This, of course, is called homework. Properly designed, homework can benefit students. Inappropriately designed homework, however, can lead to avoidance, parent-child conflicts, teacher reproval, and student dislike of various arenas of learning. Well-designed homework involves assignments that emphasize motivated practice. As with all learning processes that engage students, motivated practice requires designing activities that the student perceives as worthwhile and doable with an appropriate amount of effort. In effect, the intent is to personalize in-class practice and homework. This does not mean every student has a different practice activity. Teachers quickly learn what their students find engaging and can provide three or four practice options that will be effective for most students in a class. The idea of motivated practice is not without its critics. I don't doubt that students would prefer an approach to homework that emphasized motivated practice. But �� that's not preparing them properly for the real world. People need to work even when it isn't fun, and most of the time work isn't fun. Also, if a person wants to be good at something, they need to practice it day in and day out, and that's not fun! In the end, won't all this emphasis on motivation spoil people so that they won't want to work unless it's personally relevant and interesting? We believe that a great deal of learning and practice activities can be enjoyable. But even if they are not, they can be motivating if they are viewed as worthwhile and experienced as satisfying. At the same time, we do recognize that there are many things people have to do in their lives that will not be viewed and experienced in a positive way. How we all learn to put up with such circumstances is an interesting question, but one for which psychologists have yet to find a satisfactory answer. It is doubtful, however, that people have to experience the learning and practice of basic knowledge and skills as drudgery in order to learn to tolerate boring situations. Also in response to critics of motivated practice, there is the reality that many students do not master what they have been learning because they do not pursue the necessary practice activities. Thus, at least for such individuals, it seems essential to facilitate motivated practice. Minimally, facilitating motivated practice requires establishing a variety of task options that are potentially challenging -- neither too easy nor too hard. However, as we have stressed, the processes by which tasks are chosen must lead to perceptions on the part of the learner that practice activities, task outcomes, or both are worthwhile -- especially as potential sources of personal satisfaction. The examples in the following exhibit illustrate ways in which activities can be varied to provide for motivated learning and practice. Because most people have experienced a variety of reading and writing activities, the focus here is on other types of activity. Students can be encouraged to pursue such activity with classsmates and/or family members. Friends with common interests can provide positive models and support that can enhance productivity and even creativity. Research on motivation indicates that one of the most powerful factors keeping a person on a task is the expectation of feeling some sense of satisfaction when the task is completed. For example, task persistence results from the expectation that one will feel smart or competent while performing the task or at least will feel that way after the skill is mastered. Within some limits, the stronger the sense of potential outcome satisfaction, the more likely practice will be pursued even when the practice activities are rather dull. The weaker the sense of potential outcome satisfaction, the more the practice activities themselves need to be positively motivating. Exhibit � Homework and Motivated Practice Learning and practicing by (1) doing using movement and manipulation of objects to explore a topic (e.g., using coins to learn to add and subtract) dramatization of events (e.g., historical, current) role playing and simulations (e.g., learning about democratic vs. autocratic government by trying different models in class; learning about contemporary life and finances by living on a budget) actual interactions (e.g., learning about human psychology through analysis of daily behavior) applied activities (e.g., school newspapers, film and video productions, band, sports) actual work experience (e.g., on-the-job learning) (2) listening reading to students (e.g., to enhance their valuing of literature) audio media (e.g., tapes, records, and radio presentations of music, stories, events) listening games and activities (e.g., Simon Says; imitating rhymes, rhythms, and animal sounds) analyzing actual oral material (e.g., learning to detect details and ideas in advertisements or propaganda presented on radio or television, learning to identify feelings and motives underlying statements of others) (3) looking directly observing experts, role models, and demonstrations visual media visual games and activities (e.g., puzzles, reproducing designs, map activities) analyzing actual visual material (e.g., learning to find and identify ideas observed in daily events) (4) asking information gathering (e.g., investigative reporting, interviewing, and opinion sampling at school and in the community) brainstorming answers to current problems and puzzling questions inquiry learning (e.g., learning social studies and science by identifying puzzling questions, formulating hypotheses, gathering and interpreting information, generalizing answers, and raising new questions) question-and-answer games and activities (e.g., twenty questions, provocative and confrontational questions) questioning everyday events (e.g., learning about a topic by asking people about how it effects their lives) O.K. That's should be enough to get you going. What's your take on all this? What do you think we all should be telling teachers and parents about homework? Let us hear from you ( [email protected] ). Back to Hot Topic Home Page Hot Topic Home Page --> Table of Contents Home Page Search Send Us Email School Mental Health Project-UCLA Center for Mental Health in Schools WebMaster: Perry Nelson ([email protected])

When Is Homework Stressful? Its Effects on Students’ Mental Health

Are you wondering when is homework stressful? Well, homework is a vital constituent in keeping students attentive to the course covered in a class. By applying the lessons, students learned in class, they can gain a mastery of the material by reflecting on it in greater detail and applying what they learned through homework. 

However, students get advantages from homework, as it improves soft skills like organisation and time management which are important after high school. However, the additional work usually causes anxiety for both the parents and the child. As their load of homework accumulates, some students may find themselves growing more and more bored.

Students may take assistance online and ask someone to do my online homework . As there are many platforms available for the students such as Chegg, Scholarly Help, and Quizlet offering academic services that can assist students in completing their homework on time. 

Negative impact of homework

There are the following reasons why is homework stressful and leads to depression for students and affect their mental health. As they work hard on their assignments for alarmingly long periods, students’ mental health is repeatedly put at risk. Here are some serious arguments against too much homework.

No uniqueness

Homework should be intended to encourage children to express themselves more creatively. Teachers must assign kids intriguing assignments that highlight their uniqueness. similar to writing an essay on a topic they enjoy.

Moreover, the key is encouraging the child instead of criticizing him for writing a poor essay so that he can express himself more creatively.

Lack of sleep

One of the most prevalent adverse effects of schoolwork is lack of sleep. The average student only gets about 5 hours of sleep per night since they stay up late to complete their homework, even though the body needs at least 7 hours of sleep every day. Lack of sleep has an impact on both mental and physical health.

No pleasure

Students learn more effectively while they are having fun. They typically learn things more quickly when their minds are not clouded by fear. However, the fear factor that most teachers introduce into homework causes kids to turn to unethical means of completing their assignments.

Excessive homework

The lack of coordination between teachers in the existing educational system is a concern. As a result, teachers frequently end up assigning children far more work than they can handle. In such circumstances, children turn to cheat on their schoolwork by either copying their friends’ work or using online resources that assist with homework.

Anxiety level

Homework stress can increase anxiety levels and that could hurt the blood pressure norms in young people . Do you know? Around 3.5% of young people in the USA have high blood pressure. So why is homework stressful for children when homework is meant to be enjoyable and something they look forward to doing? It is simple to reject this claim by asserting that schoolwork is never enjoyable, yet with some careful consideration and preparation, homework may become pleasurable.

No time for personal matters

Students that have an excessive amount of homework miss out on personal time. They can’t get enough enjoyment. There is little time left over for hobbies, interpersonal interaction with colleagues, and other activities. 

However, many students dislike doing their assignments since they don’t have enough time. As they grow to detest it, they can stop learning. In any case, it has a significant negative impact on their mental health.

Children are no different than everyone else in need of a break. Weekends with no homework should be considered by schools so that kids have time to unwind and prepare for the coming week. Without a break, doing homework all week long might be stressful.

How do parents help kids with homework?

Encouraging children’s well-being and health begins with parents being involved in their children’s lives. By taking part in their homework routine, you can see any issues your child may be having and offer them the necessary support.

Set up a routine

Your student will develop and maintain good study habits if you have a clear and organized homework regimen. If there is still a lot of schoolwork to finish, try putting a time limit. Students must obtain regular, good sleep every single night.

Observe carefully

The student is ultimately responsible for their homework. Because of this, parents should only focus on ensuring that their children are on track with their assignments and leave it to the teacher to determine what skills the students have and have not learned in class.

Listen to your child

One of the nicest things a parent can do for their kids is to ask open-ended questions and listen to their responses. Many kids are reluctant to acknowledge they are struggling with their homework because they fear being labelled as failures or lazy if they do.

However, every parent wants their child to succeed to the best of their ability, but it’s crucial to be prepared to ease the pressure if your child starts to show signs of being overburdened with homework.

Talk to your teachers

Also, make sure to contact the teacher with any problems regarding your homework by phone or email. Additionally, it demonstrates to your student that you and their teacher are working together to further their education.

Homework with friends

If you are still thinking is homework stressful then It’s better to do homework with buddies because it gives them these advantages. Their stress is reduced by collaborating, interacting, and sharing with peers.

Additionally, students are more relaxed when they work on homework with pals. It makes even having too much homework manageable by ensuring they receive the support they require when working on the assignment. Additionally, it improves their communication abilities.

However, doing homework with friends guarantees that one learns how to communicate well and express themselves. 

Review homework plan

Create a schedule for finishing schoolwork on time with your child. Every few weeks, review the strategy and make any necessary adjustments. Gratefully, more schools are making an effort to control the quantity of homework assigned to children to lessen the stress this produces.

Bottom line

Finally, be aware that homework-related stress is fairly prevalent and is likely to occasionally affect you or your student. Sometimes all you or your kid needs to calm down and get back on track is a brief moment of comfort. So if you are a student and wondering if is homework stressful then you must go through this blog.

While homework is a crucial component of a student’s education, when kids are overwhelmed by the amount of work they have to perform, the advantages of homework can be lost and grades can suffer. Finding a balance that ensures students understand the material covered in class without becoming overburdened is therefore essential.

Zuella Montemayor did her degree in psychology at the University of Toronto. She is interested in mental health, wellness, and lifestyle.

Psychreg is a digital media company and not a clinical company. Our content does not constitute a medical or psychological consultation. See a certified medical or mental health professional for diagnosis.

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Does Homework Affect Mental Health?

Homework can be a source of frustration and stress for students, but how does it affect their mental health? As studies into this area continue to gather evidence, it is clear that there is a correlation between homework and mental health. In this article, we will explore the potential impacts of homework on students’ mental health, from the perspectives of both students and educators.

Yes, homework can affect mental health. It can lead to feelings of stress, frustration and even anger. Too much homework can also lead to sleep deprivation, which can have a negative impact on mental health. It’s important to balance homework with other activities such as exercise, spending time with family and friends, and participating in hobbies.

The Relationship Between Homework and Time Management

How to manage homework and mental health, the role of schools and parents, the impact of technology, can too much homework harm your child’s health, does homework impact mental health.

Homework can be a difficult task for students, especially when they are overwhelmed with the amount of work they have to complete. It is important to consider how homework impacts the mental health of students. While there is no single answer to this question, research suggests that homework can have a negative effect on mental health. Studies have found that students who spend a lot of time on homework have higher levels of stress and anxiety, as well as lower levels of academic performance.

One of the most common negative effects of homework on mental health is stress. Students who have too much homework can become overwhelmed, leading to feelings of frustration, hopelessness, and helplessness. This can lead to increased levels of stress, which can have a negative impact on mental health. Furthermore, stress can lead to difficulty concentrating, difficulty sleeping, and decreased motivation.

Another way that homework can negatively impact mental health is through academic performance. Research has found that students who spend too much time on homework have lower grades and are less likely to complete their assignments. This can lead to a decrease in self-esteem, as students may feel like they are not capable of achieving their academic goals. It can also lead to an increase in anxiety, as students may feel like they are not able to keep up with their peers.

Time management is an important skill for any student, and it can be difficult to manage when there is a lot of homework to complete. Students who have too much homework may find that they do not have enough time to complete their assignments, leading to feelings of frustration and helplessness. This can lead to poor time management skills, which can have a negative impact on mental health.

Furthermore, when students have too much homework, it can lead to procrastination. This can be a problem because it can lead to an inability to focus and get tasks done, which can have a negative impact on mental health. Poor time management skills can also lead to an inability to prioritize tasks, which can have a negative effect on overall performance.

It is important for students to find ways to manage their homework and mental health. One way to do this is to break up assignments into smaller chunks. This can help students to focus on one task at a time, which can reduce stress and anxiety. Additionally, students should try to take breaks while completing assignments, as this can help them to stay focused and motivated.

Furthermore, it is important for students to set realistic goals when it comes to completing their homework. Setting realistic goals can help students to stay motivated and can help them to avoid feeling overwhelmed. Additionally, students should try to find ways to make their homework more enjoyable, such as working with a friend or listening to music.

Schools and parents can also play an important role in helping students manage their homework and mental health. Schools can provide students with resources and support to help them manage their workload. Parents can also provide support and guidance to help students manage their workload. Additionally, both schools and parents can help students to set realistic goals and to develop good time management skills.

Technology can also have a positive impact on mental health when it comes to homework. Many students use technology to help them complete their assignments more quickly and efficiently. Additionally, technology can help students to stay organized and motivated. For example, many students use online calendars and to-do lists to help them keep track of their assignments.

Overall, homework can have a negative impact on mental health, but there are ways to manage this impact. Students should strive to find ways to make their homework more manageable, such as breaking up assignments into smaller chunks and setting realistic goals. Additionally, schools and parents can provide support and guidance to help students manage their workload. Finally, technology can be used to help students stay organized and motivated.

Related Faq

Q1: What is the purpose of homework? A1: Homework is typically assigned to students by their teachers as a way to review and practice the material learned in class. It is meant to reinforce the skills and knowledge taught in class and to help students develop good study habits, critical thinking, and problem solving skills.

Q2: What are the potential positive effects of doing homework? A2: Doing homework can potentially have positive effects on a student’s mental health. It can help to improve a student’s self-esteem and confidence by allowing them to practice their skills and gain a sense of accomplishment when completing their homework correctly. It can also help to reduce stress and anxiety by allowing students to work at their own pace and in the comfort of their own home.

Q3: What are the potential negative effects of doing homework? A3: The potential negative effects of doing homework can include an increase in stress and anxiety levels due to the pressure of completing assignments in a limited amount of time. It can also lead to feelings of frustration and dissatisfaction if a student is unable to complete the assignment correctly or quickly enough. Additionally, excessive amounts of homework can lead to a lack of sleep and decreased physical activity, both of which can contribute to mental health issues.

Q4: How can parents help their children manage their homework-related stress? A4: Parents can help their children manage their homework-related stress by creating a supportive environment in which their children feel comfortable and safe asking for help. Additionally, parents can ensure their children have a balanced schedule by limiting the amount of time spent on homework and encouraging physical activity and other activities. They can also help by providing a quiet, well-lit work area and allowing their children to break up their assignments into smaller tasks to make them seem more manageable.

Q5: How can teachers help their students manage their homework-related stress? A5: Teachers can help their students manage their homework-related stress by providing clear instructions and expectations for assignments. They can also ensure that the amount of homework assigned is appropriate for the student’s age and ability level. Additionally, teachers can provide resources for students who may need extra help, such as additional tutoring or study groups.

Q6: Is there a correlation between homework and poor mental health? A6: While there is no definitive answer to this question, there is evidence to suggest that excessive amounts of homework can be detrimental to a student’s mental health. Studies have found that too much homework can lead to increased stress and anxiety levels, as well as decreased physical activity levels. Additionally, it can lead to a lack of sleep, which can also have a negative effect on mental health.

The answer to the question of whether or not homework affects mental health is a resounding yes. Homework can have a positive effect on mental health when managed in a balanced and reasonable way, but when taken to extremes, it can become a source of stress, anxiety, and depression. The key is to ensure that homework is assigned in moderation and that students have the support they need to manage it. With the right balance, homework can help students build problem-solving skills, increase their confidence, and provide an opportunity to practice time management.

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The Impact of Homework on Student Mental Health

By Happy Sharer

Introduction

Homework is a key part of the educational process. It is often seen as an essential part of learning and helping students to develop important skills. However, there is growing evidence that too much homework can have a negative effect on student mental health. This article will explore the impact of homework on student mental health, examining the correlation between workload and stress levels, analyzing the effects of too much homework on student anxiety, and understanding how homework can lead to depression in students.

Exploring the Impact of Homework on Student Mental Health

Homework has long been seen as an important part of the educational process, but it can also become a source of stress for students. A recent study by the American Psychological Association found that more than two-thirds of students reported feeling overwhelmed by their homework load. The study also found that students who felt overwhelmed were more likely to experience symptoms of depression and anxiety. It is clear that the amount of homework assigned to students can have a significant impact on their mental health.

Examining the Correlation Between Homework and Student Stress Levels

The amount of homework assigned to students can have a direct impact on their stress levels. Too much homework can lead to feelings of frustration and overwhelm, which can then lead to increased stress levels. A study published in the journal Developmental Psychology found that when students had more homework assignments, they experienced higher levels of stress. The study also found that students who had more homework assignments were more likely to report feeling overwhelmed and anxious.

It is also important to consider the relationship between homework and academic performance. Studies have suggested that too much homework can lead to decreased academic performance, which can then lead to increased stress levels. A study published in the Journal of Experimental Education found that when students had more homework, their performance on tests was lower than those with less homework. This suggests that too much homework can lead to increased stress levels, as students feel pressure to perform at a higher level.

In order to reduce homework-related stress, it is important for students to prioritize their work. Planning ahead and breaking down tasks into smaller, more manageable chunks can help students to feel more organized and in control. Taking regular breaks throughout the day can also help students to stay focused and motivated. Finally, it is important to ensure that students are getting enough sleep in order to maintain their energy levels and reduce stress.

Analyzing the Effects of Too Much Homework on Student Anxiety

Too much homework can also lead to increased anxiety levels in students. A study published in the journal Clinical Child and Family Psychology Review found that when students had more homework, they were more likely to experience symptoms of anxiety. The study also found that students with excessive amounts of homework were more likely to report feeling overwhelmed and unable to cope with the workload.

It is important to understand the psychological effects of too much homework on students. Excessive amounts of homework can lead to feelings of frustration and helplessness, which can then lead to increased anxiety levels. Furthermore, students may start to see homework as a burden rather than an opportunity to learn, which can lead to decreased motivation and further feelings of anxiety.

In order to reduce homework-related anxiety, it is important to set realistic goals and expectations. Setting achievable goals and deadlines can help students to stay focused and motivated. It is also important to ensure that students are getting enough rest and taking regular breaks throughout the day. Finally, it is important to talk to teachers and parents about any concerns or worries that students may have about their workload.

Understanding How Homework Can Lead to Depression in Students

Too much homework can also lead to depression in students. A study published in the journal Pediatrics found that when students had more homework, they were more likely to experience symptoms of depression. The study also found that students with excessive amounts of homework were more likely to report feeling overwhelmed, frustrated, and helpless.

It is important to understand the psychological effects of too much homework on students. Excessive amounts of homework can lead to feelings of hopelessness and failure, which can then lead to increased depression levels. Furthermore, students may start to see homework as a chore rather than an opportunity to learn, which can lead to decreased motivation and further feelings of depression.

In order to reduce homework-related depression, it is important to focus on developing positive coping skills. Taking time to relax and practice mindfulness can help students to manage their emotions and stay focused. It is also important to ensure that students are getting enough sleep and taking regular breaks throughout the day. Finally, it is important to talk to teachers and parents about any concerns or worries that students may have about their workload.

Investigating the Relationship Between Homework and Student Self-Esteem

Finally, it is important to consider the relationship between homework and student self-esteem. A study published in the journal Developmental Psychology found that when students had more homework, they were more likely to report feeling inadequate and inferior. The study also found that students with excessive amounts of homework were more likely to report feeling overwhelmed and helpless.

It is important to understand the psychological effects of too much homework on students. Excessive amounts of homework can lead to feelings of worthlessness and failure, which can then lead to decreased self-esteem. Furthermore, students may start to see homework as a burden rather than an opportunity to learn, which can lead to decreased motivation and further feelings of inadequacy.

In order to increase homework-related self-esteem, it is important to focus on developing positive self-talk. Taking time to recognize achievements and celebrate successes can help students to stay motivated and build confidence. It is also important to ensure that students are getting enough rest and taking regular breaks throughout the day. Finally, it is important to talk to teachers and parents about any concerns or worries that students may have about their workload.

In conclusion, it is clear that the amount of homework assigned to students can have a significant impact on their mental health. Too much homework can lead to increased stress levels, anxiety, depression, and decreased self-esteem. It is therefore important to ensure that students are not overloaded with homework and are given the opportunity to learn in a healthy environment. By reducing the amount of homework assigned to students, we can help them to develop important skills without compromising their mental wellbeing.

(Note: Is this article not meeting your expectations? Do you have knowledge or insights to share? Unlock new opportunities and expand your reach by joining our authors team. Click Registration to join us and share your expertise with our readers.)

Hi, I'm Happy Sharer and I love sharing interesting and useful knowledge with others. I have a passion for learning and enjoy explaining complex concepts in a simple way.

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Does Homework Cause Stress? Exploring the Impact on Students’ Mental Health

How much homework is too much?

Jump to: The Link Between Homework and Stress | Homework’s Impact on Mental Health | Benefits of Homework | How Much Homework Should Teacher’s Assign? | Advice for Students | How Healium Helps

Homework has become a matter of concern for educators, parents, and researchers due to its potential effects on students’ stress levels. It’s no secret that students often find themselves grappling with high levels of stress and anxiety throughout their academic careers, so understanding the extent to which homework affects those stress levels is important. 

By delving into the latest research and understanding the underlying factors at play, we hope to provide valuable insights for educators, parents, and students who are wondering about how much stress homework is causing in their lives.

The Link Between Homework and Stress: What the Research Says

Over the years, numerous studies have been conducted to investigate the relationship between homework and stress levels in students. 

One study published in the Journal of Experimental Education found that students who reported spending more than two hours per night on homework experienced higher stress levels and physical health issues . Those same students reported over three hours of homework a night on average.

This study, conducted by Stanford lecturer Denise Pope, has been heavily cited throughout the years, with WebMD even producing the below video on the topic– part of their special report series on teens and stress : 

Additional studies published by Sleep Health Journal found that long hours on homework on may be a risk factor for depression while also suggesting that reducing workload outside of class may benefit sleep and mental fitness .

Lastly, a study presented by Frontiers in Psychology highlighted significant health implications for high school students facing chronic stress, including emotional exhaustion and alcohol and drug use.

Overall, it appears clear that the answer to whether or not homework is a significant stressor for students is “Yes, depending on the workload assigned to students.” As such, teachers and parents alike should be wary of how much work they are truly putting on the shoulders of teenagers. 

Homework’s Impact on Mental Health and Well-being

Homework-induced stress on students is far-reaching and involves both psychological and physiological side effects. 

1. Potential Psychological Effects of Homework-Induced Stress:

• Anxiety: The pressure to perform academically and meet homework expectations can lead to heightened levels of anxiety in students. Constant worry about completing assignments on time and achieving high grades can be overwhelming.

• Sleep Disturbances : Homework-related stress can disrupt students’ sleep patterns, leading to sleep anxiety or sleep deprivation, both of which can negatively impact cognitive function and emotional regulation.

• Reduced Motivation: Excessive homework demands can drain students’ motivation, causing them to feel fatigued and disengaged from their studies. Reduced motivation may lead to a lack of interest in learning, hindering overall academic performance.

2. Potential Physical Effects of Homework-Induced Stress:

• Impaired Immune Function: Prolonged stress can weaken the immune system, making students more susceptible to illnesses and infections.

• Disrupted Hormonal Balance : The body’s stress response triggers the release of hormones like cortisol, which, when chronically elevated due to stress, can disrupt the delicate hormonal balance and lead to various health issues.

• Gastrointestinal Disturbances: Stress has been known to affect the gastrointestinal system, leading to symptoms such as stomachaches, nausea, and other digestive problems.

• Cardiovascular Impact: The increased heart rate and elevated blood pressure associated with stress can strain the cardiovascular system, potentially increasing the risk of heart-related issues in the long run.

• Brain impact: Prolonged exposure to stress hormones may impact the brain’s functioning , affecting memory, concentration, and cognitive abilities.

The Benefits of Homework

It’s important to note that homework also offers many benefits that contribute to students’ academic growth and development, such as: 

• Development of Time Management Skills: Completing homework within specified deadlines encourages students to manage their time efficiently. This valuable skill extends beyond academics and becomes essential in various aspects of life.

• Preparation for Future Challenges : Homework helps prepare students for future academic challenges and responsibilities. It fosters a sense of discipline and responsibility, qualities that are crucial for success in higher education and professional life.

• Enhanced Problem-Solving Abilities: Homework often presents students with challenging problems to solve. Tackling these problems independently nurtures critical thinking and problem-solving skills.

However, while homework can foster discipline, time management, and self-directed learning, it is crucial to strike a balance that promotes both academic growth and mental well-being .

How Much Homework Should Teachers Assign?

As a general guideline, educators should consider assigning a workload that allows students to grasp concepts effectively without overwhelming them . Quality over quantity is key, ensuring that homework assignments are purposeful, relevant, and targeted towards specific objectives. 

Advice for Students: How to balance Homework and Well-being

Finding a balance between academic responsibilities and well-being is crucial for students. Here are some practical tips and techniques to help manage homework-related stress and foster a healthier approach to learning:

• Effective Time Management : Encourage students to create a structured study schedule that allocates sufficient time for homework, breaks, and other activities. Prioritizing tasks and setting realistic goals can prevent last-minute rushes and reduce the feeling of being overwhelmed.

• Break Tasks into Smaller Chunks : Large assignments can be daunting and may contribute to stress. Students should break such tasks into smaller, manageable parts. This approach not only makes the workload seem less intimidating but also provides a sense of accomplishment as each section is completed.

• Find a Distraction-Free Zone : Establish a designated study area that is free from distractions like smartphones, television, or social media. This setting will improve focus and productivity, reducing time needed to complete homework.

• Be Active : Regular exercise is known to reduce stress and enhance mood. Encourage students to incorporate physical activity into their daily routine, whether it’s going for a walk, playing a sport, or doing yoga.

• Practice Mindfulness and Relaxation Techniques : Encourage students to engage in mindfulness practices, such as deep breathing exercises or meditation, to alleviate stress and improve concentration. Taking short breaks to relax and clear the mind can enhance overall well-being and cognitive performance.

• Seek Support : Teachers, parents, and school counselors play an essential role in supporting students. Create an open and supportive environment where students feel comfortable expressing their concerns and seeking help when needed.

How Healium is Helping in Schools

We find it gratifying to not only explore the impact of homework on stress levels but also to take part in the solution. Our innovative mental fitness tool is playing a role in teaching students how to learn to self-regulate their stress and downshift in a drugless way. Schools implementing Healium have seen improvements in student outcomes, from supporting dysregulated students and ADHD challenges to empowering students with body awareness and learning to self-regulate stress . Here’s one of their stories. 

By providing students with the tools they need to self-manage stress and anxiety, we represent a forward-looking approach to education that prioritizes the holistic development of every student. Healium equips students with vital skills that will serve them well beyond the classroom. 

To learn more about how Healium works, watch the video below!

About the Author

Sarah Hill , a former interactive TV news journalist at NBC, ABC, and CBS affiliates in Missouri, gained recognition for pioneering interactive news broadcasting using Google Hangouts. She is now the CEO of Healium, the world’s first biometrically powered VR/AR channel, helping those with stress, anxiety, insomnia, and other struggles through biofeedback storytelling. With patents, clinical validation, and over seven million views, she has reshaped the landscape of immersive media.

Study Tracks Shifts in Student Mental Health During College

Dartmouth study followed 200 students all four years, including through the pandemic.

Phone App Uses AI to Detect Depression From Facial Cues

A four-year study by Dartmouth researchers captures the most in-depth data yet on how college students’ self-esteem and mental health fluctuates during their four years in academia, identifying key populations and stressors that the researchers say administrators could target to improve student well-being. 

The study also provides among the first real-time accounts of how the coronavirus pandemic affected students’ behavior and mental health. The stress and uncertainty of COVID-19 resulted in long-lasting behavioral changes that persisted as a “new normal” even as the pandemic diminished, including students feeling more stressed, less socially engaged, and sleeping more.

The researchers tracked more than 200 Dartmouth undergraduates in the classes of 2021 and 2022 for all four years of college. Students volunteered to let a specially developed app called StudentLife tap into the sensors that are built into smartphones. The app cataloged their daily physical and social activity, how long they slept, their location and travel, the time they spent on their phone, and how often they listened to music or watched videos. Students also filled out weekly behavioral surveys, and selected students gave post-study interviews. 

The study—which is the longest mobile-sensing study ever conducted—is published in the Proceedings of the ACM on Interactive, Mobile, Wearable and Ubiquitous Technologies .

The researchers will present it at the Association of Computing Machinery’s UbiComp/ISWC 2024 conference in Melbourne, Australia, in October. 

These sorts of tools will have a tremendous impact on projecting forward and developing much more data-driven ways to intervene and respond exactly when students need it most.

The team made their anonymized data set publicly available —including self-reports, surveys, and phone-sensing and brain-imaging data—to help advance research into the mental health of students during their college years. 

Andrew Campbell , the paper’s senior author and Dartmouth’s Albert Bradley 1915 Third Century Professor of Computer Science, says that the study’s extensive data reinforces the importance of college and university administrators across the country being more attuned to how and when students’ mental well-being changes during the school year.

“For the first time, we’ve produced granular data about the ebb and flow of student mental health. It’s incredibly dynamic—there’s nothing that’s steady state through the term, let alone through the year,” he says. “These sorts of tools will have a tremendous impact on projecting forward and developing much more data-driven ways to intervene and respond exactly when students need it most.”

First-year and female students are especially at risk for high anxiety and low self-esteem, the study finds. Among first-year students, self-esteem dropped to its lowest point in the first weeks of their transition from high school to college but rose steadily every semester until it was about 10% higher by graduation.

“We can see that students came out of high school with a certain level of self-esteem that dropped off to the lowest point of the four years. Some said they started to experience ‘imposter syndrome’ from being around other high-performing students,” Campbell says. “As the years progress, though, we can draw a straight line from low to high as their self-esteem improves. I think we would see a similar trend class over class. To me, that’s a very positive thing.”

Female students—who made up 60% of study participants—experienced on average 5% greater stress levels and 10% lower self-esteem than male students. More significantly, the data show that female students tended to be less active, with male students walking 37% more often.

Sophomores were 40% more socially active compared to their first year, the researchers report. But these students also reported feeling 13% more stressed during their second year than during their first year as their workload increased, they felt pressure to socialize, or as first-year social groups dispersed.

One student in a sorority recalled that having pre-arranged activities “kind of adds stress as I feel like I should be having fun because everyone tells me that it is fun.” Another student noted that after the first year, “students have more access to the whole campus and that is when you start feeling excluded from things.” 

In a novel finding, the researchers identify an “anticipatory stress spike” of 17% experienced in the last two weeks of summer break. While still lower than mid-academic year stress, the spike was consistent across different summers.

In post-study interviews, some students pointed to returning to campus early for team sports as a source of stress. Others specified reconnecting with family and high school friends during their first summer home, saying they felt “a sense of leaving behind the comfort and familiarity of these long-standing friendships” as the break ended, the researchers report. 

“This is a foundational study,” says Subigya Nepal , first author of the study and a PhD candidate in Campbell’s research group. “It has more real-time granular data than anything we or anyone else has provided before. We don’t know yet how it will translate to campuses nationwide, but it can be a template for getting the conversation going.”

The depth and accuracy of the study data suggest that mobile-sensing software could eventually give universities the ability to create proactive mental-health policies specific to certain student populations and times of year, Campbell says.

For example, a paper Campbell’s research group published in 2022 based on StudentLife data showed that first-generation students experienced lower self-esteem and higher levels of depression than other students throughout their four years of college.

“We will be able to look at campus in much more nuanced ways than waiting for the results of an annual mental health study and then developing policy,” Campbell says. “We know that Dartmouth is a small and very tight-knit campus community. But if we applied these same methods to a college with similar attributes, I believe we would find very similar trends.”

Weathering the pandemic

When students returned home at the start of the coronavirus pandemic, the researchers found that self-esteem actually increased during the pandemic by 5% overall and by another 6% afterward when life returned closer to what it was before. One student suggested in their interview that getting older came with more confidence. Others indicated that being home led to them spending more time with friends talking on the phone, on social media, or streaming movies together. 

The data show that phone usage—measured by the duration a phone was unlocked—indeed increased by nearly 33 minutes, or 19%, during the pandemic, while time spent in physical activity dropped by 52 minutes, or 27%. By 2022, phone usage fell from its pandemic peak to just above pre-pandemic levels, while engagement in physical activity had recovered to exceed the pre-pandemic period by three minutes. 

Despite reporting higher self-esteem, students’ feelings of stress increased by more than 10% during the pandemic. By the end of the study in June 2022, stress had fallen by less than 2% of its pandemic peak, indicating that the experience had a lasting impact on student well-being, the researchers report. 

In early 2021, as students returned to campus, their reunion with friends and community was tempered by an overwhelming concern about the still-rampant coronavirus. “There was the first outbreak in winter 2021 and that was terrifying,” one student recalls. Another student adds: “You could be put into isolation for a long time even if you did not have COVID. Everyone was afraid to contact-trace anyone else in case they got mad at each other.”

Female students were especially concerned about the coronavirus, on average 13% more than male students. “Even though the girls might have been hanging out with each other more, they are more aware of the impact,” one female student reported. “I actually had COVID and exposed some friends of mine. All the girls that I told tested as they were worried. They were continually checking up to make sure that they did not have it and take it home to their family.”

Students still learning remotely had social levels 16% higher than students on campus, who engaged in activity an average of 10% less often than when they were learning from home. However, on-campus students used their phones 47% more often. When interviewed after the study, these students reported spending extended periods of time video-calling or streaming movies with friends and family.

Social activity and engagement had not yet returned to pre-pandemic levels by the end of the study in June 2022, recovering by a little less than 3% after a nearly 10% drop during the pandemic. Similarly, the pandemic correlates with students sticking closer to home, with their distance traveled nearly cut in half during the pandemic and holding at that level since then.

Campbell and several of his fellow researchers are now developing a smartphone app known as MoodCapture that uses artificial intelligence paired with facial-image processing software to reliably detect the onset of depression before the user even knows something is wrong.

Morgan Kelly can be reached at [email protected] .

• Mental Health and Wellness
• Innovation and Impact
• Arts and Sciences
• Class of 2021
• Class of 2022
• Department of Computer Science
• Guarini School of Graduate and Advanced Studies
• Mental Health

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Study tracks shifts in student mental health during college

by Dartmouth College

A four-year study by Dartmouth researchers captures the most in-depth data yet on how college students' self-esteem and mental health fluctuates during their four years in academia, identifying key populations and stressors that the researchers say administrators could target to improve student well-being.

The study also provides among the first real-time accounts of how the coronavirus pandemic affected students' behavior and mental health. The stress and uncertainty of COVID-19 resulted in long-lasting behavioral changes that persisted as a "new normal" even as the pandemic diminished, including feeling more stressed, less socially engaged, and sleeping more.

The researchers tracked more than 200 Dartmouth undergraduates in the classes of 2021 and 2022 for all four years of college. Students volunteered to let a specially developed app called StudentLife tap into the sensors that are built into smartphones. The app cataloged their daily physical and social activity , how long they slept, their location and travel, the time they spent on their phone, and how often they listened to music or videos. Students also filled out weekly behavioral surveys, and selected students gave post-study interviews.

The study—which is the longest mobile-sensing study ever conducted—is published in Proceedings of the ACM on Interactive, Mobile, Wearable and Ubiquitous Technologies .

The researchers will present it at the Association of Computing Machinery's UbiComp/ISWC 2024 conference in Melbourne, Australia, in October. The team made their anonymized data set publicly available —including self-reports, surveys, and phone-sensing and brain-imaging data—to help advance research into the mental health of students during their college years.

Andrew Campbell, the paper's senior author and Dartmouth's Albert Bradley 1915 Third Century Professor of Computer Science said that the study's extensive data reinforces the importance of college and university administrators across the country being more attuned to how and when students' mental well-being changes during the school year.

"For the first time, we've produced granular data about the ebb and flow of student mental health. It's incredibly dynamic—there's nothing that's a steady state through the term, let alone through the year," he said. "These sorts of tools will have a tremendous impact on projecting forward and developing much more data-driven ways to intervene and respond exactly when students need it most."

First-year and female students are especially at risk for high anxiety and low self-esteem , the study finds. Among first-year students, self-esteem dropped to its lowest point in the first weeks of their transition from high school to college but rose steadily every semester until it was about 10% higher by graduation.

"We can see that students came out of high school with a certain level of self-esteem that dropped off to the lowest point of the four years. Some said they started to experience 'imposter syndrome' from being around other high-performing students," Campbell said. "As the years progress, though, we can draw a straight line from low to high as their self-esteem improves. I think we would see a similar trend class over class. To me, that's a very positive thing."

Female students—who made up 60% of study participants—experienced, on average, 5% greater stress levels and 10% lower self-esteem than male students. More significantly, the data show that female students tended to be less active, with male students walking 37% more often.

Sophomores were 40% more socially active compared to their first year, the researchers report. However, these students also reported feeling 13% more stressed than during their first year as their workload increased, they felt pressure to socialize, or as first-year social groups dispersed.

One student in a sorority recalled that having pre-arranged activities "kind of adds stress as I feel like I should be having fun because everyone tells me that it is fun." Another student noted that after the first year," students have more access to the whole campus, and that is when you start feeling excluded from things."

In a novel finding, the researchers identify an "anticipatory stress spike" of 17% experienced in the last two weeks of summer break. While still lower than mid-academic year stress, the spike was consistent across different summers.

In post-study interviews, some students pointed to returning to campus early for team sports. Others specified reconnecting with family and high school friends during their first summer home, saying they felt "a sense of leaving behind the comfort and familiarity of these long-standing friendships" as the break ended, the researchers report.

"This is a foundational study," said Subigya Nepal, first author of the study and a Ph.D. candidate in Campbell's research group. "It has more real-time granular data than anything we or anyone else has provided before. We don't know yet how it will translate to campuses nationwide, but it can be a template for getting the conversation going."

The depth and accuracy of the study data suggest that mobile-sensing software could eventually give universities the ability to create proactive mental-health policies specific to certain student populations and times of year, Campbell said.

For example, a paper Campbell's research group published in 2022 based on StudentLife data showed that first-generation students experienced lower self-esteem and higher levels of depression than other students throughout their four years of college.

"We will be able to look at campus in much more nuanced ways than waiting for the results of an annual mental health study and then developing policy," Campbell said. "We know that Dartmouth is a small and very tight-knit campus community. But if we applied these same methods to a college with similar attributes, I believe we would find very similar trends."

Weathering the pandemic

When students returned home at the start of the coronavirus pandemic, the researchers found that self-esteem actually increased during the pandemic by 5% overall and by another 6% afterward when life returned closer to what it was before. One student suggested in their interview that getting older came with more confidence. Others indicated that being home led to them spending more time with friends, talking on the phone, on social media, or streaming movies together.

The data show that phone usage—measured by the duration a phone was unlocked—indeed increased by nearly 33 minutes, or 19%, during the pandemic, while time spent in physical activity dropped by 52 minutes, or 27%. By 2022, phone usage fell from its pandemic peak to just above pre-pandemic levels, while engagement in physical activity had recovered to exceed the pre-pandemic period by three minutes.

Despite reporting higher self-esteem, students' feelings of stress increased by more than 10% during the pandemic. Since the pandemic, stress fell by less than 2% of its pandemic peak, indicating that the experience had a lasting impact on student well-being, the researchers report.

In early 2021, as students returned to campus, the reunion with friends and community was tempered by an overwhelming concern of the still-rampant coronavirus. "There was the first outbreak in winter 2021 and that was terrifying," one student recalls. Another student adds, "You could be put into isolation for a long time even if you did not have COVID. Everyone was afraid to contact-trace anyone else in case they got mad at each other."

Female students were especially concerned about the coronavirus, on average 13% more than male students. "Even though the girls might have been hanging out with each other more, they are more aware of the impact," one female student reported. "I actually had COVID and exposed some friends of mine. All the girls that I told tested as they were worried. They were continually checking up to make sure that they did not have it and take it home to their family."

Students still learning remotely had social levels 16% higher than students on campus, who engaged in activity an average of 10% less often than when they were learning from home. However, on-campus students used their phones 47% more often. When interviewed after the study, these students reported spending extended periods of time video-calling or streaming movies with friends and family.

Social activity and engagement had not yet returned to pre-pandemic levels by the end of the study in June 2022, recovering by a little less than 3% after a nearly 10% drop during the pandemic. Similarly, the pandemic seems to have made students stick closer to home, with their distance traveled cut by nearly half during the pandemic and holding at that level in the time since.

Campbell and several of his fellow researchers are now developing a smartphone app known as MoodCapture that uses artificial intelligence paired with facial-image processing software to reliably detect the onset of depression before the user even knows something is wrong.

Provided by Dartmouth College

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The Landscape of School-Based Mental Health Services

Nirmita Panchal , Cynthia Cox , and Robin Rudowitz Published: Sep 06, 2022

Many children and adolescents are experiencing poor mental and emotional health, which in some cases may be linked to negative impacts from the COVID-19 pandemic and exposure to gun violence , among other factors. In recognition of growing mental health concerns among children, recent policy measures, including the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act and the American Rescue Plan Act , provide pathways to support school-based mental health services for students. These policy actions aim to expand mental health care in schools – a setting that is more easily accessible by children and adolescents.

In this analysis, we explore the landscape of mental health services in schools during the 2021-2022 school year, barriers to offering services, and how recent policies facilitate the expansion of school-based mental health care. We draw upon data from the new 2022 School Pulse Panel , a study by the National Center for Education Statistics and the U.S. Census Bureau that surveys staff of public primary, middle, high, and combined-grade schools monthly on a variety of topics, including school mental health services. 1

School-based mental health services can improve access to care , allow for early identification and treatment of mental health issues, and may be linked to reduced absenteeism and better mental health outcomes. School-based services can also reduce access barriers for underserved populations, including children from low-income households and children of color .

The delivery of mental health services in schools has evolved over time and continues to vary across schools. Some students access in-person mental health services at schools or near campus while others access services through telehealth. Service delivery can range from a single provider (who is not necessarily a licensed mental health professional) to a team of providers, including psychologists, social workers, and academic or guidance counselors. A growing number of schools have also integrated social and emotional learning and other mental health literacy programs into their curriculum.

Despite the growth of school-based mental health services, challenges persist, including mental health provider shortages and inadequate funding.

Landscape of School-Based Mental Health Services

SERVICES OFFERED Most public schools offer mental health services to students, although utilization remains unclear. In the 2021-2022 school year, 96% of public schools reported offering at least one type of mental health service to their students. As shown in Figure 1, the most frequently offered services are:

• Individual-based interventions like one-on-one counseling or therapy (84% of public schools),
• Case management or coordinating mental health services (70%), and
• Referrals for care outside of the school (66%).

Only one-third ( 34% ) of schools provide outreach services, which includes mental health screenings for all students. These universal behavioral health screenings are considered a best practice and allow for schools to better identify all students with needs and tailor services to their specific student population. However, many schools do not offer these screenings often due to a lack of resources or difficulty accessing providers to conduct screenings, burden of collecting and maintaining data, and/or a lack of buy-in from school administrators.

Approximately one out of five schools ( 17% ) reported offering mental health services through telehealth during the 2021-2022 school year. While telehealth became a more widely used pathway to delivering health care during the pandemic, a growing number of schools already began providing care through telehealth prior to the pandemic. The utilization of telehealth in all school-based health care is more common in rural areas – where provider shortages and transportation issues are more prevalent – and can reduce barriers to care for underserved students.

PROVIDER TYPES

Staffing models for school-based mental health care can vary across schools. Sixty-eight percent of public schools have a school or district-employed licensed mental health professional on staff and 51% employ an external mental health provider (Figure 1). While general or academic school counselors can provide mental health services to students as well, they typically focus on short-term and preventive services and are not equipped to offer long-term care. The School Pulse Panel does not include information on the number of mental health providers on staff; however, other research indicates that most schools do not meet the recommended ratios of counselors and/or psychologists to students.

Other school staff, particularly teachers, often play a role in identifying students with mental health needs and linking them to care. However, research prior to the pandemic found that many teachers did not receive adequate training to identify and provide support to students with mental health needs. Since the pandemic began, nearly three out of four schools ( 73% ) have reported providing trainings and professional development to staff in order to help them identify growing mental health concerns among school students. However, data on the impact of these trainings is unavailable and it is unclear what share of schools were providing trainings prior to the pandemic.

School mental health services are supported through multiple sources of funding at the national, state, and local level. As shown in Figure 1, in the 2021-2022 school year, just over half of schools reported receiving funding for mental health services from district or school funds (57%) or federal grants or programs (52%), while smaller shares of schools reported funding from partnerships with organizations (37%) or state programs (32%). At the federal level, many schools receive support through the Department of Education – including grant programs and the Every Student Succeeds Act – and the Department of Health and Human Services ( HHS ). Schools may receive funds through Medicaid in several ways, including reimbursement for medically necessary services that are part of a student’s Individualized Education Plan (IEP),reimbursement for eligible health services for students with Medicaid coverage and for some administrative services. Additionally, many state budgets appropriate funds toward mental health services while fewer states allocate funds directly in their school funding models.

CHANGES DUE TO THE PANDEMIC

In response to growing mental health concerns during the pandemic, 67% of schools reported increasing mental health services offered to students (Figure 2). However, fewer than half of schools (41%) reported hiring new staff to focus on students’ mental health and well-being since the pandemic began (Figure 2). The inability of some schools to staff up despite growing mental health challenges may be due to budget constraints coupled with limited availability of mental health professionals.

In light of the pandemic, 27% of schools added classes for their students on social, emotional, and mental well-being since March 2020 (Figure 2). Additionally, for the 2021-2022 school year, 28% of schools made changes to their academic calendar to address mental health concerns for both staff and students. Examples of these changes include providing additional days off and allocating time to focus on mental wellness during the school day. Several states have introduced or passed measures allowing students excused absences related to mental health.

Barriers to School-Based Mental Health Services

During the 2021-2022 school year, approximately half of schools reported they strongly (12%) or moderately agreed (44%) they could effectively provide mental health services to all students in need. Meanwhile, a third of schools reported they strongly (10%) or moderately disagreed (23%) that they could effectively provide mental health services and 11% neither agreed or disagreed. Among the 88% of schools that did not strongly believe they could effectively provide mental health services to students in need, the most reported limitations involved mental health provider shortages – 61% cited insufficient staff coverage and 57% cited a lack of access to providers (Figure 3). Schools have faced provider shortages for years, but this issue has recently received more attention in light of growing mental health concerns among children. Many schools do not meet recommended ratios for psychologists to students ( 500:1 ) or counselors to students ( 250:1 ). Going into the 2022-2023 school year, 19% of public schools have vacancies for mental health professionals. Among schools with these vacancies, 84% reported it will be somewhat or very difficult to fill these mental health positions.

Among school staff that did not strongly believe they could provide mental health services to all students in need during the 2021-2022 school year, 48% cited inadequate funding as a barrier (Figure 3). Funding challenges for school mental health services have long existed. In order to provide and sustain services, many schools use funding from multiple sources, including at the national, state, and local levels, as previously mentioned. However, this presents several challenges as schools navigate varying specifications of how to utilize funds based on the source and changes to funding streams over time.

How Have Recent Policies Addressed School-Based Mental Health Services?

The American Rescue Plan Act and recent state policies have provided pathways to expand mental health and wellness services in schools. In 2021, the American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) was passed and designed to provide relief from the continued impacts of the pandemic. A portion of funds from the ARPA ($122.8 billion) were allocated for the Elementary and Secondary School Emergency Relief (ESSER), and many states are using some of these funds to support school-based mental health care. Some ways states and schools are using these funds include growing the school mental health provider workforce (e.g. funding positions for mental health counselors and social workers in schools), partnering with community-based mental health agencies to expand access to care for students, providing trainings for school staff, and providing technical assistance for school mental health programs. However, one study has also found that lower-income schools and schools in rural areas are less likely to use ARPA funds toward school-based mental health services than their counterparts. Some schools (22%) reported using ARPA funds to create new staff positions during the 2021-2022 school year, although a large share of schools did not know (37%) if funds were used for these purposes. Among the schools that did use ARPA funds toward new staffing, 35% reported using a portion of these funds for school mental health professionals (e.g. psychologists and social workers). The ARPA also included funding to support students with disabilities and youth experiencing homelessness. Separately, some states have passed legislation to address growing mental health concerns, including the implementation of suicide prevention programs and mental health screening programs.

The recently passed Bipartisan Safer Communities Act also allocates funds to support school-based mental health services. In response to increasing gun violence and mass shootings, the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act was signed into law in June 2022. This legislation focuses on both gun reform and youth mental health, including provisions to support and expand school-based mental health services, highlighted below.

Despite recent increased attention and resources for school-based mental health services, challenges remain. In May 2022, large shares of public school staff reported that they strongly agree the pandemic has negatively impacted students’ behavioral development (39%) and socioemotional development (45%). It is unclear how schools will adequately address these impacts as they continue to face challenges, including mental health provider shortages , burnout among school staff, disparities by race and ethnicity in access to school services , and long-term sustainability issues. Addressing these challenges and improving access to school-based mental health services may help mitigate rising mental health concerns among youth.

The School Pulse Panel utilizes a random stratified sample of the Common Core of Data , a universe of public schools. This stratified sample includes public and public charter schools, schools with magnet programs, alternative schools, special education schools, and vocational schools. Approximately 2,400 schools were included in the sample. There has been some variation in the number of schools that respond each month. Seven hundred schools responded to the initial survey in January. Approximately 830 schools responded to the April survey – findings from this survey are included in this brief. While school principals are the initial point of contact to complete the survey, they may invite other school and district staff to assist with completion. Published data is weighted and adjusted to account for non-response.

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• Mental Health
• Access to Care
• Adolescents
• Coronavirus

Also of Interest

• Recent Trends in Mental Health and Substance Use Concerns Among Adolescents

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1 Faculty of Health Sciences, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, BC V5A 1S6, Canada

Arti Shridhar

Shayna skakoon-sparling.

2 Department of Psychology, Toronto Metropolitan University (Formerly Ryerson), Toronto, ON M5B 2K3, Canada

Kiffer George Card

3 Institute for Social Connection, Victoria, BC V8P 5C2, Canada

Associated Data

Data used in the study analysis is stored and available on the OSF Repository ( https://osf.io/87vgs/ , accessed on 3 August 2022).

The COVID-19 pandemic has seen a considerable expansion in the way work settings are structured, with a continuum emerging between working fully in-person and from home. The pandemic has also exacerbated many risk factors for poor mental health in the workplace, especially in public-facing jobs. Therefore, we sought to test the potential relationship between work setting and self-rated mental health. To do so, we modeled the association of work setting (only working from home, only in-person, hybrid) on self-rated mental health (Excellent/Very Good/Good vs. Fair/Poor) in an online survey of Canadian workers during the third wave of COVID-19. The mediating effects of vaccination, masking, and distancing were explored due to the potential effect of COVID-19-related stress on mental health among those working in-person. Among 1576 workers, most reported hybrid work (77.2%). Most also reported good self-rated mental health (80.7%). Exclusive work from home (aOR: 2.79, 95%CI: 1.90, 4.07) and exclusive in-person work (aOR: 2.79, 95%CI: 1.83, 4.26) were associated with poorer self-rated mental health than hybrid work. Vaccine status mediated only a small proportion of this relationship (7%), while masking and physical distancing were not mediators. We conclude that hybrid work arrangements were associated with positive self-rated mental health. Compliance with vaccination, masking, and distancing recommendations did not meaningfully mediate this relationship.

1. Introduction

The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated many risk factors for poor mental health in the workplace. As this pandemic has intensified, with rising cases and deaths globally, so too have feelings of worry and fear in response to ongoing COVID-19 community transmission [ 1 , 2 ]. Studies from across the world have demonstrated that many workers are afraid of contracting and transmitting COVID-19 while at work [ 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 ]. Fear is an adaptive defense mechanism for humans when confronted with a risk or danger, however chronic fear can lead to adverse mental health outcomes and behaviours. In the COVID-19 pandemic, fear of COVID-19 has been associated with depression, anxiety, and even impaired job performance [ 5 ]. A Canadian study from May 2020 reported that mental health has worsened since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, due in large part to economic uncertainty and fear of illness [ 7 ]. Notably, these negative mental health effects have largely been observed in work settings that are predominantly public-facing and more exposed to viral transmission [ 3 , 4 , 5 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 ].

Alongside healthcare workers, many low-wage service workers have been deemed essential workers in Canada, and like other front-facing workers at the start of the pandemic, these workers have not always had access to safe working environments [ 3 , 13 ]. At several points in the pandemic, many workers had to attend in-person positions without widespread availability of COVID-19 vaccines or public health mandates, effectively exposing them to anxiety-provoking environments. The pandemic has also heightened burdens that impact mental health among essential workers, including: adopting caretaking roles of vulnerable family members; choosing between working through illness or taking time off and facing financial losses when sick; lower job security; reduced income; greater risk of contracting COVID-19; and slashed work hours [ 10 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 ]. These burdens intersect with other socio-demographic factors. For example, ethnic minorities and recent immigrants in Canada are more likely to work in low-wage, public-facing positions, which highlights health equity concerns given the increased risk for COVID-19 transmission and accompanying mental health disorders in this population [ 18 , 19 ].

While mental health risks are well-known among public-facing workers, it is less clear what the mental health impacts are on workers who have been able to transition to working from home. Workers at home may experience a more complex impact of their work settings on their mental health, despite having a generally lower risk situation [ 20 , 21 , 22 ]. Although much of the research studying teleworks impacts on workers mental health during the pandemic is ongoing, several studies have already shed light on this relationship. For example, some research has shown that workers who were more afraid of COVID-19 were more productive when working from home [ 23 ]. When faced with going back to in-person work, many workers anticipate negative impacts specifically due to concerns about COVID-19 safety [ 24 ]. Conversely, telework during the pandemic has also been associated with increases in social isolation and work stress [ 23 , 25 ], family conflict [ 22 , 23 ], distractions [ 22 , 23 ], as well as food and alcohol consumption [ 22 , 26 ]—which can all negatively impact the mental health of workers [ 22 ]. A recent study from Portugal has shown that employees working from home felt like they needed to appear online and in touch with their colleagues more often, correlating depression, anxiety and stress [ 25 ].

The literature exploring differences in mental health outcomes between workers in public-facing occupations and those working from home in Canada has been sparse [ 13 , 27 ]. One study conducted in the first half of 2020 measured anxiety and depression symptoms through Generalized Anxiety Disorder 2-item (GAD-2) and Patient Health Questionaire-2 (PHQ-2) screeners. These objective measures of mental health contribute only to a narrow understanding of mental health in relation to overall wellbeing. Similarly, most of the current research has examined telework during the first waves of COVID-19. Although useful, this work may not fully capture the impact that novel interventions such as vaccines and mask mandates have on the mental health of workers. Unlike during the first waves of the pandemic, Canadians now have access to free vaccines and masks; and other risk mitigation approaches (e.g., physical distancing, ventilation) are better understood by the public. These measures may, therefore, mitigate the fear of COVID-19 and its associated stress for people working in public, front-facing jobs [ 3 ]. Conversely, we have also experienced a slow relaxation of public health orders which enforced COVID-19 protection behaviours, such as social distancing, vaccine, and mask mandates, which may increase feelings of fear or anxiety about returning to work. Thus, there is a need to explore this area further.

Furthermore, the first doses of the vaccine rollout for the general population in Canada were underway during the third wave of the pandemic in 2021, bringing about another layer of nuance to consider when assessing mental health of [ 28 ]. This development added complexity in both negative and positive directions via the potential for increased apprehension and vaccine hesitancy, as well as the potential for reduced mental distress as a result of the sense of protection offered by the vaccine [ 29 , 30 ]. Reduced mental distress due to the availability of COVID-19 vaccines may have also been more likely due to the mentally taxing events of the first and second waves which saw an overwhelmed healthcare system, deaths in long-term care facilities, and socially isolating lockdown measures [ 31 , 32 , 33 ].

Presently, at the end of the sixth wave of the COVID-19 pandemic has seen jurisdictions move further away from public health orders, following roll-outs of third doses for the majority of working age adults in response to the Omicron variant [ 34 , 35 ]. It remains unclear how the ongoing need for vaccine uptake and the turbulent nature of the pandemic will impact mental health. Moreover, as many companies and organizations transitioned large numbers of staff to working from home or a hybrid of working from home and in-person work during earlier waves of the pandemic, this work will be relevant for both employers and policy makers respectively to assess the costs and benefits of different arrangements as workplaces largely return to in-person work. Determining the extent of any differences in mental health related to work-from-home status has clear health equity implications for employers and policy makers to ensure best practices throughout the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, as well as for future public health crises. As COVID-19 risks continue to the present day—particularly with risks such as long-COVID and unmitigated Omicron infection—it has become important to understand mental health differences according to where participants are working.

This study used survey data collected during the third wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in Canada [ 36 ] to examine whether there were any differences in self-rated mental health based on work setting and if so, what contributes to these differences? The dataset provided a unique opportunity to explore the nuances of self-rated mental health, and thus, bivariable and multivariable logistic regression models were used to test the hypothesis that mental health status is poorer among individuals who are not working from home. Additionally, physical distancing and mask wearing, which have been common practice since the onset of the pandemic, will be tested as mediators due to their potential for combating pandemic-related stressors related to concerns about COVID-19 transmission [ 37 ]. A mediation analysis tested whether COVID-19 vaccination, physical distancing, and mask adherence—due to their effectiveness as COVID-19 mitigation measures—had significant and protective effects on self-rated mental health. In conducting these analyses, we hypothesized that people working from home or engaging in hybrid work arrangements had better self-rated mental health than those working exclusively in-person. We further hypothesized that the exposure to COVID-19, as reflected in lack of compliance with public safety COVID-19 prevention guidelines, would partially mediate the association between working from home and worse self-rated mental health.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. study data.

The study utilized the Canadian Social Connection Survey (CSCS) dataset, which collected data from 21 April to 1 June 2021. The survey was circulated on the internet using paid advertising on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, and Google. Participants were eligible if they were Canadian residents and 16 years of age or older. Ethics approval was granted by the University of Victoria Research Ethics Board (Ethics Protocol Number 21-0115) [ 36 ]. All participants provided informed consent and were able to complete the questionnaire in English or French. Given the need to determine mental health effects in various work settings, the dataset allows for a comprehensive exploration. Inclusion for the current study was conditional on whether a respondent indicated that they were working during the COVID-19 pandemic.

A total of 2286 eligible participants completed the survey. Of these, 1917 were working during the COVID-19 pandemic. We excluded participants with missing observations on the primary outcome (i.e., self-rated mental health) and primary exposure variable (i.e., amount of work from home during COVID-19); thus, the analytic sample size for this analysis was 1576.

2.2. Study Measures

2.2.1. outcome variable.

Respondents’ self-rated mental health was the primary outcome variable for the study. This variable has previously shown a positive correlation to other mental health morbidity measures [ 38 ], but should not be conflated with other more specific diagnostic categories such as depression or anxiety [ 39 , 40 ]. Indeed, as a more global and subjective measure, many authors consider self-rated mental health as a more holistic measure of mental health outcomes which allows for a broad range of mental health issues to be captured [ 38 , 41 ], including mental health problems that are developing but which are not captured by more clinical mental health indicators [ 40 ]. Participants evaluated their current mental health on a Likert scale (At the present time, would you say your MENTAL HEALTH is: “Poor”, “Fair”, “Good”, “Very good”, or “Excellent”) (see Supplementary Materials File S1 ). The variable was dichotomized to “Negative Self-Rated Mental Health” (“Poor” and “Fair”) and “Positive Self-Rated Mental Health” (“Good”, “Very good”, and “Excellent”). This was deemed to be an acceptable (if not conservative) approach to capture a general sense of mental health status based on precedent from previous studies using self-rated mental health [ 38 ]—allowing us to explicitly identify factors associated with sub-optimal (i.e., fair or poor) mental health.

2.2.2. Primary Explanatory Variable

Work setting (listed as work_from_home in the dataset) was the primary explanatory variable for the study. The variable measured how often participants worked from home (“Not Working During COVID”, “Not at all”, “Very little of the time”, “Some of the time”, “Most of the time”, and “All of the time”). The levels “Very little of the time”, “Some of the time”, and “Most of the time” were collapsed into a single level—“Hybrid”. “Not at all” was recoded as “Do Not Work from Home” and “All of the time” was recoded as “Work from Home Only”. These levels allowed for a continuum of working from home to be represented. Participants who reported not working during COVID-19 were removed from analyses as our goal was to explore the effects among Canadian workers who were currently employed.

2.2.3. Confounding Variables

Other explanatory variables related to employment, adherence to COVID-19 mitigation measures, income, and identity were controlled for in multivariable analysis. This allowed us to isolate the effects of demographic and socio-economic factors which may otherwise play an important role in self-rated mental health while also being correlated with work setting. The included variables were household income (originally collected in increments of CAD 10,000, but binned into four groups capturing low, lower-middle, middle, and upper income groups: Less than CAD 30,000, CAD 30,000 to CAD 59,999, CAD 60,000 to CAD 89,999, CAD 90,000 or more), age (18 to 29 years-old, 30 to 39 years-old, 40 to 49 years-old, 50 to 59 years old, 60 years and older), gender (Male, Non-binary, Woman), ethnicity (White; African, Caribbean, or Black; Asian; Indigenous; Middle Eastern; Other), educational attainment (High School Diploma or Lower, Bachelor’s Degree or Higher, Some College), hours worked per week (participant-reported numeric value), national occupation class (Art, culture, recreation and sport; Business; Education, law and social, community, and government services; Health; Management; Manufacturing and utilities; Natural and applied sciences; Natural resources and agriculture; Sales and service; Trades, transport and equipment operators).

In addition to these conventional confounding variables, several additional variables were selected based on their potential to mediate the relationship between self-reported mental health and work setting. COVID-19 vaccine status and adherence to mask and/or physical distancing recommendations were identified as particularly important factors with mediation potential. These concepts were measured by asking to what extent participants wore masks in public (“Not at all”, “Somewhat”, “Very Closely”), to what extent participants practice physical distancing in public (“Not at all”, “Somewhat”, “Very Closely”), and whether participants were vaccinated (“No”, “Yes, one dose”, “Yes, two doses”).

2.3. Statistical Analysis

All statistical analyses were performed using R Statistical Software version 4.1.1 (R Foundation for Statistical Computing, Vienna, Austria) [ 42 ]; DescTools and regclass packages were used to assist in model assessment and fitting [ 43 , 44 ]; the mice package was used for multiple imputations of missing observations [ 45 ]; and the mediation package was used for mediation analysis [ 46 ]. Missing observations on the remaining variables were imputed using multiple imputation in the mice package [ 45 ].

An initial multivariable binary logistic regression model ( Supplementary Materials File S1 ), with the outcome variable of self-rated mental health and primary explanatory variable of work setting, was constructed with 30 confounding variables. The final multivariable model was developed by running a backwards selection process favouring the model with lowest Akaike Information Criterion [ 47 ]. This process was balanced by supplementing the model with variables critical to understanding the relationship between work-setting and self-rated mental health that the backwards selection process had excluded. McFadden’s Pseudo R 2 and variance inflation factor were assessed for reasonability of model fit and collinearity, with variables exhibiting collinearity removed to arrive at a final multivariable model. Bivariable logistic regression models were constructed from the newly developed study sample between all explanatory variables and the outcome variable.

Mediation analysis was followed firstly via Baron and Kenney’s (1986) steps for determining mediation via logistic regression models and secondly by utilizing the mediate package in R with bootstrapping enabled [ 48 , 49 ]. The mediate package explicitly allows for handling of binary and logistic measures outside of a linear framework, while Baron and Kenney’s (1986) steps provide a process for reviewing bivariable and multivariable models, which has helped us to evaluate the associations between our primary exposure and outcome, primary exposure and mediator, mediator and outcome, and primary exposure while controlling for the mediator and outcome. The mediate function was then used for more rigorous tests of indirect (mediation) effects on the outcome variable [ 49 ].

3.1. Sample Overview

2286 respondents were initially included. However, 370 indicated they were not currently employed and of the remaining 1916 employed respondents, 340 were missing data on our primary measures. This resulted in 1576 participants eligible for analysis. Descriptive statistics, stratified by self-rated mental health, are presented in Table 1 . The study sample predominantly reported positive self-rated mental health (80.7%) with the majority of participants in both outcome groups responding that they work both from home and in person (hybrid); however, a greater proportion (46%) of those not working from home reported negative self-rated mental health compared to those in other work setting configurations ( Figure 1 ). In terms of demographics, 41.8% were 18 to 29 years-old; 49.9% identified as a man; 65.5% were White; 36.0% earned between CAD 30,000 and CAD 59,000 in 2020; and 51.0% had a Bachelor’s degree or higher. The average number of reported hours worked per week was 23.87; 19.9% worked in sales and service; 53.7% indicated they very closely practice physically distancing 2 metres from others; 72.8% reported very closely adhering to wearing masks in public; and 56.8% had received one dose of a COVID-19 vaccine.

Work Setting and Self-Rated Mental Health.

Sample Characteristics Stratified by Self-Rated Mental Health.

3.2. Regression Analysis

Bivariable associations were investigated between all explanatory variables and self-rated mental health ( Table 2 ). Associations between self-rated mental health and work setting were significant among people not working from home as well as those exclusively working from home. These groups had respectively 5.70 (95% Confidence Interval [95% CI]: 3.98, 8.15) and 3.97 (95% CI: 2.85, 5.52) greater odds of negative self-rated mental health as compared to people working in hybrid arrangements. Other significant bivariable associations with negative self-rated mental health were age (all ages over 40 years-old versus those 18 to 29 years-old) and being non-binary or a woman (vs. a man). Positive self-rated mental health was significantly associated with African, Caribbean, or Black ethnicity (vs. White) and Indigenous ethnicity (vs. White); having some college education or a Bachelor’s degree or higher (vs. high school diploma or lower); employment in business, health, management, natural and applied sciences, or trades, transport and equipment operations (vs. sales and services); and having one or two doses of a COVID-19 vaccine (vs. not having received a COVID-19 vaccine).

Bivariable and Multivariable Logistic Regression Models.

Numeric bolding: Indicates statistical significance.

In the multivariable model, after controlling for potential confounders, negative self-rated mental health retained the association with not working from home (Adjusted Odds Ratio [aOR]: 2.79, 95% CI: 1.83, 4.26) and working from home exclusively (aOR: 2.79, 95% CI: 1.90, 4.07) versus hybrid work. Furthermore, negative self-rated mental health was significantly associated with increasing hours worked per week, being 40 years or older (vs. 18 to 29 years-old), identifying as non-binary (vs. man), Middle Eastern or Other ethnicity (vs. White), Conversely, positive self-rated mental health was associated with employment in business, health, management, natural and applied sciences, or trades, transport and equipment operations (vs. sales and services); and having two doses of a COVID-19 vaccine (vs. not having received any).

3.3. Mediation Analysis

Table 3 illustrates the results of the mediation analyses for each of the three COVID-19 prevention factors. Vaccination status was found to be a statistically significant mediator ( p = 0.02), mediating approximately 7% of the relationship between work setting and self-rated mental health; mask wearing ( p = 0.76) and physical distancing ( p = 0.20) were not found to significantly mediate the relationship. In the mediation analyses for vaccination status, the first part of the pathway between work setting and self-rated mental health, when adjusting for having received a COVID-19 vaccine, shows not working from home is significantly associated with negative self-rated mental health (aOR: 3.91, 95% CI: 2.74, 5.56). The next part of the pathway between work setting and having received a COVID-19 vaccine indicates people not working from home had lower odds of having at least one dose of a COVID-19 vaccine (OR: 0.52, 95% CI: 0.39, 0.70). The last part of the pathway shows a significant association between having received a COVID-19 vaccine and positive self-rated mental health (OR: 0.30, 95% CI: 0.21, 0.43).

Relationship between Work Setting (Ref = At least some of the time (Hybrid/Work from home only)), Mediators (Vaccination Status (Ref = No), Adherence to Mask Wearing Recommendations (Ref = Not at all), and Adherence to Physical Distancing Recommendations (Ref = Not at all)), and Self-Rated Mental Health (Ref = Positive).

1 OR = Odds Ratio (95% Confidence Interval); 2 aOR = Adjusted Odds Ratio (95% Confidence Interval); * p ≤ 0.05; Numeric bolding: Indicates statistical significance; WS = Work setting; SRMH = Self-rated mental health.

4. Discussion

Primary findings.

This study represents a preliminary assessment of the relationship between work setting and self-rated mental health, controlling for relevant demographic factors, and providing several preliminary insights into the ways in which COVID-19 stressors and protections shape these relationships. In doing so, our findings show that mental health is adversely impacted for those either working exclusively from home or in person. This is in agreement with existing literature showing poor mental health among workers in public-facing workspaces across numerous international contexts [ 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 ]. Similarly, although findings of studies examining mental health effects of working from home prior to the COVID-19 pandemic have been inconsistent [ 21 ], studies exploring this increasingly normalized work setting during the pandemic have generally found working from home associated with poorer mental health outcomes [ 26 ]. This is often attributed to difficulties in establishing a work-life balance and due to feelings of isolation [ 22 , 23 , 50 , 51 ]. However, the current findings are unique in that only a handful of studies investigating the link between workplace and mental health during COVID-19 to-date have directly examined varying degrees of working from home [ 8 , 9 , 13 , 27 ] and none to our knowledge have investigated these associations during the later phases of the COVID-19 pandemic, when vaccines were made widely available. Furthermore, the majority of studies have explored the mental health of healthcare workers [ 2 , 11 , 12 , 52 ] or those in public-facing positions [ 10 ]. As such, the present study makes a valuable contribution in terms of the timing within the COVID-19 pandemic, its focus on a broad range of labour sectors, and its use of holistic self-rated mental health measures.

As such, these findings help to further research into the mental health outcomes of the Canadian workforce during the later phases of ongoing COVID-19 pandemic and beyond. One Canadian study exploring the relationship between working from home and self-rated mental health (although not of primary interest) during the first wave of the pandemic found that workers who transitioned to working from home did not differ or have affected mental health when compared to those who remained working in-person. Conversely, another Canadian study from the first wave of the pandemic found lower prevalence of depression and anxiety among respondents working from home or those working in person whose employers met all of their infection control needs [ 27 ]. These findings differ from what this study has found during the third wave, namely: both not working from home and working exclusively from home are significantly associated with negative self-rated mental health. Turning to international evidence (again from the first wave), both Gómez-Salgado et al. (2020) and Mazza et al. (2020) found poorer mental health was associated with not working from home, when compared to working from home, and not working at all, respectively. The range of evidence adds credence to our findings indicating negative mental health outcomes at either end of the work from home continuum—where workers are exclusively working from one location.

The mediation analysis found that, of the three variables tested, COVID-19 vaccination status was the only significant mediator of the effect of work setting on self-rated mental health. However, this variable mediated only approximately 7% of the effect of work setting on self-rated mental health. Both the lack of significance and the low impact of the mediation among the variables tested suggests that the prominent source of psychological stress may not arise from fear of COVID-19 infection. Although it is likely that these prevention measures may do less to mediate mental health among workers who are not continually facing risk of viral exposure, it is less clear why this would also be the case for public-facing workers. One possibility could be that, by the later phases of the COVID-19 pandemic, workplaces already tended to have high levels of COVID-19 control measures in place [ 53 ], likely reducing the contribution of the environment to stress related to concerns about viral exposure. Secondly, views on the severity of COVID-19 symptoms or susceptibility to it may have an impact on the extent that the COVID-19 prevention measures mediate mental health [ 54 ]. Lastly, uncertainty related to the unpredictable trajectory of the pandemic, such as economic concerns may present as greater stressors when compared to fears of COVID-19 infection [ 55 ].

This study also highlighted poor negative mental health among several groups. Though we did not specifically explore groups that are more likely to work from home, concerns have been raised about the well-being of ethnic minority groups who disproportionately work in public-facing occupations [ 56 ]. These sectors have experienced numerous disruptions in their capacity to operate throughout the COVID-19 pandemic [ 19 ]. This has had severe effects on members of ethnic minorities. For instance, in mid-2020, 44% and 40% of people of Arabic and West Asian ethnicity respectively, reported that the COVID-19 pandemic had moderate to strong impacts on their financial stability [ 57 ].

The identity groups associated with negative self-rated mental health—non-binary individuals and people over 40 years—are less clear in terms of contextualizing within work setting. For non-binary individuals, it is unclear whether they are more likely to work from home; however, it does appear that the pre-pandemic stressors have been compounded by COVID-19 for members of sexual and gender minorities [ 58 ]. As for middle-and-older age workers, the association with negative self-rated mental health corresponds to a general trend that mental health has worsened for all age groups in Canada since the onset of the pandemic [ 59 ]; however, it is unclear what this finding may mean in the context of other studies, indicating better mental health among older adults during the pandemic [ 60 , 61 ].

Despite COVID-19 prevention measures not emerging as a primary influencer of self-rated mental health, Canadian provinces such as British Columbia have routinely made it a priority to vaccinate frontline workers, a category of worker who cannot typically work from home [ 62 ]. Moreover, in examining other sources of economic-related stress, initial pandemic responses did see the Canadian federal government initiating supports for unemployed workers such as the Canada Emergency Response Benefit (CERB) in conjunction with provincial eviction bans, and to a lesser extent, rent freezes [ 63 ]. Though CERB provided support for workers financially impacted by the pandemic, workers who continued to be employed did not enjoy these benefits, despite facing the possibility of reduced work hours. Moreover, rent freezes that were widely enacted by provincial governments were largely discontinued after December 2020 [ 63 ]. Thus, despite a relatively rapid implementation of social protections in response to the arrival of COVID-19 in Canada [ 64 ], the lack of continuity of these measures coupled with pandemic uncertainty may feed into stressors affecting Canadian workers.

5. Limitations

This exploratory study has limitations but provides rationale for more rigorous investigations of the potential benefits of hybrid work. Limitations include our use of secondary data that likely does not fully capture the nuanced associations between work setting and self-rated mental health. These relationships are further simplified by our analytic choices to collapse work setting to three levels and self-rated mental health to two levels. Future studies should explore more comprehensive measures of mental health, including using specific measures of anxiety and depression. Such analyses might be feasible in large surveys, such as ours, through the use of short scales developed for large surveys, such as the PHQ-2 and GAD-2. It is possible that these more specific measures would allow for greater granularity in understanding how working conditions during an ongoing public health crisis is related to mental health and well-being—particularly in terms of the mediating effects of COVID-19 prevention on anxiety and stress (vs. depression). Qualitative research could also be used to better understand specific pathways of poor mental health for those working exclusively from home or in-person. Given limitations in measurement, the results of the current study must be interpreted with caution when considering specific psychological disorders. As well, the dataset over-represented (77.2%) individuals who work in hybrid arrangements, compared to the other two groups (exclusively working from home and exclusively working in-person). Caution should therefore be taken in interpretation, as this drastically departs from the range of Canadian workers working the majority of their hours from home—40.5% in April 2020 to 26.5% in June 2021 [ 65 ]. Lastly, as the CSCS did not include questions assessing individuals’ worry about COVID-19 exposure at work, nor how well their workplace implemented protection protocols, we were not able to account for the nuance of psychological distress related to COVID-19 infection. The measures we use to assess compliance are global and not work specific. As such, our mediation models should be interpreted as preliminary. Likewise, some measures need refined assessment in future studies. For example, to measure income, participants’ household incomes were collected in increments of $10,000 CAD. Bins of $30,000 CAD were selected with consideration of classifying individuals according to approximate thresholds for low- (e.g., Approx. $30,000 per households) and median income (approx. $90,000 per household) in Canada. As household size and cost-of living values varied, a more nuanced measure of income would have been preferred by was not available in this secondary data analysis. Personal income, adjusted for cost of living, could provide a more nuanced insight into working condition and types of work engaged in, as these parameters are undoubtedly important for understanding worker health.

6. Future Research Directions

Recognizing these limitations, as well as several opportunities to establish new lines of inquiry, we recommend that future research on the COVID-19 pandemic and future communicable disease epidemics should aim to sample a more representative group of people working from home; determine interactions between ethnic, sexual and gender minorities, and older populations; and incorporate measures of self-assessed psychological distress around workplace safety. Furthermore, as noted above, the present study did not account for important and salient factors such as living conditions, household composition, sources of material, social, and emotional support, non-work-related labor, and other undoubtedly important factors. Future research will explore these factors in relation to working arrangements. Such analyses are critical for understanding the gendered dynamics of work from home. We hypothesize that this would be a critical moderator for exploration in future research. As well, family composition and income are critical moderators for understanding how people can best be supported in distance work environments. Therefore, future research should conduct more narrow analyses or improve measurements of these key factors so that a more nuanced profile of working conditions (e.g., income, class, status, hierarchy) can be assessed in relation to our research questions. Finally, it is critical for longitudinal within person studies to continue examining the effect of work from home on individual health and wellbeing.

7. Conclusions

Given the few studies that are available assessing the effect of work setting on mental health, this study provides important data demonstrating potential hazards to mental health associated with exclusively in-person or home-based work. Hybrid models of work may therefore provide promising opportunities to improve the mental health of workers. Of course, replication will further advance our understanding of telecommuting and in-person work, particularly in the context of an ongoing public health crisis that has disproportionately impacted low-wage and marginalized people.

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank the 2021 Social Connection Survey Participants for their contributions of time and attention in completing our survey.

Supplementary Materials

The following supporting information can be downloaded at: https://www.mdpi.com/article/10.3390/ijerph191811588/s1 , File S1: Independent Variables Included in Initial Multivariable Binary Regression Model.

Funding Statement

Funding for the Canadian Social Connection Survey was received from a Canadian Institutes for Health Research (CIHR) Project Grant (#480066) and a Genwell Project Research Catalyst Grant (#2021-001). KGC is funded by a Michael Smith Health Research BC Scholar Award (#1547).

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, A.B., K.G.C., A.S., and E.B.; Data curation, K.G.C.; Formal analysis, A.B.; Funding acquisition, K.G.C.; Methodology, A.B. and K.G.C.; Supervision, K.G.C.; Writing—original draft, A.B.; Writing—review & editing, A.B., L.R., E.B., A.S., S.S.-S. and K.G.C. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Institutional Review Board Statement

The study was conducted according to the guidelines of the Declaration of Helsinki, and approved by the Institutional Review Board (or Ethics Committee) of University of Victoria (protocol code 21-0115; 9 April 2021).

Informed Consent Statement

Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.

Data Availability Statement

Conflicts of interest.

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

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Study tracks shifts in student mental health during college

Dartmouth study followed 200 students all four years, including through the pandemic.

A four-year study by Dartmouth researchers captures the most in-depth data yet on how college students' self-esteem and mental health fluctuates during their four years in academia, identifying key populations and stressors that the researchers say administrators could target to improve student well-being.

The study also provides among the first real-time accounts of how the coronavirus pandemic affected students' behavior and mental health. The stress and uncertainty of COVID-19 resulted in long-lasting behavioral changes that persisted as a "new normal" even as the pandemic diminished, including feeling more stressed, less socially engaged, and sleeping more.

The researchers tracked more than 200 Dartmouth undergraduates in the classes of 2021 and 2022 for all four years of college. Students volunteered to let a specially developed app called StudentLife tap into the sensors that are built into smartphones. The app cataloged their daily physical and social activity, how long they slept, their location and travel, the time they spent on their phone, and how often they listened to music or videos. Students also filled out weekly behavioral surveys, and selected students gave post-study interviews.

The study -- which is the longest mobile-sensing study ever conducted -- is published in the Proceedings of the ACM on Interactive, Mobile, Wearable and Ubiquitous Technologies . The researchers will present it at the Association of Computing Machinery's UbiComp/ISWC 2024 conference in Melbourne, Australia, in October. The team made their anonymized data set publicly available -- including self-reports, surveys, and phone-sensing and brain-imaging data -- to help advance research into the mental health of students during their college years.

Andrew Campbell, the paper's senior author and Dartmouth's Albert Bradley 1915 Third Century Professor of Computer Science, said that the study's extensive data reinforces the importance of college and university administrators across the country being more attuned to how and when students' mental well-being changes during the school year.

"For the first time, we've produced granular data about the ebb and flow of student mental health. It's incredibly dynamic -- there's nothing that's steady state through the term, let alone through the year," he said. "These sorts of tools will have a tremendous impact on projecting forward and developing much more data-driven ways to intervene and respond exactly when students need it most."

First-year and female students are especially at risk for high anxiety and low self-esteem, the study finds. Among first-year students, self-esteem dropped to its lowest point in the first weeks of their transition from high school to college but rose steadily every semester until it was about 10% higher by graduation.

"We can see that students came out of high school with a certain level of self-esteem that dropped off to the lowest point of the four years. Some said they started to experience 'imposter syndrome' from being around other high-performing students," Campbell said. "As the years progress, though, we can draw a straight line from low to high as their self-esteem improves. I think we would see a similar trend class over class. To me, that's a very positive thing."

Female students -- who made up 60% of study participants -- experienced on average 5% greater stress levels and 10% lower self-esteem than male students. More significantly, the data show that female students tended to be less active, with male students walking 37% more often.

Sophomores were 40% more socially active compared to their first year, the researchers report. But these students also reported feeling 13% more stressed than during their first year as their workload increased, they felt pressure to socialize, or as first-year social groups dispersed.

One student in a sorority recalled that having pre-arranged activities "kind of adds stress as I feel like I should be having fun because everyone tells me that it is fun." Another student noted that after the first year," students have more access to the whole campus and that is when you start feeling excluded from things."

In a novel finding, the researchers identify an "anticipatory stress spike" of 17% experienced in the last two weeks of summer break. While still lower than mid-academic year stress, the spike was consistent across different summers.

In post-study interviews, some students pointed to returning to campus early for team sports. Others specified reconnecting with family and high school friends during their first summer home, saying they felt "a sense of leaving behind the comfort and familiarity of these long-standing friendships" as the break ended, the researchers report.

"This is a foundational study," said Subigya Nepal, first author of the study and a PhD candidate in Campbell's research group. "It has more real-time granular data than anything we or anyone else has provided before. We don't know yet how it will translate to campuses nationwide, but it can be a template for getting the conversation going."

The depth and accuracy of the study data suggest that mobile-sensing software could eventually give universities the ability to create proactive mental-health policies specific to certain student populations and times of year, Campbell said.

For example, a paper Campbell's research group published in 2022 based on StudentLife data showed that first-generation students experienced lower self-esteem and higher levels of depression than other students throughout their four years of college.

"We will be able to look at campus in much more nuanced ways than waiting for the results of an annual mental health study and then developing policy," Campbell said. "We know that Dartmouth is a small and very tight-knit campus community. But if we applied these same methods to a college with similar attributes, I believe we would find very similar trends."

Weathering the pandemic

When students returned home at the start of the coronavirus pandemic, the researchers found that self-esteem actually increased during the pandemic by 5% overall and by another 6% afterward when life returned closer to what it was before. One student suggested in their interview that getting older came with more confidence. Others indicated that being home led to them spending more time with friends talking on the phone, on social media, or streaming movies together.

The data show that phone usage -- measured by the duration a phone was unlocked -- indeed increased by nearly 33 minutes, or 19%, during the pandemic, while time spent in physical activity dropped by 52 minutes, or 27%. By 2022, phone usage fell from its pandemic peak to just above pre-pandemic levels, while engagement in physical activity had recovered to exceed the pre-pandemic period by three minutes.

Despite reporting higher self-esteem, students' feelings of stress increased by more than 10% during the pandemic. Since the pandemic, stress fell by less than 2% of its pandemic peak, indicating that the experience had a lasting impact on student well-being, the researchers report.

In early 2021, as students returned to campus, the reunion with friends and community was tempered by an overwhelming concern of the still-rampant coronavirus. "There was the first outbreak in winter 2021 and that was terrifying," one student recalls. Another student adds: "You could be put into isolation for a long time even if you did not have COVID. Everyone was afraid to contact-trace anyone else in case they got mad at each other."

Female students were especially concerned about the coronavirus, on average 13% more than male students. "Even though the girls might have been hanging out with each other more, they are more aware of the impact," one female student reported. "I actually had COVID and exposed some friends of mine. All the girls that I told tested as they were worried. They were continually checking up to make sure that they did not have it and take it home to their family."

Students still learning remotely had social levels 16% higher than students on campus, who engaged in activity an average of 10% less often than when they were learning from home. However, on-campus students used their phones 47% more often. When interviewed after the study, these students reported spending extended periods of time video-calling or streaming movies with friends and family.

Social activity and engagement had not yet returned to pre-pandemic levels by the end of the study in June 2022, recovering by a little less than 3% after a nearly 10% drop during the pandemic. Similarly, the pandemic seems to have made students stick closer to home, with their distance traveled cut by nearly half during the pandemic and holding at that level in the time since.

Campbell and several of his fellow researchers are now developing a smartphone app known as MoodCapture that uses artificial intelligence paired with facial-image processing software to reliably detect the onset of depression before the user even knows something is wrong.

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Story Source:

Materials provided by Dartmouth College . Original written by Morgan Kelly. Note: Content may be edited for style and length.

Journal Reference :

• Subigya Nepal, Wenjun Liu, Arvind Pillai, Weichen Wang, Vlado Vojdanovski, Jeremy F. Huckins, Courtney Rogers, Meghan L. Meyer, Andrew T. Campbell. Capturing the College Experience . Proceedings of the ACM on Interactive, Mobile, Wearable and Ubiquitous Technologies , 2024; 8 (1): 1 DOI: 10.1145/3643501

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How Covid lockdowns hit mental health of teenage boys hardest

New research findings are contrary to what had previously been thought about pandemic’s effect on children’s wellbeing

Teenage boys were hit hardest by the Covid lockdowns, with their mental health failing to recover despite the return to normality, according to the most comprehensive academic study of its kind.

Early research into how lockdown affected children indicated that girls had suffered more significant mental health problems than boys.

However, a new study carried out by academics from three UK universities, published in the journal European Child + Adolescent Psychiatry , found that over the long term, teenage boys’ mental health was more adversely affected.

The research followed a cohort of about 200 children, aged between 11 and 14 at the time, asking them and their mothers to assess their mental state. It logged data from each child before lockdown, three months after the measures started and again at 15 months into the pandemic.

Researchers then compared this data with historical records that show the usual pattern of mental wellbeing for boys and girls during adolescence.

The academics found that while both sexes had an immediate decline in their mental health, boys then did not experience the natural improvement in mental wellbeing that usually comes with maturation as they move through the teenage years.

Dr Nicky Wright, a lecturer in psychology at Manchester Metropolitan University and a co-author of the paper, said: “The key message of this is that we expect more boys to be at risk of mental health problems now than we would before [the pandemic].

“Girls, on average, are more likely to suffer with mental health problems than boys. But the girls in the study followed their usual pattern, suggesting the experience of lockdown had a more significant impact on boys than girls.

“There wasn’t a pandemic effect on girls’ depression. When you account for puberty and development, it’s consistent with previous trends,” said Wright.

This weekend marks four years since the first UK lockdown was called on 23 March 2020. Schools were closed, leaving teenagers who were used to spending at least six hours a day surrounded by peers isolated from society. Work set by teachers for home schooling took an average of between two and three hours a day for most adolescents to complete, and with many parents working, lots of teenagers were left alone for long periods of time.

For those who were moving between primary and secondary school during the pandemic years, lockdowns also disrupted integration into new social groups and the chance to form friendships.

For older teenagers, universities and colleges switched to virtual lectures and seminars, leaving new students unable to form bonds with others.

The psychologist and writer Wendy Gregory said the findings of the study echoed changes to her client list in her private practice. “Lockdown has had a horrific impact on mental health, particularly in boys and young men, and partly I’m seeing the results of this now as I’m getting a lot more seeking therapy,” she said.

“There has been a big upturn in males seeking mental health support generally across the age ranges, and for teen boys there has been a huge uptick.”

In south London, Dr Jen Wills Lamacq, a child psychologist who works in state schools, said she has seen the pandemic effect on boys’ mental health first-hand, including increased difficult behaviour. She believes the decline in young male mental health was triggered by the rupture to their lives at a crucial point in adolescent development.

“Lots of boys, to regulate their emotions, may want to be outside, doing something active and around other people, without necessarily talking. For long periods of time, they were deprived of opportunities to regulate their mental wellbeing in a way that comes naturally to them,” she said.

For parents of teenage boys and young men, the findings may come as little surprise. Single mother Rebecca*, from London, says her teenage son, who was already receiving counselling before the pandemic, had a breakdown during lockdown that resulted in him becoming violent and police being called to restrain him.

“He was doing his GCSEs and when lockdown happened at first it was a huge relief because he didn’t have to go into school, as that was a trigger for anxiety, but losing that routine was awful and he had a breakdown. He had a psychotic episode where he was hearing voices. The police came and were very hard with him, and they put him in handcuffs in front of me,” she said.

Rebecca’s son is now an adult and his health has improved from that crisis point, but she says lockdown has had a lasting impact on his mental wellbeing. “I think it was dreadful. I think there will be repercussions for years to come for all kids,” she said.

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UIC student called, emailed for campus mental health counseling. No one answered

Like a lot of students, isabelle dizon was looking for mental health support. the university of illinois chicago promised to help but never came through..

Isabelle Dizon contacted her campus counseling center when she hit a low point during her sophomore year of college but never heard back. Now a junior at the University of Illinois Chicago, she hopes the school hires someone at the center to at least pick up the phone.

Lisa Kurian Philip / WBEZ

Isabelle Dizon describes her transition to college as “messy.”

She went from a public high school to a private art school that was far less diverse and cost too much, she said. The expense was stressful, and she couldn’t connect with her new classmates, most who were more well off. Navigating the social scene over Zoom and from behind masks at the height of the pandemic made her feel even more disconnected.

So she left, worked at Target for a year, then transferred to the University of Illinois Chicago. That’s when she recognized she needed help processing the change and upheaval she’d experienced.

Every syllabus for every class Dizon took that first semester listed the campus counseling center as a resource. The center offers short-term therapy paid for by a health service fee charged to every student. So Dizon knew just where to turn to get the help she needed — or so she thought.

“I called them a couple times, and it all went to voicemail,” said Dizon, now a junior graphic design major. “I also emailed. There was never a response. It was kind of like, ‘Well, you’re all on your own,’ and ‘You have to be tough.’ … I just wish they picked up.”

During the 2022-2023 school year, researchers from the Healthy Minds Network asked more than 76,000 college students across the country about their mental health. Asian and Asian American students like Dizon, whose parents are Filipino, were the least likely to describe their mental well-being as positive. But they were also the least likely to have gotten treatment in the previous year.

Alyson Kung in her office at UIC’s Asian American Cultural Resources Center. Kung said students often turn to her for help when they have mental health concerns, but there’s only so much she can do since she’s not trained as a mental health professional.

Alyson Kung, assistant director of UIC's Asian American Resource and Cultural Center, said there is a stigma in some students’ communities, especially those of color and from immigrant backgrounds, regarding mental health challenges and treatment.

Dizon said she didn't want to go to her family doctor for help because she worried her parents would find out.

But Kung said the main obstacle isn't any stigma or fear — it’s college students’ lack of access to mental health treatment .

“UIC, for a while, was continuing to expand and accept more and more students, which I think is great, on one hand,” said Kung, who graduated from the university more than a decade ago. “But the amount of resources was not expanding with the rate of the students that we were accepting.”

The result, Kung said, is that students who are struggling often come to her because they don’t know where else to go for help.

“I’m sort of a stopgap measure for some of these things, where the students will come to me to tell me what’s going on,” Kung said. “There’s only so much I can do as a non-mental health professional.”

Kung created a list of off-campus mental health resources, including therapists, to share with students. But she said many don't have insurance or financial resources to pay for private treatment — or might not have time to find a provider who is a good fit because they’re working and taking care of family members.

“It’s difficult to have this extra burden of navigating this system,” Kung said. “It feels purposefully difficult.”

Shortage of providers a challenge, UIC says

UIC administrators said the counseling center employs 24 providers, including several temporary trainees, to serve more than 22,000 undergraduate and 7,000 graduate students. Faculty and staff members say there are waitlists just to get an intake session.

Raphael Florestal-Kevelier, UIC’s first assistant vice chancellor for student health and wellness, said he hopes to bring the number of providers up to 27 by the start of the fall semester, bringing the ratio down to 1,074 students for every one mental health provider. Hiring is tough because there is a shortage of behavioral health providers in Illinois, especially providers of color.

Florestal-Kevelier said he's working to remove a doctoral requirement for some positions in the counseling center to open the candidate pool to providers who stopped at a master’s degree.

“We have such a diverse student population with diverse needs, and some students might be coming to us about relationship concerns,” he said. “It would be good for us to have a licensed family and marriage therapist on a team, and that doesn’t particularly require a clinical or counseling psychology doctoral degree.”

UIC officials promised $4 million over six years to improve mental health resources for students after faculty members brought the issue to the bargaining table during a strike in early 2023. Professors argued that their students’ unaddressed mental health needs had increased their workload.

Florestal-Kevelier said some of the funds promised by the university were used to hire two more counselors and to make provider pay more equitable and increase retention. But he said there's more work to be done to support student well-being at UIC and at campuses across the state.

Stephanie Muñoz-Navarro, a non-tenure track lecturer who teaches Spanish, chants during a strike outside the University of Illinois Chicago’s Student Center East in the Little Italy neighborhood, Friday, Jan. 20, 2023. She said mental health resources for students are important to her, adding that she referred one of her students to the counseling center after he approached her for ADHD testing, but he couldn’t book an appointment because of a waitlist. The UIC Faculty United union is demanding increased salaries, learning disability assessments for students, mental health support for students and improved job security. | Pat Nabong/Sun-Times

Pat Nabong/Sun-Times

Unfunded mandate to help

In 2019, after years of rising rates of depression and anxiety among college students, Illinois lawmakers passed the Mental Health Early Action on Campus Act. The law requires public university campuses to lower their clinician-to-student ratio and beef up their mental health resources through peer-support networks and partnerships with off-campus providers.

But the state has yet to provide the $22.2 million a year that government forecasters say colleges need to implement the mandate. State leaders appropriated $12.6 million for the current year, and Gov. J.B. Pritzker proposed spending just $4 million on campus mental health in next year’s budget.

“We’ve heard from a lot of schools that they often felt like they were coming up short, like they weren’t really faithfully executing the law, that it was not becoming a priority for folks simply because of the lack of money and the lack of resources behind it,” said Lily Rocha, associate vice president of policy at NAMI Chicago, a mental health advocacy nonprofit. “It’s a good start, but it’s not really enough to keep going. We fear that ultimately it will be the students who will be impacted negatively by a lack of funding or a lapse of funding.”

Isabelle Dizon said her parents are Filipino and don’t really believe in mental health issues. She worried they would look down on her for seeking therapy, so she tried to get help on her own through her campus counseling center.

Lingering effects of a broken promise

Dizon never heard back from the counseling center at UIC, so she leaned on her friends and family.

“It ended up being fine,” Dizon said. “But I can’t keep doing that.”

She said she doesn’t want to overburden her relationships, that she has had friendships that have suffered or even ended because one person was relying too much on the other for emotional support.

“That’s what the medical professional help is for: being able to hold on to someone who’s trained to listen to your issues and then help you walk through it,” Dizon said. “Then, you can go back to your friends and have healthier relationships with them.”

Dizon said she hopes the money promised by UIC for mental health services will be used to hire someone at the counseling center to — at the very least — pick up the phone.

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March 21, 2024

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New study reveals long-term mental health risks after COVID-19

by University of Oxford

A new study published in Nature Human Behaviour sheds light on the long-term mental health consequences of COVID-19 infection and the growing evidence of the protective effect of vaccination on reducing the risk.

The research, conducted in a population-based cohort from UK Biobank, highlights the increased risk of psychiatric disorders and related prescriptions among COVID-19 survivors, emphasizing the extra mental health burden imposed by the pandemic.

Junqing Xie, Postdoctoral Researcher in Pharmacoepidemiology and Pharmacogenetics at NDORMS, University of Oxford led an international team of researchers to expand on earlier studies that reported an increased risk of neurological and psychiatric disorders in individuals admitted to hospital or infected with COVID-19.

Junqing said, "These findings, however, were biased towards patients who had sought testing for COVID-19 in the first two years of the pandemic and didn't allow for those with an asymptomatic infection or new variants such as omicron."

To examine long-term mental health outcomes and the protective effect of vaccination, the cohort was divided into three groups: individuals with SARS-CoV-2 infection (26,101 participants), contemporary controls without infection (380,337 participants), and historical controls predating the pandemic (390,621 participants). The findings revealed that infected participants had a higher subsequent risk of developing various mental health disorders, including psychotic, mood, anxiety, alcohol use, and sleep disorders and was higher still for individuals who were hospitalized due to COVID-19.

However, the risks were reduced in fully vaccinated individuals, possibly highlighting the protective effect of vaccination against the development of new psychiatric disorders and the progression of existing ones.

The research also indicated that breakthrough infections, occurring in individuals despite having received the primary 2-dose vaccination, did not increase the risk of mental health diagnoses compared to the vaccinated (uninfected) participants, but there was still a sign of increased risk for more psychotropic medications.

Junqing said, "Given the existing large number of COVID-19 survivors (so far, ~700 million globally), the increasing number of reinfections worldwide accompanying the loosening of COVID-19 restrictions, and the waning public's appetite for boosters, the infection-triggered psychiatric disorders may translate into an enormous global burden of mental health on top of others.

"Our study therefore underscores the need for policymakers and health systems to develop priorities and long-term strategies for the early identification and treatment of affected individuals, especially in vulnerable survivors of COVID-19, to mitigate psychiatric disorders and enhance well-being post-pandemic."

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• Open access
• Published: 13 March 2024

Effects of a 14-day social media abstinence on mental health and well-being: results from an experimental study

• Lea C. de Hesselle 1 &
• Christian Montag 1  

BMC Psychology volume  12 , Article number:  141 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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Background and aim

The study investigated the effects of a 14-day social media abstinence on various mental health factors using an experimental design with follow-up assessment. Hypotheses included positive associations between problematic smartphone use (PSU) and depression, anxiety, fear of missing out (FoMO), and screentime. Decreases in screentime, PSU, depression and anxiety, and increases in body image were assumed for the abstinence group. Additionally, daily changes in FoMO and loneliness were explored.

Participants completed different questionnaires assessing PSU, FoMO, depression and anxiety, loneliness and body image and were randomized into control and social media abstinence groups. Daily questionnaires over 14 days assessed FoMO, loneliness, screentime, and depression and anxiety. 14 days after the abstinence, a follow-up questionnaire was administered. Multilevel models were used to assess changes over time.

PSU was positively associated with symptoms of depression, anxiety and FoMO, but not with screentime. Spline models identified decreased screentime and body image dissatisfaction for the intervention group. Depression and anxiety symptoms, PSU, trait and state FoMO, and loneliness, showed a decrease during the overall intervention time but no difference between the investigated groups could be observed (hence this was an overall trend). For appearance evaluation and body area satisfaction, an increase in both groups was seen. Daily changes in both loneliness and FoMO were best modelled using cubic trends, but no group differences were significant.

Results provide insights into effects of not using social media for 14 days and show that screentime and body image dissatisfaction decrease. The study also suggests areas for future studies to better understand how and why interventions show better results for some individuals.

Peer Review reports

Social media is part of everyday life with 4.76 billion users worldwide and a 3.0% annual increase [ 1 ]. The average time spent on social media is 2.5 hours, totalling 5 hours of screentime per day [ 1 ]. Simultaneously, there is a global rise in mental health issues with a 25% increase in anxiety disorders and a 28% increase in depressive symptoms, primarily affecting young adults [ 2 ]. It has already been discussed if the increase in social media use paved the way for the increase is psychopathologies, but establishing causality remains difficult [ 3 ]. Despite this, studies have linked problematic social media use to problems such as symptoms of depression and anxiety, [ 4 , 5 , 6 ] stress, negative body image and low physical activity [ 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 ].

While most studies use cross-sectional data, assessing changes over time in longitudinal data is necessary. The present study combines a longitudinal design and experimental approach to evaluate effects of a 14-day social media abstinence on several mental health factors.

Problematic smartphone use (PSU)

Smartphones enable various activities (e.g., communication, entertainment, gaming, online surfing or using social media). Excessive smartphone use which can lead to adverse consequences has been termed problematic smartphone use (PSU, [ 11 , 12 ]) This includes relying on the smartphone to regulate one’s mood, experiencing agitation in its absence, and unsuccessful attempts to reduce usage [ 11 , 12 ].

PSU has been associated with different negative life and health outcomes such as poor sleep quality, [ 13 , 14 , 15 ] impaired work and academic performance, [ 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 ] neck and shoulder pain, [ 20 , 21 ] and visual impairment [ 22 , 23 ]. Further, PSU has been positively associated with depression, anxiety, and Fear of Missing Out (FoMO) [ 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 30 ]. Though simple cross-sectional associations do not allow causal interpretation, according to the Compensatory Internet Use Theory (CIUT, [ 31 ]) excessive smartphone use can be interpreted as a coping mechanism for dealing with life stressors and negative emotions. Seen this way: associations between negative affect and overuse of technology might exist due to “self-medication” principles, although such medical language needs to be further investigated regarding its fit in the realm of Internet Use Disorders [ 32 ]. Another theoretical framework which is often used in PSU research is the Interaction of Person-Affect-Cognition-Execution model (I-PACE, [ 33 , 34 ]). This model describes different core characteristics and dispositional factors (personality, history of psychopathology, genetics, etc.) which can impact on how situations are received and what the response is (cognitive biases, certain affective responses), thereby contributing to the development of PSU. It offers insights into, for example, how stressful situations might lead to heightened smartphone use (in detail: use of certain applications) as a coping mechanism for dealing with stress. Of note, the I-PACE model also presents a history of psychopathologies such as depression as a vulnerability factor within the P-variable to develop excessive online use patterns. Hence, much of the variables investigated and introduced later in this manuscript could be seen through the lens of the I-PACE model: in particular, we mention that the intervention aiming at reduction of social media use could trigger changes in cognitive and affective processes which in turn might result in lower psychopathological tendencies as recorded via several variables in the present work (e.g. depressive tendencies or body image dissatisfaction).

Though most aforementioned studies assess PSU via self-report questionnaires, some others have used objective measurements of smartphone use (screentime, screen unlocks) and found either no association between depression and screentime [ 27 ] or an inverse relationship between depression and number of screen unlocks, [ 27 , 35 ] indicating even a lower unlock frequency for depressed compared to non-depressed individuals. However, objective and subjective measures of smartphone use are only moderately associated [ 27 , 36 ].

Social media use

Social media use presents one specific form of spending (excessive) time on the smartphone as platforms enable users to share real-time pictures, videos, and other content, facilitating connections through likes, comments, and multimedia messages. A lot of daily smartphone screentime is spent on social media, potentially leading to adverse consequences. Problematic social media use (PSMU) shows itself in symptoms similar to PSU, however it applies especially to social media use. This includes maladaptive behaviours such as escalating time spent on social media and unsuccessful efforts to reduce usage, resulting in negative consequences for the user. One can see from the symptoms that an addiction framework will be used for the present work, although PSMU could also mean very different behavior such as cyberbullying online.

PSMU in terms of an addictive behavior (not officially recognized) has been linked to different health outcomes. Koc and Gulyagci [ 37 ] and Hong et al. [ 38 ] found that depressive symptoms positively predict Facebook addiction. Koc and Gulyagci [ 37 ] further identified anxiety and insomnia as positive predictors. Additionally, FoMO was identified as a strong predictor of (problematic) social media use [ 39 , 40 ] and is also linked to both higher PSMU and lower meaning in life [ 41 ]. Furthermore, associations between PSMU and depression, anxiety, stress, higher cognitive failures [ 42 ] and poor sleep quality were found [ 4 , 5 , 6 , 43 , 44 , 45 , 46 ]. Though most studies are cross-sectional, limiting causal interpretation, some longitudinal studies have been performed. One study found a bidirectional relationship between PSMU and depression and identified PSMU as predictor of insomnia, suicide related outcomes and ADHD symptoms [ 45 ]. PSMU could also lead to negative consequences such as low academic achievement, decrease in real life social participation, [ 47 , 48 ] negative work-family balance, and decreased job performance [ 49 ].

Marino et al. [ 50 ] and Montag et al. [ 51 , 52 ] showed moderate to high associations between PSU and PSMU, resulting from an overlap of both phenomena. See also other works [ 53 , 54 ], showing robust overlap between PSU and distinct forms of social media overuse. While a lot of time is spent on social media, [ 1 ] not all smartphone use can be attributed to social media use, because smartphones also serve for gaming, browsing or video watching, instead, total screentime represents all uses. In the present study, total smartphone screentime was assessed as the original intention was to focus on smartphone gaming as well (see Procedure and Sample) and the smartphone serves as the platform for both social media engagement and gaming activities. Consequently, screentime serves as a comprehensive measure, reflecting both gaming and social media usage (but also a myriad of other activities including e-mail-checking, listening to music, etc.).

Abstinence studies

Apart from assessing smartphone use and different outcomes, as mentioned above, assessing changes in outcomes due to not using the smartphone pose a possibility to infer about the causal direction of effects to answer questions such as that abstaining from smartphone and/or social media use results in less reported clinical symptoms, e.g. in the realm of depression or eating disorders. Several studies explored the effects of social media abstinence. Radtke et al. [ 55 ] found significant decreases in screen time during and after the intervention, mixed results on life satisfaction, decrease in anxiety and stress, improvement of sleep quality and mixed effects on FoMO and loneliness. However, the authors argue that different implementations of abstinence and measurements might account for the heterogeneity of findings. Another review by Fernandez et al. [ 56 ] found similar effects: increase in life satisfaction, affective well-being, decrease in perceived stress, and an increase in boredom, craving and time distortion.

Further studies – some with experimental designs – found a decrease in FoMO, increase in mental well-being and social connectedness, [ 57 ] and decreased depression and anxiety [ 58 ]. However, Vally and D’Souza [ 59 ] found a decrease in well-being, an increase in negative affect and loneliness during intervention and a nonsignificant increase in stress for the experimental group. Brailovskaia et al. [ 60 ] assessed if a full abstinence is necessary to see improvements in mental health or if a reduction of one hour per day would be enough. They found increased well-being and positive lifestyle changes in both experimental groups with stronger effects in the reduction group.

The effect sizes found in the mentioned studies are small to moderate with just few large effects.

Most of the aforementioned studies employed 7 days of abstinence with some exceptions where an abstinence of 14 days was implemented. Also, the foci of these studies were mainly on mental health variables like depression, anxiety, and FoMO. While these are key variables in the present study, another goal is to assess effects of social media abstinence on body image.

Research questions and hypotheses

This study aims to assess the effect of a 14-day social media abstinence on different mental health and well-being factors using an experimental design. A follow-up assessment 14 days after the end of the intervention was implemented to assess stability of effects. A single 14-day follow-up was chosen due to economic reasons as retaining study participants is harder, the longer a study runs. Also, previous studies [ 55 , 58 , 60 , 61 ] have realised different periods between end of intervention and follow-up (e.g. 48 hours, 4 days, 1 week, 1 month and 3 months), so using 14 days is somewhere in between, economically feasible and of the same length as the intervention period. Daily questionnaires were used to analyse changes during the intervention period.

The following hypotheses and research questions will be evaluated.

The hypotheses H1, H2.1 and H2.2 are based on baseline data collected before randomization into different groups.

H1: In the overall sample, PSU is positively associated with reported total screentime, depression and anxiety symptom severity, and FoMO, respectively.

Previous studies (but not all) showed a moderate positive association between PSU and objectively measured screentime [ 27 , 36 ]. Although participants manually input screentime (total smartphone use, not just social media), similar low to moderate associations can be expected. The present study should also be able to replicate positive associations between PSU and depression and anxiety symptoms, and FoMO.

H2.1: In the overall sample, screentime is positively but weakly associated with depression and anxiety scores, FoMO, and loneliness, respectively.

H2.2: In the overall sample, more screentime is negatively associated with body image.

Many of these associations have not been shown with screentime, but with (problematic) smartphone use [ 37 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 43 ]. This study did not assess (problematic) social media use. Instead, the variable of interest is screentime in association with different mental health outcomes. However, since a large amount of screentime also in the present participants is spent on social media, [ 1 ] it should be associated with the mentioned variables as well. Nonetheless, the correlations should be small, as Huang [ 62 ] showed in a meta-analysis that the time spent on social network sites is only weakly correlated with psychological wellbeing.

H3: Screentime decreases in the experimental group.

Since a good portion of screentime is spent on social media [ 1 ] an abstinence should reflect in overall decreased screentime. Total screentime was chosen as the measurement, because it reflects both time spent on social media and other smartphone activities.

H4: Depression and anxiety scores, and PSU scores decrease in the social media abstinence group.

Depression, anxiety, and PSU have been positively linked to problematic social media use [ 37 , 38 , 40 , 43 , 50 ]. So, reducing – or eliminating – social media should lead to decreasing symptoms. Additionally, previous abstinence studies showed decreased anxiety, stress and depression scores [ 55 , 60 ].

H5: Body image improves in the abstinence group.

Body image is negatively associated with social media use, as exposure to idealized body types and social comparison in particular on visual driven social media platforms could lead to body dissatisfaction [ 7 , 63 , 64 ]. Although social media is not the only factor contributing to a negative body image, [ 65 , 66 ] abstaining from it is likely to improve body image by reducing the exposure to social comparison.

RQ1: How does FoMO change over time?

Previous studies reported mixed results concerning changes in FoMO, [ 55 , 57 ] possibly due to different intervention durations. Potentially, FoMO increases during the first few days of social media abstinence and then decreases once participants adapt to not using social media to check up on their friends. This study aims to provide insights into the changes over time during the abstinence phase by assessing FoMO daily and comparing different trends over time.

RQ2: What is the impact of abstinence on loneliness?

Several studies assessed the effect of social media abstinence on loneliness and found mixed results [ 55 , 56 , 57 , 59 ]. Since loneliness was assessed daily, changes over the duration of abstinence can be detected and different trends can be compared.

RQ3: Are the changes observed during abstinence stable after the intervention?

Positive and negative changes due to abstinence from social media were already mentioned, but not much is known about the stability of these changes over time. Brailovskaia et al. [ 61 ] reported stable effects of changes after a 14-day gaming abstinence, however not much is known about stability after social media abstinence. Stability will be evaluated through change in scores between the end of intervention and the follow-up.

This study took place between October 2022 and February 2023. Participants were recruited via different university mailing lists, flyers posted around the university buildings, social media and eBay marketplace and underwent assessments outlined in Fig.  1 . Inclusion criteria were: legal age (18+), good knowledge of the German language, and use of smartphone and social media. This online study was conducted using the SurveyCoder website, [ 67 ] with questionnaires administered at baseline, daily, end of intervention and at follow-up. Participants received a daily link to the website via email at 4 pm. After the baseline questionnaires, participants were randomized into four groups and received intervention instructions. Since no tracking apps were used, the deinstallation of apps was not monitored. Participants were allowed to use their smartphones as normal for all other purposes and were only instructed to deinstall apps from their smartphones (other devices were not mentioned in the instruction). At the end of the intervention, participants were allowed to reinstall apps and were asked how they intend to manage their future social media consumption.

Schematic procedure. The procedure of the study is presented in the figure, the abbreviations for the included questionnaires are presented in the questionnaire section of this work

Originally, comparisons between all groups were planned, however due to data cleaning steps (see Sample), only groups 1) and 2) were used for analyses in the main body of this manuscript.

The initial sample compromised N  = 196 participants who provided combined datasets (baseline, daily, end of intervention and follow-up). After exclusion of non-users of social media or gaming apps in the experimental groups, a sample of n  = 165 participants was left. Since this sample consisted of 83.6% females and one focus of the study was the change in body image (which mainly shows effects for women), [ 68 ] only the female participants were analysed further.

From our view, this led to a too small group size for the gaming abstinence group to run robust statistics ( n  = 21). Since negative consequences due to gaming are mostly prevalent in men [ 69 ] and a small group size compared to the other groups can be problematic in analyses, this group was excluded from the main body of this manuscript (but see Supplement ). The combined abstinence group ( n  = 31) was also excluded as this would have been relevant to provide insights in particular in comparison to both the distinct gaming and social media abstinence groups. But since the gaming abstinence group was excluded, it was decided to exclude this from the manuscript as well (again, for more information see Supplement ).

Thus, the effective sample consisted of n  = 86 female participants which were randomized into control group ( n  = 35) and social media abstinence group ( n  = 51). Most participants held A-level qualifications (64.0%) or university degrees (29.1%) and were currently enrolled at university (77.9%). Groups were comparable in terms of age (m control = 23.17, s control = 6.99; m socmed =24, s socmed =4.63; t(54.233) = -0.61, p = .54), education (majority have A-levels (63% in control group; 65% in social media abstinence group); followed by university degree (28% in control group; 29% in social media abstinence group), \({\chi }^{2}\) (3) = 1.47, p = .69), and current occupational status (77% university students in control group; 78% university students in social media abstinence group; \({\chi }^{2}\) (4) = 3.33, p = .50).

Analyses including excluded groups are presented in the Supplementary Materials 1 and 5  -  10 .

Questionnaires

Fear of missing out.

Trait and online specific state FoMO was assessed using the TS FoMO scale [ 70 ] at baseline, end of the intervention and follow-up. Participants were asked to rate their agreement to 12 statements on a 5-point Likert scale (1 = “strong disagree”, 5 = “strong agree”). Mean scores for both subscales were computed and showed high internal consistency at all timepoints ( \(\alpha\)  = 0.76 – 0.83 and \(\alpha\)  = 0.77 – 0.79, respectively). The German version as provided by Wegmann et al. [ 70 ] was used in the present work.

Daily FoMO was assessed using a single item question (FoMOsf; [ 71 ]): “Do you experience FoMO (the fear of missing out)?” Riordan et al. [ 71 ] proposed this single item assessment which showed good validity. Participants rated how much this applied to them on the current day on a 5-point Likert scale (1 = “no, not true of me”, 5 = “yes, extremely true of me”).

Problematic smartphone use

PSU was assessed using the Smartphone Addiction Scale – Short Version (SAS-SV; [ 72 ]) where participants rated their agreement with different statements concerning their smartphone use. These statements include difficulty concentrating, agitation in the absence of the smartphone, persistent preoccupation with the device, exceeding intended use duration, frequent checking behaviour, experiencing physical discomfort during use, and missed work obligations due to excessive smartphone use. Agreement was provided on a 6-point Likert scale ranging from 1 = “strongly disagree” to 6 = “strongly agree” and sum scores were used in analyses (higher values = more PSU). The scale showed high internal consistencies at all time points ( \(\alpha\)  = 0.81 – 0.86). German version was used as in Haug et al. [ 73 ].

Depression and anxiety symptoms

Depression and anxiety symptoms were assessed using the 4-item Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ-4; [ 74 ]). Participants were asked how often in the past seven days (for daily measurements: on the current day) they experienced different symptoms of depression or anxiety. Answers ranged from 0 = “no, not at all” to 3 = “nearly every day” (“nearly the whole day”) and were summed with higher values indicating more severe symptoms. The PHQ-4 demonstrated high internal consistency at all time points ( \(\alpha\)  = 0.81 - 0.87).

How often participants experienced loneliness and isolation from others was assessed using the German version of the UCLA 3-item loneliness scale [ 75 ] as in Montag et al. [ 76 ]. Answers were given on a 3-point Likert scale (1 = “hardly ever”, 3 = “often”) and summed with higher values indicating higher loneliness. The scale demonstrated good internal consistency ( \(\alpha\)  = 0.78 – 0.89).

Body Image Dissatisfaction (BID) was assessed using the BIAS-BD, [ 77 ] which presents two rows of schematic body figures ranging from 60% to 140% of the average BMI, separated for sex. Participants chose the figure best representing their actual and ideal body. Percentages were transformed into BMI equivalents and a BID score was computed as the difference between actual and ideal body size.

Further, the MBSRQ-AS [ 78 ] was used to measure different body image dimensions on 34 items: appearance evaluation (How content people are with their appearance), appearance orientation (How much attention people pay to their own appearance), body area satisfaction (How satisfied they are with different areas of their body), overweight preoccupation (How concerned they are with their weight and staying thin), and self-classified weight (How they would rate their own weight and how other people would rate their weight). Scores were summed for each dimension, and all showed good internal consistency with \(\alpha =\) 0.66 – 0.92.

Participants were asked to open the screentime feature on their smartphones and type the hours and minutes into the questionnaire. Values were converted into minutes for analysis. At baseline and follow-up, the screentime from the last seven days was averaged to represent the average daily screentime at baseline and follow-up, respectively. No differences were made between smartphone operating systems.

Fear of COVID-19

Fear of COVID-19 (FCV) was assessed at baseline using the FCV19S [ 79 , 80 ] to use as a covariate in analyses. This was due to the study being conducted amid the COVID-19 pandemic (October 2022 to February 2023), allowing for the proper consideration of various pandemic-related constraints in the analyses. The FCV19S demonstrated a good internal consistency of \(\alpha\)  = 0.83. Participants were asked to rate seven statements concerning their fear of COVID-19 on a 5-point Likert scale from 1 = “strongly disagree” to 5 = “strongly agree”. Scores were summed for analysis and higher values indicated more Fear of COVID-19. The German version used herein was by Fatfouta and Rogoza [ 80 ].

Further questionnaires

The following questionnaires were assessed but not included in the main analyses. They are included in the supplement (see Supplementary Material ): IPAQ (physical activity; [ 81 ]), PANAS – positive affect subscale, [ 82 , 83 ] Perceived Stress Scale (PSS-4; [ 84 , 85 ]) and satisfaction with life scale (SWLS; [ 86 , 87 ]). The cited German versions were used for all scales.

Data analysis

Data analysis was performed using R version 4.1.3 [ 88 ]. Apart from descriptive statistics at baseline, correlations were computed using Holm’s correction for p -values.

To model trends in outcome variables (PSU, FoMO, screentime, depression/anxiety, loneliness, body image), multilevel models were used. For the variables measured at three time points (baseline, end of intervention, follow-up), spline models were used with the knot point set to the end of intervention. This allows assessment of change between baseline values and end of intervention and between end and follow-up. Further, RQ3 can be answered using these models. For an explanation on spline models in the multilevel modelling framework, see Grimm et al. [ 89 ]. First, only the trend over time was modelled for the total sample (called model 1 for each outcome). Then, covariates were added (baseline FCV, PSU, and BID for MBSRQ-AS outcomes), and group differences were accounted for using dummy coded variables (0 = control, 1 = abstinence group; called model 2 for each outcome). Random intercepts were used for all models to allow for interindividual differences in values and where possible, random slopes were used to allow for interindividual differences in change over time. The R-packages lme4 version 1.1.28 [ 90 ] and lmerTest version 3.1.3 [ 91 ] were used.

For daily measured outcomes, several multilevel models were computed. First, a linear trend over time for all experimental groups was evaluated. This model included baseline PSU, FCV, and the respective baseline value of each outcome. Then, the group variable was added to a separate model. To further assess changes over time in FoMO and loneliness (RQ1 and RQ2), different trends over time were assumed (quadratic, cubic) and models were compared using AIC, BIC and Likelihood Ratio Tests.

Datasets and analysis scripts are available at the Open Science Framework https://osf.io/qdp8r/ .

The present study was approved by the university’s ethics committee (Ethics committee of University of Ulm) under application number 252/22.

Descriptive statistics at baseline are presented in Table 1 . Due to randomization, no group differences were expected, and t-tests were non-significant.

Correlations

Correlations at baseline are presented in Table 2 with Holm corrected p -values and 95% confidence intervals.

Multilevel models

Results from models for outcome variables measured at three time points are presented in Table 3 .

For depression and anxiety symptoms, model 1 with fixed slope showed a significant negative trend before the knot point (b = -0.60, t(160.76) = -2.52, p  = .013), but no change afterwards. Model 2 showed no significant change over time or differences between groups.

Model 1 for screentime showed nonsignificant changes across all time points. Upon incorporating covariates, no significant changes over time were observed for the control group. However, there was a significant difference in change between baseline and end of intervention between control group and abstinence group, as evidenced by one-sided testing (b = -38.905, t(159.8) = -1.685, p  = .094/2 = .047). This indicates a decrease in screentime in the abstinence group. See Fig.  2 for a graphical representation of mean values in both groups.

Plot of main results: changes in Body Image Dissatisfaction (BID) and average daily screentime

Using PSU as outcome, model 1 showed a significant negative linear trend before the knot point (b = -4.023, t(150.54) = -5.583, p  < .001) and a nonsignificant negative trend after the knot point. There was random variance for the trend over time. In model 2, only baseline FCV was added as covariate and had a significant influence on PSU. Further, the pre-knot negative trend was significant for the control group and no differences between groups were seen.

Model 1 for loneliness showed a significant negative linear change between baseline and end of intervention (b = -0.66, t(139.39) = -4.751, p  < .001), indicating an overall decrease in loneliness during the intervention. In model 2, the negative linear change between baseline and end of intervention was significant for the control group and there were no group differences.

For state FoMO, model 1 showed a significant negative trend between baseline and end of intervention (b = -0.22, t(161.11) = -3.813, p  < .001) and no change between end of intervention and follow-up. Model 2 showed no significant trend over time in the control group and no differences between groups.

There was a significant negative trend in model 1 for trait FoMO for the change between baseline and end of intervention (b = -0.52, t(157.63) = -7.30, p  < .001) and no change afterwards. Model 2 showed a significant negative pre-knot point trend for the control group. This trend did not differ between groups, however the difference in values at the knot point (end of intervention) was significantly lower for the abstinence group.

The first model assessing trend over time showed a nonsignificant decrease in BID between baseline and end of intervention and no change afterwards. Model 2 showed no significant change over time for the control group. However, the difference in change between baseline and end of intervention was significant for one-sided testing (b = -0.95, t(139.64) = -1.900, p  = .0595/2 = .029), indicating that BID values decreased more for the social media abstinence group compared to the control group. See Fig.  2 for a graphical representation of the mean values of both groups.

In model 1, appearance evaluation showed a significant increase between baseline and end of intervention (b = 0.988, t(161.02) = 2.736, p  < .001) and no change afterwards. In model 2, the positive change between baseline and end of intervention was only significant for the control group.

Overweight preoccupation showed no change over time in model 1. Upon adding covariates and a group variable, there was a significant negative trend for the change between baseline and end of intervention in the control group. No group differences were found.

Model 1 revealed an almost significant increase in body area satisfaction during the intervention (b = 0.698, t(136.24) = 1.899, p  = .0597) and no change afterwards. However, this trend was not significant in model 2 with covariates and group variable, nor was there a difference between groups.

No effect of either time or group could be identified for self-classified weight and appearance orientation.

Daily data models

For the daily data models, different trends were modelled for each variable. As covariates in all models the respective values at baseline were used as well as baseline FCV19, PSU, and BID. Results are provided in Table 4 .

For the total sample, linear (model 1) or quadratic (model 2) trend over time for screentime could not be found. Upon adding the group variable in the quadratic trend model (model 4), the interaction term for linear trend and abstinence group was almost significant (b = 8.56, t(1046.18) = 1.800, p  = .072), as well as the interaction between the quadratic trend and the abstinence group (b = -0.61, t(1045.28) = -1.727, p  = .084). This indicates a different change in screentime for the social media abstinence group than observed in the control group.

Linear (model 1) and quadratic (model 2) trends for changes in loneliness were not supported for the total sample. Model 3 assumed a cubic trend and found significant results for the linear, quadratic and cubic parts of the trend. Model comparisons between three models identified model 3 as the best fitting model (AIC = 3596.9, BIC = 3647.2, M2 vs. M3:  \({\chi }^{2}\) (1) = 6.78, p  < .01).

Models 4 (linear trend and group) and 5 (quadratic trend and group) showed no trends over time nor group differences. Model 6 – including a cubic trend – showed significant linear, quadratic and cubic trends for the control group and no differences between groups. This model fit the data best (AIC = 3597.2, BIC = 3667.6, M5 vs. M6:  \({\chi }^{2}\) (2) = 9.92, p  < .01). However, there was no significant difference between models with and without the group variable (M3 vs. M6: \({\chi }^{2}\) (4) = 7.6911, p  = .1036).

Model 1 showed no significant linear trend over time in depression and anxiety symptoms. Model 2 included the linear trend over time and the group variable and showed an almost significant negative change for the control group (b = -0.04, t(1048.51) = -1.834, p  = .067) and a significant interaction between daily change and the abstinence group (b = 0.06, t(1046.40) = 2.429, p  < .05), indicating different changes over time between both groups.

Model 1 found a significant negative linear trend with an average 0.0195 decrease per day for FoMO. Model 2 included a quadratic trend as well as the linear trend and found the linear trend to be significant (b = -0.054, t(1043) = -2.506, p  < .05). Model 3 assumed a cubic trend and found this to be significant. Model comparisons identified model 3 as best fitting (AIC = 2862.6, BIC = 2918.0, M2 vs. M3: \({\chi }^{2}\) (1) = 19.116, p  < .001).

Model 4 found a significant negative linear trend for the control group and no group differences. Model 5 (quadratic trend) found no significant linear or quadratic trend for either group. Model 6 (cubic trend) found a significant linear, quadratic and cubic trend for the control group, but no difference between the groups. Model 6 was identified as the best fitting model containing the group variable (AIC = 2866.4, BIC = 2941.9, M5 vs. M6: \({\chi }^{2}\) (2) = 20.22, p  < .001), however the fit was not significantly different from model 3 (M3 vs. M6: \({\chi }^{2}\) (4) = 4.1824, p  = .3819).

The aim of this study was to evaluate the impact of a 14-day social media abstinence on different mental health and well-being variables and body image. Results are discussed below.

Associations between variables

The study’s findings align with the expectations outlined in H1. PSU demonstrated a weak positive association with screentime, although it was not statistically significant, which is consistent with prior research [ 27 , 36 ]. This supports the notion that self-reported PSU and screentime is not necessarily the same construct and that screentime is not an appropriate measure for PSU. Furthermore, different uses and motives for smartphone use can explain why some people have high screentime but low PSU.

Motives can be evaluated using the CIUT [ 31 ]. Though literature on associations between smartphone use motives and screentime is not exhaustive, studies have found that motives like mood regulation and enjoyment are positively associated with PSU, whereas information seeking and socializing are less likely to have an influence on addictive behaviour in the realm of smartphones [ 92 , 93 ]. Additional motives for use were distress tolerance and mindfulness, [ 94 ] FoMO, [ 95 , 96 ] and boredom proneness [ 96 , 97 ].

PSU was assumed to be positively associated with depression and anxiety symptom severity (H1) and a moderate association (albeit not significant for this sample) has been found. Again, this is consistent with previous literature [ 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 ].

The hypothesized association between PSU and state FoMO was highly positive whereas the association with trait FoMO was moderately positive, supporting H1. Both can be interpreted as people experiencing more PSU symptoms also experience more FoMO. Again, these results are in accordance with previous studies identifying FoMO as a correlate of PSU [ 25 ]. Furthermore, according to the I-PACE model [ 33 , 34 ] trait FoMO can be seen as a core characteristic impacting how certain situations are received and responded to, thus, contributing to the development of PSU (please note that due to the overlap with neuroticism, it might be also seen as a trait; [ 98 ]).

Positive but weak associations were found for screentime and depression/anxiety symptom severity, FoMO, and loneliness, supporting H2.1. All associations are low (to moderate for screentime and depression/anxiety) and not significant in the present sample. This was expected, as Huang [ 62 ] reported very small associations between time spent on social network sites and mental health variables. There are different uses of smartphones that can be unproblematic but lead to high screentimes (e.g attending online meetings or using the phone to study). This should be controlled for in future studies.

Hypothesis H2.2 assumed a negative correlation between screentime and body image. This hypothesis is supported only descriptively, as no correlation is significant. Screentime showed weak negative associations with appearance evaluation and body area satisfaction, and positive associations with appearance orientation (see that also using objective screentime-measures, a recent work by Rozgonjuk et al. [ 64 ] established links between longer smartphone use and higher body dissatisfaction; in this work also patients with eating disorders were investigated). The present findings suggest that individuals who spend more time on their smartphones are a little more appearance oriented and a little less satisfied with their bodies. However, it is crucial to note that screentime and exposure to online media are not the sole factors influencing BID [ 65 , 66 ]. Studies found that the type of screentime influences development of BID, at least for TV or computers [ 99 , 100 , 101 ]. Specifically, computer use for leisure activities was positively associated with BID whereas computer use for homework showed negative associations with BID [ 99 ]. Hrafnkelsdottir et al. [ 100 ] found positive correlations between gaming, TV/DVD/internet watching and BID and low correlations between BID and online communication. This suggests that different uses of smartphones and social media might have different impacts on body image. An assessment of motives of use could provide further insight.

Changes over time

An overall decrease in screentime during the intervention, especially for the abstinence group was found, supporting hypothesis H3. Since a large portion of screentime is spent on social media, [ 1 ] abstinence from selected applications should be reflected in overall decreased screentime. These results align with previous abstinence studies which also reported decreased screentime [ 55 , 57 ]. However, on a day-to-day basis during the intervention, no significant changes in screentime were found. This could be attributed to fluctuating screentimes or compensatory behaviour, such as switching to other apps to fill the time.

Depression and anxiety scores decreased when assessing the total sample but there was no change nor difference between groups when considering the group variable. Therefore, H4 is not supported for depression and anxiety. Contrary to the hypothesis, daily models showed a decrease in the control group and an increase in the experimental group (please note that these observations are on a descriptive level only and changes were not pronounced). However, according to the CIUT, [ 31 ] smartphones and by extension social media can act as a coping mechanism and as an escape to handle negative emotions and daily hassles. If this outlet is unavailable, symptoms of depression and anxiety might increase (we are not of the opinion though that social media use should be seen as an effective way to deal with one's own problems and it is unclear how long lasting the effect around depression and anxiety would be). Motives of use are often evaluated in gaming research and escapism was identified as a strong predictor for gaming time (and gaming disorder, [ 102 ]), highlighting the tendency of dealing with negative emotions by escaping into an online world [ 103 ].

Additional analyses were conducted to examine the relationship between changes in depression and anxiety scores and baseline PSU, across groups (total sample). The results indicated a weak negative correlation, suggesting that, across groups, individuals with higher baseline PSU scores experienced more decrease in depression and anxiety scores compared to those with lower PSU scores. Since there was only a minimal difference in baseline PSU scores between the experimental groups (see Table 1 ), the association between baseline PSU values and change in depression and anxiety scores cannot be the reason for the different trends over time measured in the depression and anxiety scores.

However, when baseline depression and anxiety scores were correlated with changes in anxiety and depression scores, a moderate negative correlation emerged. The control group displayed slightly higher baseline scores than the abstinence group, although this difference was not statistically significant. This provides a possible explanation to the reduction in depression and anxiety scores in the control group compared to the abstinence group.

For PSU, an overall decrease was found during and after the intervention. However, there were no differences between groups. Possibly, the study attracted individuals seeking to change their social media habits as it was advertised as an abstinence study. Intention towards future social media use was assessed at the end of intervention and follow-up with most participants expressing a desire to reduce their social media time (end of intervention: 57% in control group, 49% in abstinence group; follow-up: 48% in control group, 66% in abstinence group). Since there was no big group difference in the number of participants with this answer, controls possibly intended to reduce their social media consumption even before their study participation and changed their behaviour, thus experiencing less PSU.

Additionally, PSU is not synonymous with social media use. Though studies found a strong positive association between PSU and PSMU, [ 50 ] PSU can develop through other smartphone uses than social media. Plus, participants were asked to abstain only from selected social media but were able to freely use their phones for other uses.

Body image was assessed using different variables. Appearance orientation and self-classified weight showed no changes over time or between groups. There was an overall increase in appearance evaluation and body area satisfaction due to the intervention, but no differences between groups. Overweight preoccupation decreased for the control group and there was no difference in changes between groups.

The BID values decreased significantly more in the abstinence group than in the control group, suggesting that taking a break from exposure on social media is helpful in decreasing BID. Overall, hypothesis H5, suggesting social media abstinence improves body image satisfaction and decreases dissatisfaction, was partially supported. However, the effect is small, as social media is not the only factor influencing body image [ 65 , 66 ]. Social comparison occurs not only on social media but in real-life interactions and through other media like TV or magazines.

Daily change in FoMO (RQ1) was best modelled using a cubic trend. Nevertheless, there were no group differences, suggesting day-to-day fluctuation in FoMO regardless of whether social media apps were used or not. Previous studies found mixed outcomes regarding intervention on FoMO, [ 55 , 57 ] but only assessed it for 7 days. Since FoMO fluctuates, assessing changes over a longer period of time offers a more comprehensive dataset for fitting appropriate models.

Trait and state FoMO decreased during intervention in both groups and remained stable afterwards. The absence of group differences can be attributed to individuals using their phones for different uses that do not necessarily influence FoMO. Elhai et al. [ 104 ] found that FoMO is more associated with non-social smartphone use like entertainment, news and relaxation compared to social smartphone use. Though PSU was positively related to both trait and state FoMO, screentime was not associated with either. This suggests that simply abstaining from social media may not lead to reduced FoMO, at least not in the here investigated time interval. Furthermore, since traits are considered relatively stable constructs, [ 105 ] it is debatable if a change in trait FoMO can be expected. Trait FoMO can be also conceptualized as dispositional factor in the I-PACE model [ 33 , 34 ] and is a stable influence on the development of PSU. Since dispositional factors are not expected to change strongly – especially not in a short time frame – the observed change was more likely an artifact in data.

A cubic trend was also the best way to model daily changes in loneliness (RQ2), though there were no significant group differences. Both groups experienced a decrease in loneliness during the intervention and no change afterwards. This suggests that overall, loneliness decreased but due to factors other than not using social media apps. This study did not assess other life events, making it challenging to explain this change fully. Furthermore, previous studies found mixed effects of abstinence on loneliness [ 55 , 56 , 57 , 59 ]. Moreover, there are different motives for social media use and not all are related to social interaction. These results can also be interpreted in the context of the uses and gratification theory [ 106 ] as the smartphone can be used to fulfil individuals needs such as representation, maintaining social networks, receiving online support, relaxing, or escaping from pressures [ 107 ]. Not all motives are related to loneliness.

The majority of spline models did not show significant changes after the intervention, indicating stability in the effects and addressing RQ3. Specifically, this applies to changes in BID and screentime, where differences between the experimental and control groups were seen. For the other variables, there were no group differences, but the changes between baseline and end of intervention measurements suggested an overall decrease (depression and anxiety, PSU, overweight preoccupation, state and trait FoMO, loneliness) or increase (appearance evaluation, body area satisfaction) and no change afterwards. However, these changes apply to both groups, meaning the control group changed as well and abstinence was not the sole reason for change, but maybe the intention to reduce consumption was.

Contribution and limitations

The present study provides novel insights into the relationships between social media use and mental health and well-being. Notably, this study used an experimental design to implement a 14-day intervention and conducted a follow-up assessment 14 days after this intervention. Furthermore, this work focussed on body image and its changes over time. This can provide information for future studies or intervention designs as it shows that body image dissatisfaction can be decreased by not using social media for 14 days. The experimental approach adds depth to the understanding of the impact of social media on body image, a topic that has primarily been explored through correlative studies. The present results can also provide a first basis for inventing and implementing interventions in the realm of eating disorders or body schema disorders, as it shows that abstaining from social media might improve body satisfaction (replication of the present findings is of importance). But: As there is currently no consensus or official diagnosis for PSU and also against the limitations mentioned below, authors refrain from proposing clinical implications based on reduced screentime during intervention at the moment.

Additionally, previous studies modelled FoMO as linear change over time and often only assessed one week of change. The present study provides more detailed insight into daily FoMO as well as daily loneliness changes and found that both can be best represented using a cubic trend.

There are several limitations. First, the original study design intended to include four groups for comparison, but due to a high percentage of women in the sample, only female participants were analysed in the main manuscript, leading to exclusion of the gaming disorder groups. Consequently, small sample sizes were used for analyses, resulting in low statistical power. While some results were directionally clear, they did not reach statistical significance in the present work. Second, PSMU was not assessed alongside PSU, which should be considered in future studies. Screentime was not objectively measured but participants manually input the information from their screentime feature (hence we have an indirect objective screentime measure, which might be prone to transfer error though but was checked for plausability). In further studies, an objective measurement could be implemented by either using tracking apps – and thus validating if participants use social media apps – or asking for screenshots of the screentime feature. Measurement of total screentime and PSU were chosen as the original intention was to include the gaming and combined abstinence groups. In that case, both screentime and PSU would be acceptable measurements for all groups, as gaming and social media use can be reflected in total screentime and can both lead to symptoms of PSU.

Aside from assessing PSMU and using an objective measure for future studies it is suggested to assess motives and uses for individual’s smartphone use because this could provide further insight into why outcomes change for some participants but not for all. This could also aid in developing more nuanced interventions that properly fit a person’s needs. Lastly, different groups with different levels of abstinence could be realized. This has previously been done by Brailovskaia et al. [ 60 ] for general smartphone use.

Using a longitudinal and experimental approach to a 14-day social media abstinence, the present study was able to show significant decreases in BID and screentime due to abstinence. Further, mental well-being factors were evaluated and showed improvement over time but did not differ between groups. Using daily assessments of FoMO and loneliness, cubic trends were identified as the best way to model fluctuation in these variables. These findings provide valuable insights into the complex dynamics of social media use and its impact on mental health and well-being and can provide information to plan future interventions addressing social media/smartphone use or body image related disorders.

Availability of data and materials

Abbreviations.

Akaike Information criterion

Bayesian information criterion

Body image dissatisfaction

Body mass index

Compensatory Internet Use Theory

Fear of Missing Out

Positive affect negative affect scale

Patient health questionnaire 4

Problematic social media use

Perceived stress scale

Research question

Smartphone Addiction Scale – short version

Satisfaction with Life scale

Trait State FoMO scale

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Department of Molecular Psychology, Institute of Psychology and Education, Ulm University, Helmholtzstraße 8/1, 89081, Ulm, Germany

Lea C. de Hesselle & Christian Montag

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LdH: Writing – Original Draft, Conceptualization, Formal Analysis, Data Curation. CM: Writing – Review & Editing, Investigation, Supervision.

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Correspondence to Lea C. de Hesselle .

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The present study was approved by the university’s ethics committee (Ethics committee of University of Ulm) under application number 252/22 and all methods were carried out in accordance with relevant guidelines.

Informed consent was obtained from all participants in the study at the baseline assessment.

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Competing interests.

Dr. Montag reports no conflict of interest. However, for reasons of transparency Dr. Montag mentions that he has received (to Ulm University and earlier University of Bonn) grants from agencies such as the German Research Foundation (DFG). Dr. Montag has performed grant reviews for several agencies; has edited journal sections and articles; has given academic lectures in clinical or scientific venues or companies; and has generated books or book chapters for publishers of mental health texts. For some of these activities he received royalties, but never from gaming or social media companies. Dr. Montag mentions that he was part of a discussion circle (Digitalität und Verantwortung: https://about.fb.com/de/news/h/gespraechskreis-digitalitaet-und-verantwortung/ ) debating ethical questions linked to social media, digitalization and society/democracy at Facebook. In this context, he received no salary for his activities. Finally, he mentions that he currently functions as independent scientist on the scientific advisory board of the Nymphenburg group (Munich, Germany). This activity is financially compensated. Moreover, he is on the scientific advisory board of Applied Cognition (Redwood City, CA, USA), an activity which is also compensated.

Lea C. de Hesselle reports no conflict of interest.

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de Hesselle, L.C., Montag, C. Effects of a 14-day social media abstinence on mental health and well-being: results from an experimental study. BMC Psychol 12 , 141 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40359-024-01611-1

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Received : 25 October 2023

Accepted : 20 February 2024

Published : 13 March 2024

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1186/s40359-024-01611-1

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