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Differences between Men and Women in Mortality and the Health Dimensions of the Morbidity Process

Eileen m. crimmins.

1 USC Davis School of Gerontology, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA.

Hyunju Shim

Yuan s. zhang, jung ki kim.

Author Contributions: All authors confirmed they have contributed to the intellectual content of this paper and have met the following 4 requirements: (a) significant contributions to the conception and design, acquisition of data, or analysis and interpretation of data; (b) drafting or revising the article for intellectual content; (c) final approval of the published article; and (d) agreement to be accountable for all aspects of the article thus ensuring that questions related to the accuracy or integrity of any part of the article are appropriately investigated and resolved.


Do men have worse health than women? This question is addressed by examining sex differences in mortality and the health dimensions of the morbidity process that characterize health change with age. We also discuss health differences across historical time and between countries.

Results from national-level surveys and data systems are used to identify male/female differences in mortality rates, prevalence of diseases, physical functioning, and indicators of physiological status. Male/female differences in health outcomes depend on epidemiological and social circumstances and behaviors, and many are not consistent across historical time and between countries. In all countries, male life expectancy is now lower than female life expectancy, but this was not true in the past. In most countries, women have more problems performing instrumental activities of daily living, and men do better in measured performance of functioning. Men tend to have more cardiovascular diseases; women, more inflammatory-related diseases. Sex differences in major cardiovascular risk factors vary between countries—men tend to have more hypertension; women, more raised lipids. Indicators of physiological dysregulation indicate greater inflammatory activity for women and generally higher cardiovascular risk for men, although women have higher or similar cardiovascular risk in some markers depending on the historical time and country.

In some aspects of health, men do worse; in others, women do worse. The lack of consistency across historical times and between countries in sex differences in health points to the complexity and the substantial challenges in extrapolating future trends in sex differences.

Common generalizations are that men live shorter but healthier lives and that women live longer lives but in worse health ( 1 ). Such generalizations are an oversimplification, and sex differences in health cannot be described so succinctly ( 2 ). Here we demonstrate the complexity of male/female health differences by examining differences in both mortality rates and multiple dimensions of morbidity at older ages. We also demonstrate the complexity of sex differences in health at older ages by showing that sex differences vary across dimensions of health, historical time, and between countries.

Our analysis of sex differences in health used the dimensions of the morbidity process ( Fig. 1 ), which categorized multiple health indicators according to the process of health change with age at the population level ( 3 ). At the population level, health change with age is initiated by physiological dysregulation such as increased blood pressure and increasing concentrations of total cholesterol; these changes are followed by increases in the diagnoses of diseases and conditions, both physical and mental, which are then followed by increases in disability and loss of physical functioning and finally death. For individuals, the ordering of the process may differ; they may not experience some of the dimensions, and they may also experience reversals in the process. Dimensioning the nonmortality aspects of health change is important both to understanding the aspects of health in which men and women do better and worse, and to understanding how sex differentials in mortality rates arise. Although changes in the dimensions of the process are related, previous work has shown that population differentials and changes over time in these dimensions of morbidity are not necessarily similar ( 4 ). Our goal here was to investigate how these dimensions of health differ for men and women and whether the sex differences were similar across historical time and between countries. We did not expect the differences between men and women to be the same across dimensions of health, nor did we expect the differences to be the same over historical time and between countries in the world. Our aim was to show that, although generalizations can be made about sex differences in health and mortality rates, most differences cannot be described with a simple statement that describes differences at all historical times and in all countries. Understanding where in the process of health change men and women differ by ( a ) comprehensively examining historical trends in life expectancy and sex differences in prevalence of disease and physical functioning, and ( b ) incorporating recent evidence on biomarkers and other physiological status, adds substantially to knowledge of the sources and pathways to sex differences in health.

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Dimensions indicate time patterns of aspects of change in health with age at the population level. Reproduced with permission from Crimmins et al. ( 3 ).

There is agreement on the broad causes of sex differences in health and mortality. Some are biological, innate, or related to sex differences in genetics and hormones. The fact that women have 2 X chromosomes may provide advantageous redundancy because women have a second X to compensate for a mutation, whereas men do not. Asymmetric maternal inheritance of mitochondria may benefit women by providing deleterious mutations to men, causing a strong sexual dimorphism in aging and disadvantage in survival among men. Female hormones may provide protection against some conditions; in addition, women may have more responsive immune functioning, and women’s abilities to maintain homeostasis and reduce oxidative stress may differ from men’s ( 5 – 10 ). Other factors are behavioral, such as men being more likely to engage in risky and dangerous behavior and women more likely to engage in health-seeking behavior ( 11 ). Macro factors also affect how basic biological and behavioral factors influence health outcomes. In the past, infectious disease was important in determining life expectancy even beyond childhood. However, in today’s world, cardiovascular disease has become more important, and the importance of biological differences between men and women may have changed with the changing importance of diseases ( 12 ). The economic structure also influences health of men and women because of differences in occupations, economic well-being, and familial responsibilities and involvement, all of which can have long-term health consequences. Thus, there is reason to suspect that male and female health differences will likely vary across historical time and between countries and by type of health outcome investigated. We use the terms sex and sex differences instead of gender and gender differences throughout this review for consistency, although sex differences discussed here include differences resulting from both biological and social characteristics of men and women.

Our approach is to discuss each dimension of the morbidity process in turn, beginning with life expectancy and ending with physiological differences. We analyzed data from many sources, all from nationally representative sources, which was necessary for making population-level generalizations. Although reliable mortality data have long been available from national and international agencies for most countries, data on dimensions of health that are nationally representative have been lacking. In the past 2 decades, many countries have undertaken national-level surveys of their middle-aged and older populations, which have included data on multiple dimensions of morbidity for large samples of both sexes ( 13 ). For our discussion of sex differences in health, we use individual-level survey data on the older population from China [China Health and Retirement Longitudinal Study (CHARLS)], Korea [Korean Longitudinal Study of Aging (KLoSA)], India and Russia [World Health Organization Study on Global AGEing and Adult Health (WHO SAGE)], several European countries [Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE)], the US [Health and Retirement Study (HRS)], England [English Longitudinal Study of Ageing (ELSA)], Indonesia [Indonesian Family Life Survey (IFLS)], Taiwan [Social Environment and Biomarkers of Aging Study (SEBAS)], and Mexico [Mexican Health and Aging Study (MHAS)]. Many of these data sets are available in the Gateway to Global Aging Data ( 14 ). We used individual-level data obtained from each study. Each of these studies is a large nationally representative sample of older persons ≥50 years of age. Data are similar across the countries because many of them have been harmonized for cross-country comparison. We compared men and women on the morbidity dimensions in these countries. From the WHO database on risk factors, we used national-level data on cardiovascular disease risk factors. We supplemented this with some data on risk factors that reflected basic mechanisms of aging from the US HRS. We also examined life expectancy for men and women from 198 countries from the World Bank database.

Male/Female Differences in Life Expectancy/Mortality

In most countries, mortality rates have been decreasing steadily for both men and women for more than a century. Male life expectancy is lower than female life expectancy in all countries ( 15 , 16 ). Although the idea that men’s mortality rates exceed those of women has been routinely observed in recent decades, differences between male and female mortality rates changed considerably during the 20th century ( 12 ). The ratio of male mortality rates relative to female rates from middle age onward increased markedly during much of the century in most developed countries for which there are reliable data spanning a long period. Beltrán-Sánchez et al. examined about 1600 birth cohorts of men and women born from 1800 to 1935 in 13 countries and found that male and female mortality rates from 45 to 90 years of age were roughly at parity for cohorts born up to 1880; after this time, the male mortality rate relative to that of women rose among those above age 45 years so that the mortality rate became twice as high for men in old age in the latter part of the 20th century ( 12 ). This long-term divergence in male/female mortality rates resulted from men’s greater vulnerability to cardiovascular disease and differential uptake of smoking.

Whereas this finding highlighted the importance of behavioral changes in explaining time differences in male/female mortality ratios, another study suggested the observed change in infancy could not be because of behavior differences ( 17 ). This study analyzed the sex ratio of infant mortality in 15 countries during the period from 1751 to 2004 and reported marked changes in the sex ratio of mortality among infants, an age when the effect of behavioral differences should be minimal. As infant mortality rates declined over 2 centuries, the excess of male infant mortality rates increased from only 10% in 1751 to >30% by approximately 1970; since 1970, the male disadvantage in most countries fell back to lower levels. These changes have been attributed to both the changing importance of infectious disease on male and female infants and improvement in obstetrical and neonatal care.

In recent years, some countries have seen a decrease in the female advantage in life expectancy. In the US, the changing differential between men and women has also been related to differential change by socioeconomic status, with particularly poor performance among women of lower socioeconomic status ( 18 ). The difference in life expectancy at birth between white men and women declined from 7.4 years longer lives for women in 1980 to 4.7 years in 2013. For African American men and women, the life expectancy difference decreased from 8.7 to 6.1 years during the same period ( 19 ). Trovato and Lalu attributed similar convergence of male and female mortality rates from 38 countries over 20 years to a nation’s level of social and economic development ( 20 ). On the other hand, some studies have highlighted the importance of shift in health behaviors, such as the effect of smoking behaviors among women on the patterns of male/female mortality differentials between countries and over time ( 21 ). Analysis focusing on the US has also demonstrated the importance of an increasing similarity in smoking between men and women in causing the recent convergence of life expectancy by sex ( 22 ).

The relationship between male and female mortality rates clearly depends on the epidemiological circumstances and behavioral differences. When mortality is more heavily weighted by infectious conditions, male/female mortality rates are generally more similar, and there have been historical times and geographic places where male life expectancy exceeded that of women ( 14 , 23 ). Fig. 2 shows data for male and female life expectancy for 198 countries in 2016 and 1960 to illustrate the differences found in male and female life expectancy during this nearly 60-year period. Female life expectancy exceeds that of men in every country in 2016 as indicated by the fact that every point is above the line of equality (the top graph in Fig. 2 ); the mean difference over 198 countries is 4.85 years. The deficit in male life expectancy differs widely between countries. The sex gap in life expectancy is particularly large in Eastern Europe: 10.5 years in Kazakhstan, 8.44 in the Kyrgyz Republic, 8.12 in the Russian Federation, and 8.0 in Estonia. On the other hand, the difference is small in several Asian countries: 0.22 in the Maldives, 0.26 in Nepal, and 0.37 in Pakistan. In 1960, life expectancy was lower in all countries, and the average difference between men and women across countries was 3.76 years. Female life expectancy was lower than that of men in 3 countries (i.e., India, Iran, and Iraq) in 1960. The comparison of life expectancy in 1960 and 2016 for many countries indicates that with the overall increase in life expectancy, the sex difference has gotten larger, on average, and the survival disadvantage of men has increased. It is true, however, that reductions in the male and female difference in life expectancy have been seen in several individual countries recently, including the US.

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Each dot represents male and female life expectancy in an individual country; the line indicates equal life expectancy. Source of data: The World Bank Life Expectancy at Birth, Male and Female (available from ).

The differences between countries and the changes over time clearly point to the fact that the difference between male/female mortality rates is highly contingent on the circumstances in which people live and mortality-related epidemiological conditions such as disease dominance, public health infrastructure, and healthcare resources. In the period when the parity in male/female mortality rates at mature ages shifted to men having mortality rates twice as high, chronic conditions—particularly cardiovascular conditions and cancers—supplanted infectious diseases as major causes of death. However, the change in the relative level of mortality rates for men and women does not merely reflect epidemiological changes in the distribution of cause of death over time, but also differential changes in behaviors and exposures to risk for men and women ( 24 ).

Male/Female Differences in Disability and Functioning Loss

Examinations of sex differences in disability and physical functioning ability generally show that men have better physical functioning and report less disability. The finding that women have more functional limitations than men is almost as universal as the finding that men have higher mortality rates. Because so many studies of health and aging rely on physical functioning and disability measures to indicate health, this is the source of the statements about men having better health and higher mortality rates.

Disability and problems with physical functioning among mature populations in national population surveys are typically measured using self-reports of ability to perform tasks needed for self-care and independent living, which have been called activities of daily living (ADLs) and instrumental activities of daily living (IADLs). Crimmins et al. examined measures of ability to perform ADL and IADL functioning in 13 countries (Austria, Belgium, Denmark, England, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, and the US) ( 25 ). Sex differences in difficulty performing ADL and IADL activities for these countries, along with additional data for China, Korea, India, and Russia, are shown in Fig. 3, A and B. The mean odds ratio for the effect of being a woman controlled for age was 1.9 for IADL problems, indicating that the likelihood of having difficulties in carrying out daily activities and functioning problems was about 2-fold higher for women around the world. For all but 1 of the 34 country comparisons by sex, women have worse IADL functioning; only in Korea was IADL difficulty more prevalent among men. On the other hand, ADL functioning difficulties, which reflect ability to bathe, dress, eat, toilet, get in and out of a bed, and walk across a room, are not as differential by sex. The mean odds ratio is 1.3, and women are likely to have significantly more difficulty in only 10 of the 17 countries; men report more ADL difficulty in France.

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(A and B), odds ratios (ORs) indicating effect of being a woman on self-reports of functioning difficulties: ADL and IADL (population age, ≥50 years). (C and D), regression coefficients indicating effect of being a woman on measured functioning performance (population age, ≥50 years): grip strength and gait speed.

ADL is the ability to bathe, dress, eat, toilet, get in and out of a bed, and to walk across a room; IADL is the ability to make telephone calls, take medications, manage money, prepare a hot meal, shop for groceries, and use a map to figure out how to get around in a strange place.

IADLs also include doing work around the house or garden in SHARE and community activities and concentration for 10 minutes instead of medication and managing money in SAGE. Grip strength, average of 2 or 3 trials in kilograms; gait speed, timed walk in seconds over 2 trials. Vertical line represents equality of men and women. Source of data (A and B): Odds ratios from logistic regressions of age on ADL and IADL; China, CHARLS (2011); Korea, KLoSA (2010); India and Russia, WHO SAGE (2007–2010); SHARE (2004), HRS (2004), and ELSA (2004) from Crimmins et al. ( 25 ); (C and D): Coefficients from Wheaton and Crimmins ( 26 ).

Researchers have questioned whether the differential functioning of men and women reflects reporting differences. Crimmins et al. found that when controls for the presences of diseases were included in the analysis, the sex differences disappeared, suggesting that the worse functioning of women was explained by having more conditions that affect functioning rather than differential reporting ( 25 ). To address potential bias from self-reports, Wheaton and Crimmins examined sex differences in performance measures of functioning, including gait speed, grip strength, and indicators of balance (tandem stand) and mobility (chair stand) for a limited number of countries ( 26 ). Participants were asked to perform these physical tests, and the results were recorded by the interviewer to provide an objective measure of functioning. Data derived from this analysis showed sex differences in gait speed and grip strength ( Fig. 3, C and D ). Women have lower grip strength (mean, 12.62 kg) and slower gait speed (0.07 s slower). Results for chair stands and tandem stand (not shown) indicated men were more mobile and had better balance. Although the differences between countries in the performance of men and women are variable, we can conclude that men are stronger and faster. It is likely that these abilities influence ability to perform the disability and functioning measures shown in Fig. 3, A and B.

These results lead to the conclusion that there is a great similarity in the magnitude and direction of sex differences in functioning and disability between countries despite the considerable differences in context. Women perform worse on IADL tasks and in many countries on ADL tasks. Clearly, men have better physical performance, although the size of the differences varies between countries.

Male/Female Differences in the Prevalence of Diseases and Conditions

Turning to diseases and conditions, the differences between men and women are not as consistent. We examined differences by sex in major chronic conditions among people ≥50 years of age in 17 countries. The observed conditions include heart disease, stroke, diabetes, arthritis, and depression. Men are more likely to have heart disease, stroke, and diabetes, whereas women are more likely to have arthritis and depression, and there is considerable variation between countries in the differences between the sexes. Men are significantly more likely to report having heart disease in most countries; however, in Spain, Russia, and Korea, the differences between the sexes are not significant, and in China, women are more likely than men to have heart disease ( Fig. 4 ). The mean difference between all countries is relatively large—women are about 27% less likely than men to have heart disease in the countries examined. Men everywhere but Belgium are more likely to report that they have had a stroke, but the sex differences are significant in only 6 of the 17 countries examined. Sex differences for the prevalence of diabetes are not significant in 11 countries, but in the 6 countries where they are significant, men are more likely to have diabetes.

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Odds ratios from logistic regressions of sex and age on the presence of condition; vertical line indicates equality for men and women. Source of data: China, CHARLS (2011); Korea, KLoSA (2010); India and Russia, WHO SAGE (2007–2010); SHARE (2004), HRS (2004), and ELSA (2004) from Crimmins et al. ( 25 ).

Women are significantly more likely to have arthritis in all the countries shown except for Russia. Among these countries, the mean odds ratio is 2.14. Women are also more likely to have depressive symptoms in every country shown except India, and the mean odds ratio is again 2.14. Analysis of sex differences in depressive symptoms in a study of Japan, Denmark, and the US has shown women having higher levels of depression than men overall, although the age trajectories vary between countries ( 27 ). The comparison in Fig. 4 indicates that sex differences in prevalence of depression in the US are not as great as those found in most of the other 16 countries shown.

Although we considered only a few diseases and conditions, we found that men were generally more likely to have the lethal conditions, such as heart disease, stroke, and diabetes. Women were more likely to have debilitating, but seldom fatal, conditions, including arthritis and depression. This difference in the links between these diseases and the other dimensions of health is 1 reason that mortality differences and health differences do not necessarily coincide. Many chronic conditions are not strongly linked to mortality (e.g., arthritis and Alzheimer disease) but are strongly linked to disability and loss of functioning. Researchers have also argued that it is not just that men and women differ in the conditions they have, but they also differ in the outcomes associated with those conditions and that men may be more vulnerable to adverse effects on mortality of some of these lethal conditions and women may have stronger associations with disability ( 28 , 29 ).

Male/Female Differences in Physiological Status

Indicators of physiological status include known risk factors for developing some of the above chronic conditions, so examining differentials by sex may help to clarify the mechanisms behind differentials in downstream dimensions of health and mortality. Here we present data for men and women from WHO on the measured prevalence of risk levels for glucose, hypertension, and cholesterol at the current time for approximately 190 countries. Comparing men and women within countries, national levels of high glucose are just about as likely to be higher for men as for women ( Fig. 5 ). The level of hypertension for men exceeds that for women in most countries, but there are several countries where the prevalence of hypertension is higher for women. For high concentrations of total cholesterol, the patterns are reversed, with women having a higher prevalence of risk-level total cholesterol in most countries, yet in some countries men are higher.

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Note: Each dot represents the percentage or mean level for men and women in an individual country. The number of countries is 191 for blood glucose and blood pressure (age, ≥18 years) and 189 countries for cholesterol (age, ≥25 years). All numbers are age-standardized. Source of data: WHO Global Health Observatory Data Repository (available from ). To convert cholesterol concentrations in mmol/L to mg/dL, multiply by 38.67.

Focusing on the US, there is strong evidence that sex differences in overall risk for disease, based on a summary indicator composed of markers including those examined above, are not constant over time within 1 country. A recent study examined a summary indicator of cardio-metabolic risk including adverse levels of systolic blood pressure, total cholesterol, HDL cholesterol, LDL cholesterol, triglycerides, and glycohemoglobin from 1990 to 2010 for men and women at ages ≥40 years using data from the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES) ( 30 ), and showed that men and women differed in levels of overall risk in 1990 and 2000, such that men had higher risk until older ages. However, by 2010, there were no sex differences in mean age-specific cardiovascular risk based on these indicators at ages >50 years ( 30 ). This represents a remarkable change from what we think of as the traditional difference between cardiovascular risk profiles in men and women, in which risk for men rises at earlier ages and at the oldest ages risk is similar for both sexes. The change for both sexes in overall cardiovascular risk in the US was caused by the reduction in the prevalence of high-risk lipid concentrations and some reduction in blood pressure driven by greater use of effective prescription medication ( 30 ).

For the US, recent data from a national sample allow us to examine current sex differences in additional indicators of physiological functioning that are related to some of the proposed mechanisms underlying sex differences in health change with age. We have 3 markers of inflammatory responses, 1 of the mechanisms thought to underlie both aging and male/female differences in health: high sensitivity C-reactive protein (CRP), which is a general marker of inflammation; cytomegalovirus (CMV) seroprevalence, which can indicate the ability of the immune system to control CMV virus in older persons; and the lymphocyte count, which could reflect acute inflammatory response ( Table 1 ). Two of the 3 indicators are higher for women than men, perhaps indicating a stronger inflammatory challenge among women; however, there is no gender difference in CRP, the most general indicator of inflammatory burden.

Regression coefficients indicating effect of being a woman on concentration of biomarkers: US HRS, 2016, age ≥56 years.

NMean (SD)Female coefficients value
Markers of inflammationCRP (high sensitivity), mg/L88724.73 (11.69)0.250.3248
Lymphocyte count (×10e9)86511.96 (2.15)0.150.0016
CMV IgG (mg/dL)8872303.99 (392.29)103.44<0.0001
Marker of heart functionNT–proBNP, pg/mL8725332.59(1210.66)−27.300.2837

Regression coefficients are from equations with controls for age, race/ethnicity, and obesity.

Source of data: Health and Retirement Study data. Venous blood collection and assay protocol in the 2016 Health and Retirement Study. .

Table 1 also shows the effect of being a woman on an indicator related to cardiovascular functioning. B-type natriuretic peptide is an indicator of heart failure (NT-proBNP), which does not differ significantly between men and women >56 years of age in the US. This is somewhat surprising given the previous evidence on higher cardiovascular problems among men.

Because it is difficult to summarize the meaning of differences in many individual indicators of physiological functioning, several researchers have attempted to integrate multiple biomarkers from blood chemistries and examinations to construct summary indices, which have been called “allostatic load,” “biological age,” and “physiological dysregulation.” These summary indicators share a goal of attempting to quantify the aging process based on a set of biological parameters; however, they differ in their algorithms and the included biomarkers. Studies using these measures typically include age-related bio-markers that cross several domains including, but not limited to, cardiovascular, metabolic, and organ functioning. Yang and Kozloski examined differences among American men and women in indices of inflammation, metabolic syndrome, and a composite allostatic load measure including inflammation, metabolic syndrome, kidney, and lung function. Women had a worse inflammatory index and men had a worse metabolic index, with women having a worse overall index ( 31 ). The direction of the sex difference does not match that found by Levine and Crimmins, who included 8 markers of physiological status (glycohemoglobin, total cholesterol, systolic blood pressure, forced expiratory volume, serum creatinine, serum alkaline phosphatase, serum albumin, and CRP) in an index of biological age for men and women ≥20 years of age in the US in 1988 to 1994 and 2007 to 2010. Women had significantly lower biological ages than men in each age-group at each time, meaning women had a younger or better biological profile at a given age at both times ( 32 ). Over time, there was a reduction in biological age for both men and women and some narrowing of the sex gap. These somewhat conflicting results occur both because of the inclusion of different measures and the use of different methods, and because the differences between men and women are complex and inconsistent across markers.

Using summary indicators of physiological dysregulation like those described above, researchers have also examined change of sex difference over time or change with aging among individuals. They have also examined how mortality risk is associated with these summary measures by sex; findings are somewhat inconsistent. Arbeev et al. used data on blood pressure, heart rate, cholesterol, glucose, hematocrit, body mass index, and mortality in the Framingham original cohort and found women becoming dysregulated more quickly but men having a stronger link between dysregulation and mortality risk ( 33 ). Cohen et al. examined the process of change for men and women in 5 physiological systems (oxygen transport, electrolytes, hematopoiesis, lipids, and liver/kidney function) in the US and Italy and found higher dysregulation levels in men overall and in the oxygen transport and hematopoietic systems, but no sex differences in rates of change in dysregulation or in the likelihood of a mortality outcome ( 34 ). The 4 studies reporting on summary indices of biological differences between men and women were done on data from roughly the same period and based on primarily US data. Nonetheless, the findings indicate that the data on physiology are complex, and that measures chosen and the dates of measurement will influence the outcomes observed. This is an area of substantial current research and is likely to be a research focus in the coming decade as the focus shifts to the underlying mechanism of sex differences in health.

Our findings on the complexity of sex differences across dimensions of health do not support the statement that women have worse health but longer life than men. Our findings support that the differences in health and mortality between men and women are complex and depend on the social, behavioral, and epidemiological context in which they are investigated ( 1 , 28 ). The 20th century was a period of growing sex disparities in life expectancy, which appear to have peaked recently and reversed for some countries, including the US. Growing male disadvantage in life expectancy came from changes in disease importance and behaviors. As cardiovascular disease retreats in importance as a cause of death, as risk for cardiovascular disease is controlled and treated, and as men and women behave more similarly, sex differences in disease prevalence and mortality rates may recede. Although women’s more responsive inflammatory functioning may have been more functional in a highly infectious world with high fertility, it may be less advantageous in the current epidemiological and low fertility environment. Men’s cardiovascular weaknesses may be lessened with the control and management of cardiovascular risk and changes in behavior. In a world dominated by cardiovascular disease and cancer, the role of differential behavior may increase as an explanation for differences in disease prevalence.

The treatment for risk factors can change male/female differentials in physiological indicators, as has happened for cardiovascular risk in the US. This has implications for future sex differences in downstream outcomes including disease and mortality. Because treatment controls risk, the sex differences in some diseases may disappear. The differential level of functioning problems that occur among men and women may also represent a treatable condition for which sex differences could change with interventions to maintain functioning with aging. Sex differences in risk factors point to the biological interventions that might reduce male/female differences and improve health. Around the world, men are more in need of blood pressure treatment and women are more in need of lipid management.

Deterring the underlying process of aging for both men and women will require both better data and better understanding of how to characterize the innate process of aging. Although our investigation of physiological dysregulation was cursory, it clarified that one sex was not better or worse in all areas of physiological dysregulation. Summarizing male and female physiology to clarify best how to improve the aging experience for all remains a challenge.

We conclude that men live shorter lives than women at present. Women have more functioning problems now at least partly because they are not as strong, mobile, or steady as men. Currently, men have more lethal conditions, whereas women have more disabling chronic conditions. Men and women have somewhat different health problems; one sex cannot be characterized as having better health. Our strongest conclusion is that male/female differences in health are highly dependent on historical time and geographic location.


E.M. Crimmins provided financial support.

Research Funding: E.M. Crimmins, National Institute on Aging (grant P30-AG017265, T32-AG000037).

Nonstandard abbreviations:

CHARLSChina Health and Retirement Longitudinal Study
KLoSAKorean Longitudinal Study of Aging
WHO SAGEWorld Health Organization Study on Global AGEing and Adult Health
SHARESurvey of Health
HRSHealth and Retirement Study
ELSAEnglish Longitudinal Study of Ageing
IFLSIndonesian Family Life Survey
SEBASSocial Environment and Biomarkers of Aging Study
MHASMexican Health and Aging Study
ADLactivities of daily living
IADLinstrumental activities of daily living
NHANESNational Health and Nutrition Examination Survey
CRPC-reactive protein
NT-proBNPB-type natriuretic peptide

Authors’ Disclosures or Potential Conflicts of Interest: Upon manuscript submission, all authors completed the author disclosure form. Disclosures and/or potential conflicts of interest:

Employment or Leadership: None declared.

Consultant or Advisory Role: None declared.

Stock Ownership: None declared.

Honoraria: None declared.

Expert Testimony: None declared.

Patents: None declared.

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Morbidity and Mortality Rates, Essay Example

Pages: 2

Words: 455

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You are free to use it as an inspiration or a source for your own work.

Morbidity describes the rate or odds of people acquiring an illness while mortality describes the rate or odds of dying from certain diseases or events (NYS Department of Health – Basic Statistics). I chose to study the morbidity and mortality rates of New York State and New York City because I was interested in seeing how these rates differ amongst urban and rural populations in the same geographic region. According to, the age adjusted suicide mortality rate per 100,000 is a 7.2 age-adjusted rate for New York City residents while the age-adjusted rate is 6.6 for New York State residents; clearly New York City residents are at a greater risk for suicide then their suburban counterparts, although suicide rates can be considered high for the state as a whole (New York State Department of Health – Injury Mortality and Morbidity Indicators). Meanwhile, the motor vehicle mortality rate for New York City citizens is 3.5 after adjusting for age, while the motor vehicle mortality rate for New York State citizens is 7.7. The substantial difference between fatal motorist accidents between these two populations isn’t surprising; New Yorkers who live upstate are more likely to need a car to drive around and are therefore statistically more likely to encounter an accident.

Recreational drug use is more prevalent in New York City than New York State. reports that a frequent cause of mortality and morbidity in the city is the use and misuse of opioid analgesics. By borough, Staten Islanders are most likely to die from overdose of this drug; this rate doubled from 2005 to 2009 and is now 7.4/100,000 (NYC Department of Mental Health and Hygiene). Morbidity as a result of this type of drug use is also high; in a survey issued to New York adolescents between 2008 and 2009, 10% reported recreational opiod use. Opioid misuse is less of an issue in other parts of New York State. It was also found that Staten Islanders are the biggest abusers of prescription medications containing benzodiazepines, such as Xanax (Epi Data Brief). The morbidity rate of New York City benzodiazepine users has increased 111% between 2004 and 2010; in 2004, 38/100,000 people in the city were hospitalized for this reason while 78/100,000 were hospitalized in 2010 (Benzodiazepine misuse among adolescents?).

Works Cited

Benzodiazepine misuse among adolescents? n.d. Web. 4 Sept. 2013. <>

Epi Data Brief. Benzodiazepines in New York City , n.d. Web. 4 Sept. 2013. <>

NYC Department of Mental Health and Hygiene. Opiod Analgesics in New York City, n.d. Web.          4 Sept. 2013. <>

NYS Department of Health. Basic Statistics , n.d. Web. 4 Sept. 2013. <>

NYS Department of Health. Injury Mortality and Morbidity Indicators – New York County ,        2004-2006. Web. 4 Sept. 2013. <>

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May 3, 2023

Contemplating Mortality: Powerful Essays on Death and Inspiring Perspectives

The prospect of death may be unsettling, but it also holds a deep fascination for many of us. If you're curious to explore the many facets of mortality, from the scientific to the spiritual, our article is the perfect place to start. With expert guidance and a wealth of inspiration, we'll help you write an essay that engages and enlightens readers on one of life's most enduring mysteries!

Death is a universal human experience that we all must face at some point in our lives. While it can be difficult to contemplate mortality, reflecting on death and loss can offer inspiring perspectives on the nature of life and the importance of living in the present moment. In this collection of powerful essays about death, we explore profound writings that delve into the human experience of coping with death, grief, acceptance, and philosophical reflections on mortality.

Through these essays, readers can gain insight into different perspectives on death and how we can cope with it. From personal accounts of loss to philosophical reflections on the meaning of life, these essays offer a diverse range of perspectives that will inspire and challenge readers to contemplate their mortality.

The Inevitable: Coping with Mortality and Grief

Mortality is a reality that we all have to face, and it is something that we cannot avoid. While we may all wish to live forever, the truth is that we will all eventually pass away. In this article, we will explore different aspects of coping with mortality and grief, including understanding the grieving process, dealing with the fear of death, finding meaning in life, and seeking support.

Understanding the Grieving Process

Grief is a natural and normal response to loss. It is a process that we all go through when we lose someone or something important to us. The grieving process can be different for each person and can take different amounts of time. Some common stages of grief include denial, anger, bargaining, depression, and acceptance. It is important to remember that there is no right or wrong way to grieve and that it is a personal process.

Denial is often the first stage of grief. It is a natural response to shock and disbelief. During this stage, we may refuse to believe that our loved one has passed away or that we are facing our mortality.

Anger is a common stage of grief. It can manifest as feelings of frustration, resentment, and even rage. It is important to allow yourself to feel angry and to express your emotions healthily.

Bargaining is often the stage of grief where we try to make deals with a higher power or the universe in an attempt to avoid our grief or loss. We may make promises or ask for help in exchange for something else.

Depression is a natural response to loss. It is important to allow yourself to feel sad and to seek support from others.

Acceptance is often the final stage of grief. It is when we come to terms with our loss and begin to move forward with our lives.

Dealing with the Fear of Death

The fear of death is a natural response to the realization of our mortality. It is important to acknowledge and accept our fear of death but also to not let it control our lives. Here are some ways to deal with the fear of death:

Accepting Mortality

Accepting our mortality is an important step in dealing with the fear of death. We must understand that death is a natural part of life and that it is something that we cannot avoid.

Finding Meaning in Life

Finding meaning in life can help us cope with the fear of death. It is important to pursue activities and goals that are meaningful and fulfilling to us.

Seeking Support

Seeking support from friends, family, or a therapist can help us cope with the fear of death. Talking about our fears and feelings can help us process them and move forward.

Finding meaning in life is important in coping with mortality and grief. It can help us find purpose and fulfillment, even in difficult times. Here are some ways to find meaning in life:

Pursuing Passions

Pursuing our passions and interests can help us find meaning and purpose in life. It is important to do things that we enjoy and that give us a sense of accomplishment.

Helping Others

Helping others can give us a sense of purpose and fulfillment. It can also help us feel connected to others and make a positive impact on the world.

Making Connections

Making connections with others is important in finding meaning in life. It is important to build relationships and connections with people who share our values and interests.

Seeking support is crucial when coping with mortality and grief. Here are some ways to seek support:

Talking to Friends and Family

Talking to friends and family members can provide us with a sense of comfort and support. It is important to express our feelings and emotions to those we trust.

Joining a Support Group

Joining a support group can help us connect with others who are going through similar experiences. It can provide us with a safe space to share our feelings and find support.

Seeking Professional Help

Seeking help from a therapist or counselor can help cope with grief and mortality. A mental health professional can provide us with the tools and support we need to process our emotions and move forward.

Coping with mortality and grief is a natural part of life. It is important to understand that grief is a personal process that may take time to work through. Finding meaning in life, dealing with the fear of death, and seeking support are all important ways to cope with mortality and grief. Remember to take care of yourself, allow yourself to feel your emotions, and seek support when needed.

The Ethics of Death: A Philosophical Exploration

Death is an inevitable part of life, and it is something that we will all experience at some point. It is a topic that has fascinated philosophers for centuries, and it continues to be debated to this day. In this article, we will explore the ethics of death from a philosophical perspective, considering questions such as what it means to die, the morality of assisted suicide, and the meaning of life in the face of death.

Death is a topic that elicits a wide range of emotions, from fear and sadness to acceptance and peace. Philosophers have long been interested in exploring the ethical implications of death, and in this article, we will delve into some of the most pressing questions in this field.

What does it mean to die?

The concept of death is a complex one, and there are many different ways to approach it from a philosophical perspective. One question that arises is what it means to die. Is death simply the cessation of bodily functions, or is there something more to it than that? Many philosophers argue that death represents the end of consciousness and the self, which raises questions about the nature of the soul and the afterlife.

The morality of assisted suicide

Assisted suicide is a controversial topic, and it raises several ethical concerns. On the one hand, some argue that individuals have the right to end their own lives if they are suffering from a terminal illness or unbearable pain. On the other hand, others argue that assisting someone in taking their own life is morally wrong and violates the sanctity of life. We will explore these arguments and consider the ethical implications of assisted suicide.

The meaning of life in the face of death

The inevitability of death raises important questions about the meaning of life. If our time on earth is finite, what is the purpose of our existence? Is there a higher meaning to life, or is it simply a product of biological processes? Many philosophers have grappled with these questions, and we will explore some of the most influential theories in this field.

The role of death in shaping our lives

While death is often seen as a negative force, it can also have a positive impact on our lives. The knowledge that our time on earth is limited can motivate us to live life to the fullest and to prioritize the things that truly matter. We will explore the role of death in shaping our values, goals, and priorities, and consider how we can use this knowledge to live more fulfilling lives.

The ethics of mourning

The process of mourning is an important part of the human experience, and it raises several ethical questions. How should we respond to the death of others, and what is our ethical responsibility to those who are grieving? We will explore these questions and consider how we can support those who are mourning while also respecting their autonomy and individual experiences.

The ethics of immortality

The idea of immortality has long been a fascination for humanity, but it raises important ethical questions. If we were able to live forever, what would be the implications for our sense of self, our relationships with others, and our moral responsibilities? We will explore the ethical implications of immortality and consider how it might challenge our understanding of what it means to be human.

The ethics of death in different cultural contexts

Death is a universal human experience, but how it is understood and experienced varies across different cultures. We will explore how different cultures approach death, mourning, and the afterlife, and consider the ethical implications of these differences.

Death is a complex and multifaceted topic, and it raises important questions about the nature of life, morality, and human experience. By exploring the ethics of death from a philosophical perspective, we can gain a deeper understanding of these questions and how they shape our lives.

The Ripple Effect of Loss: How Death Impacts Relationships

Losing a loved one is one of the most challenging experiences one can go through in life. It is a universal experience that touches people of all ages, cultures, and backgrounds. The grief that follows the death of someone close can be overwhelming and can take a significant toll on an individual's mental and physical health. However, it is not only the individual who experiences the grief but also the people around them. In this article, we will discuss the ripple effect of loss and how death impacts relationships.

Understanding Grief and Loss

Grief is the natural response to loss, and it can manifest in many different ways. The process of grieving is unique to each individual and can be affected by many factors, such as culture, religion, and personal beliefs. Grief can be intense and can impact all areas of life, including relationships, work, and physical health.

The Impact of Loss on Relationships

Death can impact relationships in many ways, and the effects can be long-lasting. Below are some of how loss can affect relationships:

1. Changes in Roles and Responsibilities

When someone dies, the roles and responsibilities within a family or social circle can shift dramatically. For example, a spouse who has lost their partner may have to take on responsibilities they never had before, such as managing finances or taking care of children. This can be a difficult adjustment, and it can put a strain on the relationship.

2. Changes in Communication

Grief can make it challenging to communicate with others effectively. Some people may withdraw and isolate themselves, while others may become angry and lash out. It is essential to understand that everyone grieves differently, and there is no right or wrong way to do it. However, these changes in communication can impact relationships, and it may take time to adjust to new ways of interacting with others.

3. Changes in Emotional Connection

When someone dies, the emotional connection between individuals can change. For example, a parent who has lost a child may find it challenging to connect with other parents who still have their children. This can lead to feelings of isolation and disconnection, and it can strain relationships.

4. Changes in Social Support

Social support is critical when dealing with grief and loss. However, it is not uncommon for people to feel unsupported during this time. Friends and family may not know what to say or do, or they may simply be too overwhelmed with their grief to offer support. This lack of social support can impact relationships and make it challenging to cope with grief.

Coping with Loss and Its Impact on Relationships

Coping with grief and loss is a long and difficult process, but it is possible to find ways to manage the impact on relationships. Below are some strategies that can help:

1. Communication

Effective communication is essential when dealing with grief and loss. It is essential to talk about how you feel and what you need from others. This can help to reduce misunderstandings and make it easier to navigate changes in relationships.

2. Seek Support

It is important to seek support from friends, family, or a professional if you are struggling to cope with grief and loss. Having someone to talk to can help to alleviate feelings of isolation and provide a safe space to process emotions.

3. Self-Care

Self-care is critical when dealing with grief and loss. It is essential to take care of your physical and emotional well-being. This can include things like exercise, eating well, and engaging in activities that you enjoy.

4. Allow for Flexibility

It is essential to allow for flexibility in relationships when dealing with grief and loss. People may not be able to provide the same level of support they once did or may need more support than they did before. Being open to changes in roles and responsibilities can help to reduce strain on relationships.

5. Find Meaning

Finding meaning in the loss can be a powerful way to cope with grief and loss. This can involve creating a memorial, participating in a support group, or volunteering for a cause that is meaningful to you.

The impact of loss is not limited to the individual who experiences it but extends to those around them as well. Relationships can be greatly impacted by the death of a loved one, and it is important to be aware of the changes that may occur. Coping with loss and its impact on relationships involves effective communication, seeking support, self-care, flexibility, and finding meaning.

What Lies Beyond Reflections on the Mystery of Death

Death is an inevitable part of life, and yet it remains one of the greatest mysteries that we face as humans. What happens when we die? Is there an afterlife? These are questions that have puzzled us for centuries, and they continue to do so today. In this article, we will explore the various perspectives on death and what lies beyond.

Understanding Death

Before we can delve into what lies beyond, we must first understand what death is. Death is defined as the permanent cessation of all biological functions that sustain a living organism. This can occur as a result of illness, injury, or simply old age. Death is a natural process that occurs to all living things, but it is also a process that is often accompanied by fear and uncertainty.

The Physical Process of Death

When a person dies, their body undergoes several physical changes. The heart stops beating, and the body begins to cool and stiffen. This is known as rigor mortis, and it typically sets in within 2-6 hours after death. The body also begins to break down, and this can lead to a release of gases that cause bloating and discoloration.

The Psychological Experience of Death

In addition to the physical changes that occur during and after death, there is also a psychological experience that accompanies it. Many people report feeling a sense of detachment from their physical body, as well as a sense of peace and calm. Others report seeing bright lights or visions of loved ones who have already passed on.

Perspectives on What Lies Beyond

There are many different perspectives on what lies beyond death. Some people believe in an afterlife, while others believe in reincarnation or simply that death is the end of consciousness. Let's explore some of these perspectives in more detail.

One of the most common beliefs about what lies beyond death is the idea of an afterlife. This can take many forms, depending on one's religious or spiritual beliefs. For example, many Christians believe in heaven and hell, where people go after they die depending on their actions during life. Muslims believe in paradise and hellfire, while Hindus believe in reincarnation.


Reincarnation is the belief that after we die, our consciousness is reborn into a new body. This can be based on karma, meaning that the quality of one's past actions will determine the quality of their next life. Some people believe that we can choose the circumstances of our next life based on our desires and attachments in this life.

End of Consciousness

The idea that death is simply the end of consciousness is a common belief among atheists and materialists. This view holds that the brain is responsible for creating consciousness, and when the brain dies, consciousness ceases to exist. While this view may be comforting to some, others find it unsettling.

Death is a complex and mysterious phenomenon that continues to fascinate us. While we may never fully understand what lies beyond death, it's important to remember that everyone has their own beliefs and perspectives on the matter. Whether you believe in an afterlife, reincarnation, or simply the end of consciousness, it's important to find ways to cope with the loss of a loved one and to find peace with your mortality.

Final Words

In conclusion, these powerful essays on death offer inspiring perspectives and deep insights into the human experience of coping with mortality, grief, and loss. From personal accounts to philosophical reflections, these essays provide a diverse range of perspectives that encourage readers to contemplate their mortality and the meaning of life.

By reading and reflecting on these essays, readers can gain a better understanding of how death shapes our lives and relationships, and how we can learn to accept and cope with this inevitable part of the human experience.

If you're looking for a tool to help you write articles, essays, product descriptions, and more, could be just what you need. With its AI-powered features, Jenni can help you write faster and more efficiently, saving you time and effort. Whether you're a student writing an essay or a professional writer crafting a blog post, Jenni's autocomplete feature, customized styles, and in-text citations can help you produce high-quality content in no time. Don't miss out on the opportunity to supercharge your next research paper or writing project – sign up for today and start writing with confidence!

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Election latest: Protester climbs on to Tory battle bus

Rishi Sunak has hit out at Doctor Who actor David Tennant, but the Tories are also under fire from another British TV favourite - Martin Lewis. It comes as the election gambling scandal rolls on, and ahead of the prime minister's final head-to-head debate with Sir Keir Starmer.

Wednesday 26 June 2024 16:04, UK

  • General Election 2024

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  • Man arrested in honeytrap scandal | Labour suspends suspect
  • Protester climbs on top of Tory battle bus
  • 'You are the problem': Sunak attacks David Tennant
  • Lib Dem leader admits betting on 2010 general election
  • Martin Lewis takes Tories to task over 'private' Labour talks
  • Coming up: Sunak vs Starmer in one final debate
  • Live reporting by Ben Bloch

Election essentials

  • Manifesto pledges: Conservatives | Greens | Labour | Lib Dems | Plaid | Reform | SNP
  • Trackers:  Who's leading polls? | Is PM keeping promises?
  • Campaign Heritage:  Memorable moments from elections gone by
  • Follow Sky's politics podcasts:  Electoral Dysfunction | Politics At Jack And Sam's
  • Read more:  Who is standing down? | Key seats to watch | What counts as voter ID? | Check if your constituency is changing | Guide to election lingo | How to watch election on Sky News

Sammy Wilson, the East Antrim candidate for the Democratic Unionist Party, has condemned a "senseless attack" on his constituency office.

The DUP said a "number of shots" were fired at the window of his office in Carrickfergus overnight.

Mr Wilson said this is a "senseless attack" - but he "won't be deterred" from speaking his mind.

He added: "Whilst we do not know what sort of weapon was used in the attack it could have caused injury to anyone who happened to be in the area at the time.

"Throughout my years as a public representative, I have never been deterred from putting forward by views and I won't be deterred now."

The other candidates in East Antrim are:

  • Mark Bailey, Green Party
  • Danny Donnelly, Alliance
  • Margaret Anne McKillop, SDLP
  • Oliver McMullan, Sinn Fein
  • John Stewart, UUP
  • Matthew Warwick, TUV

If you don't have any photo ID, today is the deadline to apply for an ID certificate you can use at the general election. 

This is called a Voter Authority Certificate - and you have until 5pm to apply online.

That's also the deadline to apply for someone to vote on your behalf if you can't make it to the ballot box on 4 July - known as a proxy vote.

Tap here if you need to do that.

Remind me... what are these certificates all about?

This is the first time people voting at a UK general election will need to provide photo ID.

There are 22 different types of ID you can use - including passports, driving licences, and other travel passes.

You can find a full list below:

But if you don't have one, get a Voter Authority Certificate.

To apply online here , you must have already registered to vote.

You also need a recent photo and your National Insurance number, or some other way of proving your identity - like a bank statement.

Remember, you have until 5pm. Don't forget!

Amy Rugg-Easey, the Greenpeace protester who climbed on to the roof of the Conservative battle bus, has criticised the prime minister's record on climate.

She had sat atop the bus in Nottinghamshire for a matter of minutes, before climbing down holding a flag reading: "We need clean power, not Paddypower."

The woman was one of four people charged with with criminal damage after a protest on the roof of Rishi Sunak's home in August last year.

She pleaded not guilty to the charge, with a trial set to take place in July.

Today, Ms Rugg-Easey said: "Fourteen years of Conservative governments has left this country broken.

"(Rishi) Sunak has gone backwards on climate action, ditching key pledges and promising to 'max out' the climate-wrecking oil and gas that are the cause of the cost of living crisis and our unaffordable bills.

"Our rivers are awash with sewage and our economy, NHS and public services are on their knees.

"Enough is enough. We've climbed onto Sunak's battle bus today to remind the British public that it is the Conservative government's consistent failure to deliver greener, fairer policies that has created the mess we're in. 

"Don't back the wrong horse - a vote for the climate is a vote for a better future."

The prime minister was not travelling on the Conservative battle bus on Wednesday.

Our live poll tracker collates the results of opinion surveys carried out by all the main polling organisations - and allows you to see how the political parties are performing in the run-up to the general election.

It shows a drop in support in recent days for Labour and the Tories - with a jump for Reform and the Liberal Democrats.

Read more about the tracker here .

A Greenpeace protester climbed on top of the Conservative battle bus while it was parked up in Nottinghamshire this afternoon.

Our political correspondent Darren McCaffrey was at the scene, where climate protesters were stressing the need to vote with the climate in mind.

Asked about the method of their demonstration, one man said: "I think it's an important way to make our point."

The protester - a young woman named as Amy Rugg-Easey - was on top of the bus for a matter of minutes, before climbing down holding a sign reading: "Clean power not Paddypower". 

This banner is likely a reference to the Conservative betting scandal, which has seen the party withdraw support from a number of candidates over allegations of informed betting on the date of the election.

The general election is next Thursday, but smaller parties are still launching their manifestos to make a bid for votes - and seats - on 4 July.

The latest comes from the Ulster Unionist Party, which launched its manifesto, titled " Making Northern Ireland work ", this morning.

Here are the key points of the UUP's election pledges: 

  • Its manifesto details that the Ulster Unionist Party is committed to defending and promoting Northern Ireland's place within the UK;
  • On the economy, the party has said it is committed to fiscal responsibility and effective financial stewardship. It aims to work with the Westminster to gradually reduce Corporation Tax in Northern Ireland to 15% ;
  • The UUP also vows to "commit to our long-standing policy of maintaining pay parity " in the health service in Northern Ireland;
  • It also commits to engage with Executive colleagues in order to ensure independent pay recommendations are funded and delivered as quickly as possible;
  • And the party vows to increase Northern Ireland's police force by 7,500.

Josh Greally, 28, has admitted a public order offence at after throwing items at Reform UK leader Nigel Farage on 11 July.

Greally, from Chesterfield, was arrested in Barnsley town centre after he threw what looked like a coffee cup and another object at Mr Farage, who was campaigning on the top deck of his battle bus.

Neither of the objects hit the politician.

Greally pleaded guilty in a short hearing when appearing at Barnsley Magistrates Court on Wednesday.

He will be sentenced on 28 August.

A man arrested in north London in connection with the Westminster honeytrap scandal was a Labour Party member, Sky News understands.

Met Police said they had taken a man in his mid-20s into custody in Islington this morning.

He was arrested on suspicion of harassment and committing offences under the Online Safety Act.

Labour said they had administratively suspended a member after police notified them of the arrest.

The honeytrap scandal saw a number of MPs and parliamentary staffers received suspicious messages from unnamed senders.

The investigation by the Met's Parliamentary Liaison and Investigation Team began on 6 April following reporting, first published by Politico, of unsolicited messages being sent to MPs and people with links to parliament.

Those looking to drive to polling stations can park for free this general election.

JustPark are offering drivers 30 minutes of free parking near polling stations on 4 July.

They will need to pre-book online or via the JustPark app, however. 

"We believe that everyone should have the opportunity to vote, but know that on the day it isn't always that straightforward," Mary Corrie, managing director of Just Park UK, said.

"By offering free parking on election day, we hope to make it easier for all voters, especially those with mobility issues or who are short on time, to find a place to park near their polling station. 

"This is the second time we have offered this service, following its great success in the 2019 election, and we are confident it will help to get people to the polls once again."

Manifesto launches are still under way, and the latest to launch their proposals are the Alba Party, headed by Scotland's former first minister Alex Salmond.

The ex-SNP leader pitched his party as the "natural home" of independence supporters, and hit out at the UK government for having vetoed the "democratic wishes of Scots" since the 2014 referendum (which the independence campaign lost).

He told gathered supporters and activists: "The Alba Party believe that every single national election should be used to seek a mandate to begin negotiations for Independence.

"That means the election itself should provide the popular mandate for independence."

He went on to say "Scotland stands at a pivotal moment in its history", and that despite winning "two mandates at Holyrood and three Westminster elections, all with an independence majority", there has been "little or no action taken" towards it.

"We have the opportunity at this election to make our votes count for independence," he added.

Here are some of the key parts of the launch:

  • Pledged to mobilise supporters of Scottish independence;
  • Fight to save the Grangemouth refinery from closure;
  • Increase staffing in the NHS;
  • Protect women's rights;
  • Provide an annual £500 payment to households receiving a council tax reduction;
  • Increasing the Scottish Child Payment from £26.70 to £40 per week.

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mortality rate essay

A Look at My Mortality and the Meaning of My Life Essay

  • To find inspiration for your paper and overcome writer’s block
  • As a source of information (ensure proper referencing)
  • As a template for you assignment


Mortality and meaning of life.

The meaning of life and mortality is a question that remains a puzzle to many even today. Different philosophers and psychology experts have thrown their hands in the issue but they emerge without a conclusive answer why we are alive (Bryock, 1998). The biggest question is why we are in the universe and some answers have been given. Different people give different reasons for being alive.

Some of the answers for the purpose and meaning of life are to take care of the universe, to serve God, to make people conform to religion, to help each other, to be useful and honorable, to make things out of nothing, to bring forth something that nobody else would have created among other answers.

The significance of life and the general purpose for existence is expressed through various questions such as “why are we alive?”, “what is the meaning of life?”, “what is life about?” Throughout history, people have attempted to answer these questions from philosophical, theological and psychological points of views.

The scientific answers to the questions answer the “how?” part of the questions rather than addressing the “why?” part hence it leaves us more confused that before. The psychological and the philosophical answers are thus more reliable than the scientific ones, though they contradict in themselves (Kubler-Ross, 1973).

There are various perspectives that attempt to explain the meaning of life and mortality. Most of these perspectives were developed by Greek philosophers like Aristotle, Plato, Epicurus and other famous philosophers. The perspectives were named after the philosophers who developed the perspectives. Platonism is about the theory of forms and it states that universal exists as ghosts and not in physical form.

According to this perspective, the purpose of life is to attain knowledge that will help us to achieve good, from which all good things come from. Aristotelianism on the other hand proposed that the meaning of life can be understood by viewing life as a series of goals that must be achieved. Other perspectives include cynicism, Cyrenaicism and Stoicism among other perspectives (Marcellino, 1996).

Philosophers agree that the meaning of the meaning of life is vague and lacks clarity.

The question increases confusion rather than bringing people to light about the issue. The most important thing to know is whether there is purpose for life, whether it is worth living and whether there is any other reason to live apart from the personal interests and circumstances in life.

One can search for the meaning of life by looking at his values, beliefs, reasons and purposes derived from external points of view (Dick, 1996). One can also limit himself or herself to the desires and goals that are dictated by the community.

Death is a relevant issue in somebody’s life since it marks the end of life. Philosophers have argued about the importance of mortality to give life a meaning.

They argue that if the fact that we will all die makes life lose meaning, then what would the assumption that we will live forever make on the meaning of life? Will it make the situation any better or worse? It is clear that the understanding that an individual will die at some point reduces his or her happiness. On the other hand, if one had to live forever, life would be full of boredom and lose meaning (Hamilton, 1964).

Before looking at the meaning of life, it will do some good to try to understand the meaning of ‘meaning of life’. It is universally agreed that some periods in life are more meaningful than others and that some lives are more purposeful than others. This is hard to accept given that human beings have equal moral standings.

Meaning of life is therefore evaluated as the function of the exercise of the view that people have some intrinsic value within themselves brought about by the choices they make in life.

There is no consensus on the meaning of meaning of life. To me, the meaning of the phrase ‘meaning of life’ is not precise and I take it as any analysis that gives life some concept (Christopher, 2005).

To me, the meaning of life can be approached from the soul-centered point of view. I belief that there is a spiritual form that controls my body when am alive as well as when I will die.

I believe that a person without a soul or a person who relates his or her soul to the wrong way is doomed to lose the meaning of life. For life to be meaningful there must be a reason for everything we do. Everything we do should be aimed at making a permanent change in the universe; otherwise, it will not be worth doing (Bostrom, 2003).

Another meaning of life based on the soul-centered views is that existence of a soul is crucial for justice which gives life meaning. Life would not have meaning if the wicked seem to do better in life than the upright. I am alive or no apparent reason unless I invent one reason for being alive (Chardin, 1965).

The universe is made up of many things, which include the solar system, and other things. Among all those things, it is hard to define the importance of human life in the universe. Albert Einstein observed that “human beings are part of a whole, which is they are a part that is; they are part of the universe that is limited in time and space” (Stewart, 2001, p.43).

According to him, the human life of an individual is something distinct from the rest of the universe and it is a kind of illusion defined by ones’ consciousness. According to Albert, the meaning of life is working towards attaining omnipotence and omnipresence in life. The main reason for existence of the universe is to make us realize our goal in life.

When we were brought into this world, we did not have anything and when we die, we will not leave with anything. Is there need thus to acquire material possession? The only possession that we will take with us when we die is consciousness, which we will have achieved in life (Ruse, 1996).

When we were born, we were very ignorant but we achieve self- activation and consciousness in the course of life. It is therefore imperative that the only goal in life should be to acquire consciousness. The others should be secondary goals which are supposed to sustain one in life. I am alive therefore to acquire consciousness (Lewis, 2001).

Most people believe that their persona in their ‘self’. These people thus live in order to satisfy their personal desires and they believe that because you only live once, you should ensure that you acquire and accomplish all you can before you die. This approach is wrong because it does not make one to develop his or her consciousness.

These people lose focus in life and they become worn out because the progress is usually slow. It is good to appreciate the fact that each individual has a unique character and each has a unique set of experiences (Rudolph, 1981).

Life can be viewed as a series of scenarios and situations, which contribute to growth in our consciousness. According to this argument, life does not have a meaning and it is upon us to give it a meaning. And to give life a meaning, we have to take advantage of various scenarios and situations and ensure that we achieve the highest level of development in our consciousness.

We should not waste opportunities or waste out time with activities that do not contribute to development of our consciousness.

We should also avoid the emotionality of life because ‘now’ counts much than the past in our lives. Life itself is cyclic in nature and it involves a repetition of situations and experiences. The human beings are slow learners and they fail to take advantage of the repetition of situations in order to improve their consciousness.

This argument puts an eye opener to the meaning of life, and that life is aimed at achieving omniscience, omnipotence and liberation of the human beings. We all have the same goal in life and the paths we use are all the same, none are better than the others (Chardin, 1965).

First and foremost, I have to admit that the existence of mortality gives life meaning. Without mortality, life would be meaningless. Also, I have to admit from the outset that there is a supreme being why can be described as the mover of the universe. Another thing I will have to admit is that I believe there is a purpose for life even if the purpose is not inscribed in the divine plan.

After these admissions, I can thus explore the meaning of life and mortality to me. There are some challenges in understanding the meaning of life and that is why I will rely heavily on arguments by previous philosophers and psychologists.

According to me, life and mortality is meaningful when one dies after some time and at the time of death, manages to have contributed to the divine plan. I am not religious but I believe there is a supreme being who is behind the universe.

If one dies and his or her contributions to the higher scheme are not realized because the world comes to an end, then life does not have a meaning (Rudolph, 1981). This is because all will have come to nothing and it will not matter whether the person existed or not.

I think that life is simply LIFE, meaning that life is simply IS. Life itself is an event or a series of events, a process and not a definite thing.

It can be viewed as an arrangement in the universe that is different from what is not life. This means that we can know something that is in life-form and easily differentiate it from something else that is not in life-form. In life, there is evolution and reproduction which has brought forth me (Marcellino, 1986).

Drawing heavily from philosophers and psychologists in the past, I can say that I am alive because I evolved. The famous English Naturalist Charles Darwin answered the meaning of life in a simple sentence that we evolved and that is why we are alive (Stewart, 2001).

However, this argument does not provide the meaning and purpose of life to me. It simply tells me where I came from and not the reason why I am alive. I can answer the meaning of life to me based heavily on teleological explanations. These explanations are based on the purposes and future consequences of our actions. They say that we use the limbs and body parts that have been provided to us to propagate life.

However, Charles Darwin ruled out the explanation that we are alive to propagate genes and life in general. The future biological design is beyond our ability and we can do less to contribute to it. The teleological explanations for the meaning of life therefore lose the meaning and make us to look for alternative meaning of life. Although we have our own small purposes in life, we are not in the universe for any purpose.

I can however say that the conclusion that life is meaningless is a philosophical conclusion and it is very abstract in nature. The view that an individual’s own life is meaningless is a symptom of depression. Therefore, I view life as a joke without a joke teller, a strange kind of feeling and amusing in nature (Stewart, 2001).

The conclusion that life is meaningless can however be beaten by the argument that even if life does not have a meaning, we can give life meaning ourselves. We are thus free to choose the meaning of life from within ourselves, which is better than accepting externally imposed meanings of life.

The meaning of life that we choose for ourselves will leave us more liberated and in a good position to shape the way forward for our lives. An external meaning of life dictated by the universe would leave us cold and plain. I am therefore happy that life does not have a meaning, because I am free to come up with my own meaning of life and this will leave me more liberated (Kubler-Ross, 1973).

Life is in multiple forms but it is finite in any of its forms. I can then define my life as a wave in the deep sea, where the water is my body and the wave is some energy flowing in my body.

Without the energy in my body (water), there is no life (wave). Some energy lifts water up in the form of a wave which remains for some time and then subsidizes when the energy is withdrawn. According to me, this is the true explanation of life (Hamilton, 1964).

My body is meaningless unless it contains some energy from some source which is divine. This force drives us without a specific direction and is then withdrawn, at which point we die. After the wave subsidizes, the water just settles down and the energy moves on. Likewise in our lives, when we die, our bodies lie helpless and the energy that was driving us moves forward.

So I conclude this idea that human life is a combination of energy and the body that lasts for some time, and once the energy is withdrawn, then end o life (mortality) comes in. the energy moves on after the death of a person (Hamilton, 1964).

Therefore, life simply IS. I have discovered this through wide reading of philosophical and psychological works, listening to my ego, being rational and trusting my silence. People might think that I am too reductive and that I am not open to the wonders of God. However, they should understand that this is my feeling towards life and it feels right to me. I believe that life IS and not MEANS and this is intuitive and it leaves me liberated.

Every day in life, you must understand that life itself IS and does not have a meaning. It is upon us to give life a meaning. We have to draw meanings from the universe by making sense out of our surroundings (Dick, 1996). To me, there are a lot of meanings from my surroundings such as the trees, wonderful people and other things.

I have a feeling of association with other people who we are alive with, thus I don’t have the feeling of isolation and I don’t feel abandoned. In fact, I feel liberated and embraced because I am surrounded by many things which give life meaning in their own little ways. There are meanings in life but life itself does not have a meaning. Life simply is.

Mortality is very important in providing the meaning of life. To illustrate this, let us remember the prophesy that the world would come to an end on May 21 st , 2011. These prophesy made people to lose meaning of life and most of them gave up everything. It is evident that doomsdays prophesy leaves people doomed and makes people lose the meaning of life.

This brings an important twist in the question of mortality. If people know very well they will die one day, why then do they lose the meaning of life when they know the exact time they will die? It is evident that the precariousness of death and its unpredictability helps to give life itself some meaning (Lewis, 2001).

Even the philosophers who were known for questioning everything have now come to a conclusion that death is very important to give life meaning. Most philosophers regarded death as an evil but his view has changed. I am glad that one day I will die since an unending life would be meaningless. Life without an end would be cold, full of indifference and a lot of boredom.

I have noted earlier in this discussion that life is a repetition of situations and scenarios. An unending life would therefore be devoid of joy and freshness since it will be revolving about the same situations and scenarios (Christopher, 2005).

Any discussions on the meaning of life are approached as a way of finding the place and role of human beings in the universe. This usually gives rise to the subjective and objective meaning of life. We should not restrict the accounts of meaning of life to purely subjective or objective arguments.

Life is given meaning by subjective points and circumstances that are judged from external forces. Whatever life means to an individual has a strong influence on the personality and life of that person (Ruse, 1996). A person who understands the meaning of life well is more successful than the one who does not. The biggest challenge is then how to discover the meaning of life.

Attempting to answer the question ‘what is the meaning of life?’ is hard. The better question would be ‘what is life? Or why are we in the universe?’ this can give rise to various answers depending on ones religious beliefs and background. Attempting to answer these questions gives us undue pressure and it leaves us with discontentment and more questions about life.

However, according to me, the life can be viewed as ‘being’ and not a ‘what’. This means that the big question about the meaning of life could be rewritten as ‘what in life means for you?’ (Chardin, 1965).

We were born, we live, and we die. This is the clinical point of view of looking at life. This is however more soul searching that philosophical and psychological. To understand the meaning of life, one has to look at the surroundings and view the sunrise, sunset, waxing, and growth of new trees, death of trees and other processes.

These are things that give life itself some meaning. To cap it all, life is given meaning by death, or mortality (Bryock, 1998). This is because death puts things in order and in perspective, gives us focus and limits us on time frames of life. Another meaning of life could be death.

Bostrom, N. (2003). Are you living in a simulation? Philosophical Quarterly, 53, 243-255.

Bryock, I. (1998). Dying well: Peace and possibilities at the end of life . New York, NY: Riverhead Books.

Chardin, D. (1965). The phenomenon of man. New York, NY: Harper and Row.

Christopher, G. (2005). Philosophers explore the matrix. The meaning of life is nothing . Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Dick, S. (1996). The biological universe: the twentieth century extraterrestrial life debate and the limits of science . New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.

Hamilton, W. (1964). The genetically evolution of social behavior. Journal of Theoretical Biology , 7, 1-52.

Kubler-Ross, E. (1973). On Death and dying . London: Routledge.

Lewis, C. S. (2001). A grief observed . San Francisco, SF: Harper San Francisco.

Marcellino, D. (1996). why are we here? The scientific answer to this age-old question (that you don’t need to be a scientist to understand) .London: Lighthouse Publishers.

Rudolph, W. (1981). Has the question about the meaning of life any meaning? New York, NY: Prentice Hall.

Ruse, M. (1996). Monad to man . Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Stewart, J. (2001). Meaning of life. The evolution, complexity and cognition research group . Brussels: The Free University of Brussels.

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IvyPanda. (2018, June 6). A Look at My Mortality and the Meaning of My Life.

"A Look at My Mortality and the Meaning of My Life." IvyPanda , 6 June 2018,

IvyPanda . (2018) 'A Look at My Mortality and the Meaning of My Life'. 6 June.

IvyPanda . 2018. "A Look at My Mortality and the Meaning of My Life." June 6, 2018.

1. IvyPanda . "A Look at My Mortality and the Meaning of My Life." June 6, 2018.


IvyPanda . "A Look at My Mortality and the Meaning of My Life." June 6, 2018.


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